THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON.

THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON.Thelife of the Duke of Wellington forms, for England, a sort of epitome of the glorious career of the Tory party. The venerable chief of the British armies is not only endowed with extraordinary abilities in military operations, he also possesses a cool head in politics, and a wise and pre-eminently moderate mind. Few publications have produced so deep and lively an impression as the "Despatches of the Duke of Wellington, during the various Periods of his Military Command, from India to Waterloo." It changed and modified all party opinions concerning his character; Whigs and Tories were equally struck with the forethought of his measures and the temperate current of his ideas, both in the most difficult and the most varied situations, while in power as well as during the time of war.In France, opinions do not progress so fast, and people are still full of prejudices concerning the talents and character of this great man. The remains of the Buonaparte faction still affect us, and disfigure history. His power of organisation and his restoration of the elements of society, are not the qualities for which Napoleon's genius is considered especially worthy of admiration, butpeople want to prove impossibilities, even to the detriment of his fame; and the Duke of Wellington is sacrificed to the resentments inspired by the battle of Waterloo. We have been distinguished enough on the field of battle, and our country has produced names sufficiently known to fame not to make it necessary for us to sacrifice upon the tomb of Napoleon all the rival reputations which opposed obstacles to his career. The careful perusal of the Duke of Wellington's Despatches first caused me to rectify my ideas concerning the man who has both filled the first military place in his native land, and has also been, in the present times, at the head of a powerful and organising party in the affairs of government.When you study with attention the splendid English engravings that represent the misfortunes and downfall of Tippoo Saib, surrounded by his mourning family; when you gaze upon the magnificent Indian scenery, steaming with heat and moisture, the feathery palm-trees, the elephants with their gilded howdahs, the black Sepoys in European costume, intermingled with the English troops, whose cool determined spirit and military resignation are stamped upon their countenance; while in the back-ground appear the high walls of Seringapatam, and their heavy cannon breathing forth slaughter and defiance; in these scenes, amidst the wreaths of smoke and the gleaming of scimetars, the figure of a young officer may be discerned, with a calm countenance, quiet and reserved manners, and the meditative look which presages a great destiny:—that officer is Sir Arthur Wellesley, since then so celebrated as the Duke of Wellington.Sir Arthur, the fourth son of Gerard Colley Wellesley earl of Mornington, and of Anne Hill, daughter of Viscount Duncannon, was born at Dungan Castle, on the1st of May, 1769, one year after that which gave birth to Napoleon; it was a period fertile in great geniuses of all kinds, who came to humanise and to add greatness to the times of the Revolution. Sir Arthur was brought up at Eton, and afterwards went to the military college of Angers in France: our country at that time possessed the best military establishments and the most frequented universities; and I have already observed that Prince Metternich and Benjamin Constant were educated at Strasbourg.Arthur Wellesley entered the army at an early age, and obtained a commission in the 41st Foot; in 1793 he purchased the lieutenant-colonelcy of the 33d regiment, and made part of the expedition to Ostend against the French republic, where he commanded, at the age of twenty-four years, a brigade in the retreat from Holland under the Duke of York. The English dominions are so vast, that it is by no means uncommon to see men even of the noblest families sent from one extremity of the earth to the other in the service of their country, and young Arthur Wellesley embarked for Jamaica; but the fleet was driven back by a tempest, and after recruiting his regiment in Ireland, the young officer found his destination had been altered; and he was now directed to proceed with it to the banks of the Ganges, with his brother, the Marquis Wellesley, who had been appointed governor-general of India. He distinguished himself greatly in the war with Tippoo, that noble ally of France and of Louis XVI; and was present at the taking of Seringapatam, at the head of the auxiliary troops furnished by the Nizam; he was afterwards acting as governor of the conquered city in 1800, when Dhoondiah Waugh, an Indian adventurer, made an incursion into the Company's territory at the head of 5000 horse.Imagination carries us back to the times of the"Arabian Nights," when we turn our attention upon the power of the English in India, with their immense establishments among the Hindoos and Mahrattas, and the vast capitals of Calcutta and Madras, almost as highly civilised as Paris or London; where habits of extreme softness and indolence prevail in the midst of active military life.Shall we long continue to be dazzled by that fairy land, sparkling with diamonds and rubies? I think so; for no government possesses all the qualities necessary to insure the colonisation of distant countries in so eminent a degree as the noble and elevated system pursued by England. People constantly talk of the projects of Russia: what need has she of extending her conquests? These are dreams only fit for the period of the empire under Napoleon. Russia and England are united by the most