TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, May 23d, 1778.
Gentlemen,
In consequence of your despatches by my colleague, Mr Adams, I lost no moment to press the renewal of the order for the supplying you with such stores as you want, and as that country affords, from the Court of Spain. I have the satisfaction to inform you that such orders are given, and I am assured will be carried into execution as speedily as possible.
We mean to apply for the loan desired to the monied men of Holland, and in my particular department, I shall endeavor to take the favorable opportunity of the arrival of the flotilla to urge the same in Spain.
War is not begun in Germany or Great Britain; but it seems to be inevitable.
I have sent orders to all the ports in France and Spain to communicate the account of the sailing of a fleet of thirteen ships from England against America, to all the captains who sail for the United States or the French islands. This I conceived would be the most certain means of communicating the alarm, and preventing surprise.
The ministry here are also to convey a letter from us, by every opportunity, to the same purpose.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, June 1st, 1778.
Gentlemen,
The hurry in which the last despatches went away, prevented me from being so particular about them as I wished. Nos. 7, 8 and 9 were omitted, being newspapers, and too voluminous for the conveyance. M. Monthieu’s papers were sent to show you the demands that are made upon us, and the grounds of them. You will see that they are accounts, which Mr Deane ought to have settled. It is this sort of neglect, and a studied confusion, that have prevented Mr Adams and myself, after a tedious examination of the papers left with Dr Franklin, from getting any satisfaction as to the expenditure of the public money. All that we can find is, that millions have been expended, and almost everything remains to be paid for. Bargains have been made of the most extravagant kind with this Mr Monthieu and others. For example, the uniforms that are agreed for at thirtyseven livres might have been had here for thirtytwo livres each, and equally good, which, being five livres in every suit too much, comes to a large sum upon thousands.
Of the 100,000 livres advanced to Mr Hodge, there appears no account. I have been told that Cunningham’s vessel cost but three thousand pounds sterling; for what purpose the overplus was given to Mr Hodge, how the public came to pay for her refitting, and at length the vessel and her prize money made over to Mr Ross and Mr Hodge, without a farthing being brought to public account, it rests with Mr Deane or Mr Hodge to explain. I have enclosed you all the receipts found among those papers, the sending of which has been neglected. Of the triplicates and duplicates an original is sent, and copies of those that are single. You will see that my name is not to the contracts. In fact they were concealed from me with the utmost care, as was every other means of my knowing how these affairs were conducted; and as both my colleagues concurred in this concealment, and in refusing my repeated requests tomake up accounts and transmit them to Congress, it was not in my power to know with accuracy, much less to prevent, this system of profusion. I was told that Mr Williams, to whom I knew the public money was largely intrusted, was to furnish his accounts monthly, but they were never shown me, and it now appears, that for the expenditure of a million of livres he has given no account as yet, nor can we learn how far what he has shipped is on the public, how far on private account. We are in the same situation with regard to Mr Ross. This indulgence to Mr Williams,[34]and favoring M. Chaumont, a particular friend of Dr Franklin, is the only reason I can conceive for the latter having countenanced and concurred in all this system. You will see a specimen of the manner of it in the enclosed copy of a letter from Dr Franklin to his nephew, which the latter sent me as an authority for his doing what thecommercial agent conceived to be encroaching on his province. I have done my utmost to discharge my duty to the public, in preventing the progress of this disorder and dissipation in the conduct of its affairs. If it should be found that my colleagues have done the same, I shall most cordially forgive them the offence and injury so repeatedly offered me in the manner of it. I do not wish to accuse them, but excuse myself; and I should have felt as much happiness in preventing, as I have regret in complaining of this abuse.[35]
The appearance of things between this country and Great Britain, and the Emperor and the King of Prussia, has been so long hostile, without an open rupture, that it is not easy to say when either war will begin. The King of Prussia has found it so necessary to cultivate the aid of Hanover, Hesse, Brunswick, &c. that he has declined receiving your deputy, or following the example of France as he promised. It remains therefore to try the Empress, who, independent of the present crisis, was much less inclined to our cause. It seems to be the settled system of northern politics, that if a war should happen, the Empress of Russia will assist the King of Prussia, as far as the Porte will permit her.