powerful of all bonds, that of commerce.Sir Arthur Wellesley distinguished himself in the war against the Mahrattas, and was appointed to the command of 12,000 men destined to attack the enemy's country. Owing to the sagacity of the measures he pursued, in order to secure the movements and subsistence of the troops during his long march, he accomplished this difficult campaign, though undertaken at a very unfavourable season, with hardly any loss.Buonaparte at this time occupied Egypt; and it is rather a curious circumstance that Sir Arthur's name was suggested for the command of the expedition which was to embark from Calcutta, cross the Isthmus of Suez, and attack the French in the Desert. Had the appointment taken place, young Wellesley would have been called upon, at the very commencement of his career, to encounter the General Buonaparte whose power as Emperor was finally annihilated by him on the plains of Waterloo. The Indian campaign of this yearis remarkable, because the Company had to encounter the combined forces of Scindiah and the Rajah of Becar. They were attacked by Sir Arthur near the fortified village of Assaye, which has given its name to the battle. He destroyed Scindiah's cavalry, defeated the infantry of the Rajah of Becar on the plains of Argaum, and seized the fortress of Gawoneilgar,[32]which was quickly followed by the submission of the two chiefs. A monument, in memory of the battle of Assaye, was erected at Calcutta. The inhabitants of that city presented the victorious general with a sword of the value of 1000l., and the officers of his army subscribed for a golden vase, still preserved by the Duke at Apsley House. The English parliament also passed a vote of thanks, and the king conferred upon him the order of the Bath. A person should read the first part of the Duke of Wellington's Despatches to be able to form a correct idea of the perils of this campaign and the precautions necessary to be taken, as well as of the moderation and judgment displayed in his orders.The Duke of Wellington thus commenced his military career in India. He returned to England in 1805, to take the command of a brigade in the army about to proceed to the Continent, under Lord Cathcart; Germany being now the destination of the general who had lately gathered laurels on the burning plains of Hindostan. The expedition, however, was recalled, in consequence of the glorious victory obtained by Napoleon at Austerlitz, which caused the death of Mr. Pitt; for in England, that country of noble and elevated feelings, the destruction of a great enterprise breaks the heart of a statesman. The political life of Wellington dates its commencement from this period. The English aristocracyare filled with devotion to their country, and the Tories enter into her interests with their whole hearts; indeed, it is by no means a rare occurrence in England to see a man at the same time a member of parliament and employed on active service, for the life of Toryism is essentially patriotic. This intermingling of political situations and duties with military customs leads to the habits of order and method observable in the majorities and minorities that occur upon parliamentary questions; people obey their party or their opinions as they would their commanding officer. In 1806 the town of Newport, in the Isle of Wight, elected Sir Arthur as their representative in the House of Commons, and in the same year he married Miss Pakenham, sister to the Earl of Longford; shortly after which he was appointed secretary to Ireland under the Duke of Richmond. He commanded the reserve of the army under Lord Cathcart during the expedition to Copenhagen, which occasioned such stormy debates in parliament; and the capitulation of the city, an affair discussed, settled, and signed in the course of one night, was entrusted to him. By the terms of this capitulation the whole of the Danish fleet fell into the hands of the English. Upon this occasion an unanimous vote of thanks to the army was passed in both houses of parliament, and the Speaker of the House of Commons addressed the general individually when he again took his seat after his return to England.The theatre of war was gradually increasing, and, in 1808, Sir Arthur received orders to embark for Corunna and oppose the victorious armies of France, now assembled under chiefs whose fame resounded through the whole of Europe; for Spain had been invaded, and England sought to measure her strength in the field with that of Napoleon. The fleet was directed towards Oporto, and Sir Arthur effected his landing in Portugalin the face of the brave regiments of the great army, at the time when Junot was assuming a regal position at Lisbon: the monarchy of the house of Braganza appeared at this period like a brilliant ring, which was successively fitted on the finger of all the adventurous chiefs, despatched as a sort of disgrace to Portugal by Napoleon. General Junot compromised the army by his want of capacity and his vain pretensions, and the 21st of August was marked by the battle of Vimiera, where the attack was commenced by the French. The complete destitution of the army rendered a treaty necessary, and by the miserable capitulation, called the Convention of Cintra, it was agreed that the French should evacuate Portugal and return into France with their arms and baggage. Sir Arthur did not sign this convention, and the real author of it, Sir Hew Dalrymple, being violently attacked by the opposition, Sir Arthur quitted the army to be present at the debates, and at the trial of Sir Hew by a court-martial. The Convention of Cintra has been greatly blamed by Lord Byron in his poem of "Childe Harold." Dalrymple was deprived of his command, and he was succeeded by Sir Arthur Wellesley, who landed at Lisbon on the 22d of August, 1809. By the direction of Napoleon, the most bitter ridicule was cast upon him in theMoniteur; those wretched declamations against his adversaries were a weak and contemptible trait in the emperor's character, shewing a spirit of littleness in the midst of all his great qualities. The following is the article he dictated in Paris, with a mixture of folly and presumption:—"We are very well pleased Lord Wellington should command the armies, for, with the disposition he evinces, he will meet with great catastrophes.... Sir John Moore and Lord Wellington shew no symptoms of theprovident forethought which is so essential a quality in warlike operations, which leads people to do nothing but what they can maintain, and to undertake nothing but what offers a probability of success: Lord Wellington has not shewn more talent than the cabinet of St. James's. To attempt to support Spain against France, and to enter into a struggle with France upon the Continent, is to form an enterprise which will cost dear to those who have attempted it, and occasion them nothing but disasters."It must certainly be admitted, that Sir Arthur had no longer to contend with an inexperienced general like Junot, the command of the army of Portugal having been conferred upon Marshal Soult, an old soldier, who would not fail to display the perfect knowledge of military tactics which had raised him to the highest rank in his profession. The uncertain battle of Talavera de la Reyna was celebrated in England as a most decisive victory; great enthusiasm was excited, and, in spite of the speeches of the opposition, a vote of thanks to the English general was passed by both houses of parliament, and a pension of 2000l.per annum was settled upon him; he was also raised to the peerage by the title of Viscount Wellington of Talavera. The junta of Cadiz, which had hitherto opposed him from motives of pride and national feeling, now offered him the rank and allowances of captain-general of the Spanish army; but Lord Wellington declined accepting any thing but a present of a few horses of the Andalusian breed, which the Spaniards, in the name of Ferdinand VII., offered him for his stud. The conduct of the commander of the British armies on this occasion was quite in keeping with the English character; he considered a few fine horses, of a noble breed, as his most distinguished trophy. The rapid march of Marshals Soult and Ney from Salamanca into Estramaduracompelled him to retreat as quickly as he had advanced; he therefore crossed the Tagus, and took up a strong position to defend the passage at Almarez and the lower part of the river. He was now destined to encounter the two most remarkable lieutenants of Napoleon; for Massena, in his turn, had entered Portugal, and commenced operations by the sieges of Almeida and Ciudad Rodrigo.The Duke of Wellington, in his old age, takes pleasure in talking over the campaign of Portugal at Apsley House, because he there offered a powerful resistance to the French army, displayed the most consummate strategic skill, and was opposed to the most renowned marshals of the empire; first Soult and Massena, and afterwards Marmont, who, though skilful in his arrangements, was always unfortunate, and Ney, the boldest and most adventurous of them all. The Duke of Wellington has caused drawings to be made of the celebrated lines of Torres Vedras, whose plan he traced himself, and had executed with a rapidity and perseverance that appear almost to belong to fabulous times. They were intended to protect Lisbon, and extended from the sea to the Tagus, at the point where the river, being about six miles broad, defended them as completely as the sea itself. They were constructed with so much secrecy, that Marmont was struck with amazement at the sight of them; and the English system of tactics, which consists in taking up a fortified position, was displayed on this occasion in all its glory. The brave Massena passed nearly six months before these lines,—this magnificent military work, roaming like a chafed lion desirous of engaging with his enemy around these masses of granite, and the waters of the great river, almost as vast as the sea. The old general of the Italian campaign expected reinforcements from France, but he received no assistance eitherin men or provisions—a circumstance which must have rendered his retreat to the frontiers of Spain very difficult to accomplish. The Duke of Wellington always does justice to the skill of Marshals Soult and Massena; and, in speaking of them in present times, he acknowledges them both to have been men of great military capacity. The English general again received the thanks of both houses of parliament on this occasion; an additional subsidy was voted him, and the title of Marquis of Torres Vedras was conferred upon him, to perpetuate the memory of the military resistance that had saved Portugal.At this period the English government lavished marks of gratitude upon its generals, in order to excite them to fresh acts of self-devotion; and England already discerned in the Duke of Wellington a man capable of coping with the power of Napoleon. An attempt had been at first made to institute a comparison between Admiral Nelson and the Emperor, and after his death at Trafalgar the Duke of Wellington succeeded him in public estimation; such, at least, was the opinion expressed and acted upon by the British parliament.The English army were guilty of many faults, from the time of the blockade of Almeida up to the siege of Badajos; and the battle of Fuentes d'Onoro was a severe lesson for their commander. The juntas were not favourably disposed towards England, in spite of which Lord Wellington had organised the Portuguese army, and placed it on a firm military footing; and every thing at Lisbon was already under the influence of England, which furnished provisions, artillery, clothing, and arms. The Tagus was now occupied by a formidable English fleet, and from this time forth the cabinet of London gradually extended its influence in the Peninsula; in fact, Lisbon was actually in a state of vassalage, and commercial relations contributed their share towardsstrengthening the military bonds which war had imposed with such mighty power.Lord Wellington passed the Tagus to prevent supplies of provisions and ammunition being thrown into Ciudad Rodrigo, which was now the central point of the military operations; and the city was carried by storm after a siege of ten days.