In this country, the appointment of Marechal de Broglio commander of the army on the sea coast, and the Duc de Chartres, son to the Duc d’Orleans and Prince of the blood, going on board the fleet at Brest, announce designs of some dignity and magnitude.
I am of opinion, with our colleague Mr Adams, that it would be better for the public, that the appointment of your public ministers werefixed, instead of being left at large, and their expenses indefinite. From experience I find the expense of living in that character cannot well be less than three thousand pounds sterling a year, which I believe too is as little as is allowed to any public minister above the rank of a consul. If left at liberty, I conceive that most persons will exceed this sum. Neither do I perceive any adequate advantage to be expected from having more than one person at each Court. When things take a more settled form, there will be little need of that check, which is the chief utility of it at present.
The mixing powers too, and vesting them in several persons at the same time, give ground for disputes, which are disgraceful as well as detrimental to the public. This has been much experienced in the case of the commercial agents, and the agent of the Commissioners, who have been clashing and contesting till the public business was almost entirely at a stand. For the present, however, we have settled this matter, by directing all commercial business to be put into the hands of those appointed by the commercial agent, till the pleasure of Congress is known.
Two more ships have been lately sent to Newfoundland, and two to the Mediterranean, which, with thirteen detached under Admiral Byron to reinforce Lord Howe, leave seventeen of the line and eight frigates for Admiral Keppel, and these very ill manned. I have exceeding good information, that their plan of operations for America is as follows.
General Howe is to evacuate Philadelphia, sending five thousand of his troops and two ships of war to Quebec; the rest of the troops with the fleet are to return to Halifax, where the latter being joined by Admiral Byron will, it is presumed, maintain a superiority in those seas over the allied fleet.
I wrote you before, that the lowest estimate given to the English Ministry for the defence of Canada was eight thousand men, and that their actual force there was about four thousand; the five thousand added will, in their opinion, be sufficient, with their superiority at sea, for its protection. I cannot learn that any but some German recruits are to be sent out this year, and from the situation of things they are more likely to recall a great part of their troops, than to reinforce them.
Our friends in Spain have promised to remit me 150,000 livres more, which I shall continue to vest in supplies that may be useful to you.
I hope, in consequence of what I formerly wrote, to have the express order of Congress relative to the line they would choose to fix between the territories of the United States, and those of the crown of Spain. The privileges to be enjoyed by the subjects of the United States, settling for the purposes of commerce, and the regulation of port duties, remain yet to be settled in both nations. But I foresee that if they are left unregulated, they will be the source of complaints and disagreements.
The flotilla is not yet in port, which retards the operations in Europe. I could have wished that the great object of having a superior naval force in America, had not been left to the uncertain issue on which it was placed by other advice than mine. Had the Brest and Toulon fleets, which were equally ready, been ordered to sail at the same time, that which met immediately with favorable winds to go on, and the other to return, one of them would probably have been upon your coast before this time, that is, before the English fleet could possibly have sailed to reinforce and save Lord Howe; and as having a superior forcein America was the great object, together with that of taking the Howes by surprise, they should have made as sure of this aim as possible. And indeed, had it been executed with address, the war would have been ended.
M. Penet has proposed to me the collecting and carrying over a number of workmen to establish a foundery of cannon, and a manufactory of small arms. It is to be at his expense, under the protection of Congress. As this seems to me much more likely to answer your purposes than our sending them, I have ventured to give him my opinion, that it will be acceptable to Congress. We have found such a universal disposition here to deceive us in their recommendations, that it is ten to one, if workmen chosen by us in such a circumstance were skilful.
The disposition in Holland seems to be favorable to us, but I apprehend it is not warm enough to produce any decided proof of it, till they see Great Britain more enfeebled. M. Dumas has published a Memoir I sent him on the subject, which he thinks will have some effect.
With my humble duty to Congress, I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO M. DUMAS.
Chaillot, June 4th, 1778.
Dear Sir,
It gave me great pleasure to receive the key to the treasure you sent us before in Dutch, my unacquaintance with which having prevented me from knowing how much I was obliged to you, for the improvement made in the little essay I had the honor of sending to you.Felix faustumque sit.May it open the eyes of your people to their own interests,before a universal bankruptcy in England, and a compelled frugality in America, have deprived them of the golden opportunity of extricating themselves from bad debtors, and connecting themselves with good ones.
So fair an opportunity of sharing in the most valuable commerce on the globe, will never again present itself; and, indeed, they are greatly obliged to the noble and disinterested principles of the Court of France, which prevented this country from attempting to possess itself of the monopoly, which Great Britain had forfeited. In truth, they were great and wise principles, and the connexion formed upon them will be durable. France, and the rest of Europe, can never pay too large a tribute of praise to the wisdom of The Most Christian King, and his Ministers, in this transaction.
You are happy in having the esteem and counsel of the Grand Facteur, who seems to have equal good sense and good intentions. Our enemies seem embarrassed in their operations. As far as we can learn, their fleet has not yet sailed for America to save the Howes from the fate that hangs over them. We have no intelligence on which we can rely.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, June 9th, 1778.
Gentlemen,
My last of the 1st, informed you of Admiral Byron, with thirteen sail, being ordered against you, of which we sent notice by every way most likely to warn the States of their danger.
We have now certain advice, that this fleet having put into Plymouth is there stopped, their remaining fleet being found too weak to protect them at home. I enclose you a late account of their force and the disposal of it; and nothing seems more certain, than that the naval and land force now employed against you will be diminished, not augmented. However, I have now settled such means of intelligence, that you will be apprized if any alteration should happen.
All our intelligence announces the utmost confusion in Great Britain and Ireland; such as will infallibly find them employment at home, independent of France and Spain. Their councils are so fluctuating in consequence of the variety of their distress, that advices of them cannot be given with certainty; that is, without being frequently subject to appear premature.
The British Ministry have agreed to an exchange of prisoners with us, by which we shall immediately release upwards of 200.
War is not commenced in Germany, but is talked of as inevitable. The deputy of Congress for Vienna is at his destination to feel the disposition of that Court. But I understand, that their attention is so engaged with the approaching war, that other propositions proceed slowly. As the King of Prussia contends against the Empress and the House of Austria, in maintenance of the treaty of Westphalia, which is the great bulwark of German rights, it is therefore necessary, that he should league himself with the German Princes, among whom the King of Great Britain, as elector of Hanover, bears so much sway, that he could not hazard the turning his influence against him by entering into an alliance with us. To cultivate and encourage the favorable dispositiontowards us in Holland, we have sent them the treaty concluded here, and we shall follow it by proposals for a loan, as soon as Dr Franklin (to whom the digesting of the plan, and having the proposed bills printed, is left) has prepared the business for execution.
Mr Williams has at length given in his accounts, from which it appears, that upwards of forty thousand suits of the soldiers’ clothes ordered, and twenty thousand fusils, have been sent from Nantes and Bordeaux; and the present exhausted state of our finances will not permit us to fulfil them further. The ships of war sent hither are an enormous expense to us; hardly any of them less than 100,000 livres, and things have been hitherto so managed, that their prizes produce us little or nothing. This seems to have arisen from the variety of agents employed, the confusion of their provinces, and the loose manner in which the public accounts have been kept. To remedy this, we have to simplify the business of expenditure, by directing the whole to be discharged by the two deputy commercial agents appointed by my brother, in the interval of his negotiation in Germany. By this we expect to avoid the infinite impositions arising from a connexion with a multiplicity of merchants, many of whom, supposing us to know no better, will endeavor to deceive us. They, as merchants, know how to check the others, and are themselves ultimately responsible to us.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Chaillot, June 14th, 1778.
Sir,
It was with great pleasure I heard the explanation, which your Excellency did me the honor to give me yesterday relative to the 12th article of the Commercial Treaty; that it was meant to comprehend only provisions, and not the whole of our exports to his Majesty’s Islands, and thatdenrées, the word employed, signifies eatables, not merchandise. It relieved the apprehensions I had entertained, that the having set in that article the whole of our produce against one of your productions would seem unequal, would therefore give uneasiness in Congress, and prevent that unanimity in their approbation of the treaty, which the wise and liberal principles on which it is planned deserve; and which I most sincerely wished it might receive.
Upon referring, however, to the words of the treaty, I find they aredenrées et marchandise, so that the words appear, by I know not what accident, to have been different from, and to mean more than you intended. I lament extremely that nothing of this explanation passed in our conference and correspondence with M. Gerard on this and the preceding article. Yet I am not without hope, that Congress will rather trust to the equity of your Court for reducing the article to its intended equality, than gratify our enemies by an appearance of dissension in ratifying the treaties.