[33]Fortune had ceased to smile on Napoleon; Massena had been recalled, and Marshal Soult shortly after him, leaving Marmont, who was always unfortunate; while the Duke of Wellington, on the contrary, had just succeeded in overcoming the repugnance of the regency of Cadiz, by whom, after the taking of Badajos,[34]he was created a grandee of Spain of the first class, Duke of Ciudad Rodrigo, and commander-in-chief of the Spanish army. The English parliament also voted him an additional pension of 2000l.per annum.Badajos was taken by storm some months after the fall of Ciudad Rodrigo, and our eagles veiled their heads before the British armies. His flanks being secured, Lord Wellington crossed the Tagus and entered Castile; his means were very superior to those of his antagonists; besides which the generals did not agree in opinion, and the court was totally devoid of energy: Napoleon was not there to interpose his will, which bore down all opposition. The battle of Salamanca,[35]which decided the fate of Spain, took place shortly after. Lord Wellington hastened on, with forced marches, towards Valladolid, and turning suddenly to the right he made a bold movement towards Madrid, while Joseph Buonaparte retreated to Burgos. I cannot imagine what induced Napoleon to send Marshal Jourdan as a military guide to his brother,for he was the most inferior of all his captains, and the Emperor had greatly ridiculed his first revolutionary successes. Lord Wellington again received the thanks of parliament on this occasion, the Prince Regent conferred upon him the title of marquis, and the House of Commons voted him the sum of 100,000l.It is necessary to enter into these details to understand the source of the political fortune of the Duke of Wellington. We here see that all his rank, his honours, even his income, are derived from the field of battle. The rewards granted by parliament were profuse, because it was of the highest importance to create a military existence capable of opposing the wonderful fortunes of Napoleon. At this time, Marshal Soult, who had raised the siege of Cadiz and abandoned Andalusia, made so well-arranged a movement in concert with the main body of General Souham's army, that Lord Wellington's line of communication was compromised; he was compelled to make a precipitate retreat, and Marshal Soult resumed a glorious offensive position.The English general having here forgotten the prudent system he usually observed, for two days his whole army was exposed to the enemy, and it is evident, from this circumstance, that the Duke of Wellington's talent for defensive measures was greater than for an active military campaign.[36]He never appeared to understand how to observe an exact medium between the well-considered temerity, which seizes upon a fault for the chance it affords of success, and the prudence which foresees all the chances that may occur, even in a bad position.In order to complete the deliverance of the Peninsula,Lord Wellington in January 1813, repaired to Cadiz, to communicate in person with the regency; by this step all doubts were dispelled, and the Spanish army, after being better organised, was placed under his immediate command. He was tenaciously regardful of his title of generalissimo, and explained his plan for the campaign at the head of the combined army of England, Spain, and Portugal, as far as Vittoria, where the battle took place which was so fatal to our arms in the Peninsula, and where every thing was taken by the English, even to the treasure of Joseph Buonaparte. The utter incapacity of Marshal Jourdain, and the avidity of some of the French generals, were among the principal causes of this misfortune; and the efforts made to save the treasure occasioned the destruction of the army. All the family of Napoleon, by whom he was surrounded, being incapable of comprehending his glory, only served to endanger his fortune; and when the day of misfortune has arrived, what power can arrest the torrent? The battle of Vittoria procured for Lord Wellington the elevated rank of field-marshal, so rarely conferred in England; and it opened the road of the Pyrenees to the Coalition. It was when approaching Pampeluna and St. Sebastian, that the English general unfolded his plan of carrying the war into France. Soult had again taken the command of the French troops on the Bidassoa; for Napoleon had found it necessary to despatch from the field of Bautzen, a marshal of skill and ability to the point most threatened with danger, and the army in Spain was in a state of utter confusion. Lord Wellington extended his line to Bayonne, after having carried the position of Nivelle: it was certainly a wonderful war, full of strategy! Marshal Soult displayed great skill in the manner in which he manœuvred before a superior force, which only advanced when prudence permitted; andthus the two armies remained for nearly two months, watching each other's motions, but prevented by the severity of the season, and