Reciprocity and equality being the principles of the treaties, and duration the object, your Excellency will, in my judgment, have an opportunity of strengthening the confidence and ties between us, by offering to remove words of a latitude not intended, and of an inequality, which must be seen and create dissatisfaction.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
COUNT DE VERGENNES TO ARTHUR LEE.
Translation.
Versailles, June 15th, 1778.
Sir,
I received with pleasure the letter you did me the honor of writing to me yesterday. We shall not be long probably before we receive news from your constituents, and their judgment of the act which you signed here in conjunction with your colleagues. Should they demand any eclaircissements, we shall not refuse to make them. You know our principles, and I think we have given proofs of our disinterestedness.
I see with pleasure, Sir, that you are satisfied with the proofs of the Prince de Montbaray’s zeal in procuring you the articles you requested from him.[36]You will always find us disposed to do everything, that may concern the welfare of the United States of America.
I have the honor to be, &c.
DE VERGENNES.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, June 15th, 1778.
Gentlemen,
I find I was mistaken in saying in my last, of the 9th, that twenty thousand fusils had been shipped from Nantes and Bordeaux; upwards of ten thousand remain unshipped, at Nantes. Upon the strength of thepromised remittance from our friends in Spain, and near one hundred thousand remaining in my hands, I have desired the Gardoquis to continue shipping blankets and strong shoes from Bilboa; twenty thousand livres worth of drugs, and salt to be shipped by Mr Cathatan of Marseilles; a thousand suits of soldiers’ clothes from Bordeaux, by Mr Bonfield; and six hundred fusils, of the Prussian make, from Berlin, that you may judge on arming a corps with them whether they are preferable to others.
My brother writes me from Vienna in a late letter, that Colonel Faucit is using the utmost endeavors to raise German recruits; but from the present state of things, I do not imagine he can succeed; and the North, that is Russia and Denmark, are not likely to give our enemies any assistance. As far as I can judge, their efforts against us, except a sort of piratical war, are exhausted. The same ministry continues. The House of Bourbon is certainly united against them. They have the same imbecility of council. Their enemies increase in proportion to the diminution of their means. The decay of their commerce, the distress of their people, the rapacity of their public officers, and the load of their debt and taxes, promise soon to bring upon them the most deplorable distress, and prevent them from being any longer a formidable enemy.
The flotilla is not yet arrived. The enclosed copies of Captain Jones’ letters, and one[37]from the majority of his crew, make me apprehend, that the Ranger will share the fate of the Revenge. We have done all in our power to bring him and his officers into order, but hitherto in vain.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, July 1st, 1778.
Gentlemen,
I enclose you some extracts, by which you will see, that war is not yet declared, though on all hands it appears to be fast approaching.
The Spanish flotilla is not yet arrived, nor their fleet from South America. Since my last, a French frigate of twentysix guns was attacked by an English frigate of twentyeight, off Brest, and after an obstinate engagement the latter made off, and soon after sunk! This has given great spirits to the French marine and nation, and is more especially fortunate, as the English were the aggressors. Admiral Keppel is before Brest, with twentythree sail of the line, where I believe he will not remain long unattacked. Permission is given to French subjects to fit out privateers; and orders are sent to all the ports to prepare our prizes to be sold. From London, the Ministry have offered us an exchange of prisoners, which we are taking the necessary measures to embrace.
By some unaccountable neglect the person, to whom Dr Franklin committed the printing of the bills resolved on for the loan, has not furnished them, so that nothing further is yet done in that business. But I hope you will soon have news of its further progress, and that some event will happen to furnish us with a very favorable moment for its execution.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
Mr Lee presents his respects to his Excellency Count d’Aranda, and begs he will have the goodness to forward the packet, addressed to Count de Florida Blanca, which he has the honor of enclosing him, and which is on business of the last importance, by the first opportunity to his Court.
TO COUNT DE FLORIDA BLANCA.
Paris, July 18th, 1778.
Sir,
I have the honor of transmitting to your Excellency the enclosed resolutions of Congress,[38]with my most earnest prayer, that they may be laid immediately before the King. Nothing but the uncommon exigency of the present war, attended with such peculiar circumstances with regard to the UnitedStates, would prevail upon them to press so much upon his Majesty’s goodness. That necessity must also plead my pardon for entreating your Excellency to let me have as early an answer as possible. As the United States have the highest confidence in the friendship of the King, they promise themselves that his goodness will afford this loan as a relief to their most urgent distresses. With regard to the interest for the quantum of that, they refer themselves to his Majesty’s justice. Five per cent is the legal interest with them, but I am authorised to give six, if his Majesty should desire it.
This interest will be most punctually paid; and they will neglect no means of liquidating the principle, if desired, sooner than the stipulated time, which will be easily accomplished, when peace or some other employment of the enemy’s navy than that of preying upon their trade will permit the export of their produce to European markets.
Your Excellency will perceive, that this loan is appropriated to sinking the paper money, which necessity obliged Congress to issue. An infant and unprepared people, compelled to defend themselves against an old, opulent, powerful, and well appointed nation, were driven to this resource of issuing paper. They were to create armies and navies, to fortify towns, erect forts, defend rivers, and establish governments, besides the immense expense of maintaining a war, that pressed them powerfully on all sides. For these purposes they had neither funds established, taxes imposed, specie in their country, nor commerce to introduce it. In this exigency paper money was their only resource, and not having been able hitherto for the same reasons to redeem it, the depreciation, which necessarily followed, threatens the total destruction of their credit, and consequently their only means of maintaining their independence.
In this distress their hope is fixed upon his Majesty, and I most earnestly beseech your Excellency so to represent our situation to the King, as may move his royal benevolence to furnish the relief, which will raise an everlasting tribute of gratitude in the minds of the people of the United States.
I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, your Excellency’s most obedient, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, July 29th, 1778.
Gentlemen,
I enclose you a duplicate of the news of an engagement between the fleets of France and England. The particulars received since make the loss on board the French fleet very inconsiderable, and paint the behavior of the English to have been inexpert and dastardly. The repulsing them in the first engagement will probably lead to the defeating them in the next, for which purpose the fleet of our allies will go out in a few days.
The Empress and Emperor seem at length sensible of the impropriety of their conduct, and in consequence a truce for six weeks is agreed on, to give time for negotiation to prevent the effusion of blood.
The quadruplicate of the ratification reached us on the 3d in safety, as all the rest have done. The answer of Congress to the Commissioners was immediately sent to the ministers, and will, I am persuaded, give great satisfaction.
It has been forgotten, I believe, to mention both in our joint and particular letters, that we have attended to the plan proposed by the Committee of sending the frigates to cruise in the East Indies, and upon considering all things it seemed to us impracticable at present. Better order must be established in our marine, and the ships’ companies better sorted, before it will be safe to attempt enterprises at such a distance, and which require a certain extent of ideas in the Captain, and entire obedience in the crew.
The authority of Congress for omitting the 11th and 12th articles of the Commercial Treaty, which was omitted in the other despatches, came safe in the last, and will be presented immediately to the minister, who has already agreed to have them expunged.
I enclose you our letter, and Mr Hodge’s answer, concerning the money expended at Dunkirk, together with a particular account of what he has received from the public banker.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
JAMES GARDOQUI TO ARTHUR LEE.
Madrid, August 13th, 1778.
Dear Sir,
My last respects went to you under the 23d ult. and referring you to my sequels with regard to your desires of me in money matters, I must beg leave to inform you, that the proposal you have made for borrowing money through the hands of a nobleman at your place is received, and that your being served therewith would give your friends on this side areal pleasure, but I am sorry to tell you, that it is impossible for the present. You will please to observe and consider upon the immense charges occasioned within these two or three years, and that all is done merely on account of your present quarrel, as likewise that such formidable preparations have been and will still be of infinite service to the Americans; besides which, it is well known to yourself, and more so to your worthy constituents, that great succors have been sent forthwith through various channels, and that the same is continued to this day, and will be so in future as much as possible.
In short, it is not doubted but you will represent the whole to your constituents, looking upon all in its true light, and observing that if affairs should be accommodated to their satisfaction and that of this side, the means of succoring you would be facilitated.
I am, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
JAMES GARDOQUI.
JAMES GARDOQUI TO ARTHUR LEE.
Madrid, August 20th, 1778.
Dear Sir,
I confirm my last compliments to you under the 13th inst, wherein I observed how difficult it would be to borrow the two millions sterling here, under the present circumstances, more especially while the enormous charges and fitting out of vessels are carried on merely to protect your colonies, which are besides assisted with effective succors, and will be so in future as much as possible. Since my letter, I have maturely considered upon the matter, and it has occurred to me, that if your government means by it to take up all the paper that hasbeen laid out, perhaps the cession of Florida to Spain, (in case you could reduce it,) might at the conclusion of peace produce, if not the whole, at least a great part of the funds required.
You will no doubt consider, that I cannot penetrate the way of thinking of our Court in this and other entangled matters, but judging like a merchant, I think a negotiation of this kind might well take place, for I imagine it would be proper for both, that the frontier in question should not remain in future in the hands of enemies or suspicious powers. There is, besides, a further negotiation which might be added to the great benefit of your States and this Court, and that is, your providing this kingdom with good timber for the Spanish navy at commodious prices.
I hope, Sir, you will excuse my liberty in pointing out these hints, to which I am led by the honest principle of friendship, and by the wished for view that the interest of both countries may be united upon a sincere and lasting footing; therefore I hope you will weigh the same as you may think more convenient, observing that I suppose you will not propose it to our Court, before you know how the honorable Congress thinks upon both objects.
I am with unfeigned esteem, &c.
JAMES GARDOQUI.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, August 21st, 1778.
Gentlemen,
I wrote you on the 28th ult. of my having pressed for the loan directed by Congress. I have received an assurance through the Ambassador, that an answer will be given to my memorial as soon as possible.
I enclose you a memorial for the consideration of Congress, as we do not think ourselves authorised to act upon it without express orders. Could one be sure, that justice would be done to the public, it might be of advantage to adopt this scheme, for Congress must not trust to the success of a loan, which, for the following reasons, I apprehend will be found impracticable.
The war in Germany supervening on that between us and Great Britain, and the preparations for it by France and Spain, have raised and multiplied the demand for money, so as to give the holders of it their choice and their price. The Empress Queen has engrossed every shilling in the Netherlands. England has drawn large sums from the Hollanders, who cannot easily quit their former market. France is negotiating a loan of one hundred million livres, which will exhaust Geneva and Switzerland. The money holders regard the lending their money at such a distance, as Jacob did the sending Benjamin into Egypt, and it is time only will make them endure the thought of such a separation.
These are the difficulties which the circumstances of things oppose to our scheme of a loan, and render the aid of some other operation necessary for sinking the superabundant paper.
The Minister’s answer relative to M. Holker was, that he had no authority from this Court, but on this our joint letter I expect will be more full. I have determined to write to you once a month or oftener, as opportunity offers, and as we do not write so frequently, I am tempted to mention things which should properly come from all the Commissioners, as they relate to the joint commission.
From the necessity of the case we have ventured to administer the oath of allegiance to those who desire passports of us, but I hope Congress will authorise their Commissioners to do so where it is necessary.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO JAMES GARDOQUI.
Paris, August 27th, 1778.
Dear Sir,
I received yesterday your favor of the 13th. If I remember rightly what made me delay writing to you relative to the bills was my desire of informing you, at the same time, of their being accepted; and it was long before I could learn that myself, from the manner in which they were drawn. I am very sorry it did you any disservice.
I am neither unmindful of, nor ungrateful for, the support we have received from your quarter. The inevitable necessity, which compelled an application for more, gave me great uneasiness. I was sensible the sum desired was very considerable. But so are our wants. It is our misfortune, not our fault, that we are obliged thus to trouble and distress our friends. I trust they will consider it in that light. There is nothing more precarious and immeasureable than what influences public credit. The sum sought would have enabled Congress to call in such a quantity of the paper emitted, as must establish the credit and value of the rest in defiance of all the efforts of our enemies. And I think that if our friends could lend us even as much as would constitute a fund here, on which Congress might draw, so as to call in at once one or two million dollars, it would greatly raise the value of the rest. This would require about eight or ten million livres.When it is seen that the redemption is begun, hopes and expectations will be raised, and credit grow upon them. But emitting more, without redeeming any, makes people think that no redemption is intended, and consequently produces doubts and discredit.
It is long ago that I foresaw, and I had the honor of stating it at Burgos, the necessity of providing for the support of our funds, or rather funds themselves, by the assistance of our friends in Europe. I will venture to say, that one million sterling, furnished in this manner, would have been a more effectual aid than all the preparations that have or can be made, unless they go to actual hostilities. Have these preparations prevented twelve ships of the line from being sent on our coasts to augment enormously that naval force, which was already sufficient to stop our commerce and prevent us from sending our produce to procure funds in Europe? When we argue against facts we deceive ourselves. The fact then is, that these preparations, however formidable, have had so little effect, that though our enemies were hardly a match for France alone at sea, they ventured, in the face of those preparations, to despatch a powerful fleet against us. Some how or other they did not believe those preparations were meant against them. Have they been deceived in the event? Has their temerity been chastised as it deserved? Has the fleet of Spain joined that of France to crush at one blow their divided naval power? I do not mean to question the goodness of the reasons for this; I mean only to state the fact. I mean to show too that it is not extraordinary, that we should desire other aid than that which, however well intended, does not effectually operate to the relief intended. It is our necessity, notour choice, that speaks. To make a diversion in our favor was benevolent, to send us clothing for troops and naval stores was generous and friendly, but if that diversion has not hindered our commerce from being obstructed by powerful fleets, if the utter discredit of our money for want of funds prevents soldiers, sailors, and others from engaging in our service, and exposes our country to the cruel depredations and devastations of an enraged enemy, can our friends think hardly of us, if we press them for that assistance which only can relieve our distress?
There is a passage in your letter, which, as I suppose it was not inadvertently inserted, I will give my opinion upon fully. It is “that if affairs should be accommodated to your and our satisfaction, the means of succoring us would be facilitated.” There is nothing we wish more than such an accommodation, consistent with our engagements and our future security. I can assure you, that no people are more averse to war than those of the United States. Were peace once established upon wise principles, leaving us such neighbors as the Spaniards, whose fair and unencroaching dispositions would prevent any attempts to disturb us, I do not see any reason to suppose we should ever be engaged in a foreign war. A war of ambition I am sure we shall never have. No people were ever more sensible of the value of peace, or more disposed to enjoy themselves and let others enjoy in tranquillity the fruits of their labor.
We are a young people, and have had fourteen civil governments to settle during the heat and pressure of a violent war, accompanied with every possible circumstance, that could augment the expense and difficulty usually attending a state of warfare. It is in this moment of distress, that our real friends will show themselves in enabling usto prevent those calamities, which, though they cannot subdue, will yet injure us infinitely. Our industry, were peace and commerce once established, would soon enable us to repay them, and they would be sure of a gratitude more lively and lasting.
Be so good as to assure our friends, that I have not omitted, nor shall I omit the smallest circumstance of their friendship and generosity, which has passed through me. I hope for a speedy and favorable answer to transmit to my constituents.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, August 31st, 1778.
Gentlemen,
It has been hinted to me, that there will be two important subjects of negotiation with the Spanish Court, upon which I beg to have the orders of Congress.
1st. Providing the Spanish navy with masts at a stipulated and as reasonable a price as possible.
2d. The cession of Florida, should it be conquered, to them.
For this they would stipulate, whenever peace is concluded, to furnish the funds for redeeming all, or a great part of the paper.
I cannot presume to proceed at all on these propositions without express instructions. In the meantime, whatever further lights I can obtain shall be communicated immediately.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO JAMES GARDOQUI.
Paris, September 1st, 1778.
Dear Sir,
I received your favor of the 20th ult. last night, and will trouble you in addition to what I wrote on the 27th. It depends on your side to begin a treaty, of which, what you mention must be a part. I have already signified my powers and my readiness to do my part, without receiving any answer. My powers by commission are full, and the ratification confirms them specially. Neither my constituents nor myself will be found unwilling to make every reasonable return for any aid given us. There are no neighbors we could prefer to you.
By the last accounts from America, the British army and fleet, after a bloody battle in the Jerseys, were blocked up in New York by General Washington and Count d’Estaing.
It is not improbable they may be forced to surrender before they are released.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.