the dreadful state of the roads, from proceeding any farther. Soult made an attempt to imitate the lines of Torres Vedras on the frontiers of France, and erected formidable intrenchments near Bayonne; but Lord Wellington, without attacking them in front, turned them by the right, and thus compelled his antagonist to abandon them.The name of France inspired even the Allies with so much respect, that they could not avoid a feeling of hesitation as to entering her territories. When, however, we look back upon the early ages of the French monarchy, we find that English troops had more than once distinguished themselves on the plains of Gascony; and the exploits of the Black Prince are interwoven with the feudal history of Guienne. The Emperor's orders to Marshal Soult were to retreat very slowly, and to endeavour as far as possible to avert the progress of the English, Spanish, and Portuguese troops, by constant skirmishes. He had himself entered into a treaty with Ferdinand VII., in the hope of separating by this means the Spanish army from the Anglo-Portuguese force under Lord Wellington.Matters were, however, too far advanced to admit of the realisation of these political plans, for the Pyrenees were already passed. After the battle of Orthes the French army was unable to maintain the road to Bourdeaux, and Lord Wellington, in concert with Marshal Beresford, was obliged to give a decided opinion concerning the inclination in favour of the Bourbons, which began to manifest itself in the southern provinces. On this occasion he assumed a political position for the first time; until now he had been merely a general officer, exhibiting some degree of dexterity in his negotiationswith the junta of Cadiz, but the events of 1814 were evidently assuming a decisive character fraught with great importance. Would he be justified in giving a political impulse in favour of the restoration of Louis XVIII., and what were the orders of his government on this subject when the Allies were engaged in negotiation at Chaumont? Lord Wellington permitted the full and energetic manifestation of the public feeling; and Marshal Beresford made no objections to the white flag being hoisted. The empire was gradually declining from the northern to the southern extremity of the kingdom; and letters were received from Lord Castlereagh, informing the chief of the English armies of the events that had taken place in Paris. The battle of Toulouse was fought a few days afterwards, a melancholy and useless sacrifice of human life,—for it was incapable of arresting the progress of the coalesced armies; in fact, all was now over, the restoration was completed, and Louis XVIII. in the act of re-entering his capital. The English remained in possession of Toulouse, and the peace of 1814 was concluded by all the allied powers.Lord Wellington took no part in this treaty, for he was then possessed of no political influence, his life being entirely military; and Lord Castlereagh, then at the head of the cabinet, was not inclined to yield his ministerial influence to any one. When, however, the congress was assembled at Vienna, the Duke of Wellington, who had been received with the utmost enthusiasm in England, attended this meeting of crowned heads, to exhibit the grandeur of his country, and recall to mind the services he had rendered to the common cause. The talent he had displayed in the Peninsular war, and the perseverance he had exhibited during that long struggle, had cast a halo round his person, and greatly excitedthe public curiosity concerning him. He was at that time forty-five years of age, cold and reserved in his manners, but attaching some value to the attention shewn him by some of the ladies at Vienna; an immense number of entertainments were given to him, and it is well known that no city in Europe offers so many resources for those inclined to pleasure and dissipation.In the midst of all these amusements the congress was startled by the fall of the thunderbolt,—news was received of the landing of Napoleon in the gulf of Juan! It was necessary immediate recourse should be had to military measures, and without a moment's hesitation the direction of the operations was entrusted to the Duke of Wellington, as the person most capable of opposing Napoleon; besides which, as Great Britain gave the impulse to the European league, it was necessary to give her a pledge of their sincerity, and the title of generalissimo, conferred upon the Duke, was undoubtedly due to him, in consideration of the subsidies which the English parliament were about to vote for the advantage of Europe. After a hurried journey to England, Wellington returned with all speed to the Low Countries, to decide in concert with Field-marshal Blucher upon the plan of his campaign; and when opposed to the powerful army of Napoleon, he followed the same system he had been accustomed to pursue in Spain; that is to say, he assumed a defensive attitude, in a well-chosen position. His military reputation had commenced with the lines of Torres Vedras, and was destined to reach its zenith at Waterloo;—thus shewing that the whole of a man's destiny is sometimes comprehended between two ideas.I shall not enter here into military details, but content myself with observing that the battle of Waterloo was a perfect type of the system pursued by two men whosemilitary capacities were entirely dissimilar—the Emperor and the Duke of Wellington. Napoleon was impetuous, actually sublime, when advancing to attack his enemy; but disordered and devoid of reflection in a retreat. The Duke, on the contrary, was timid, watchful, and undecided during an active campaign, to such a degree that he endangered the safety of his troops whenever he attempted a bold movement; but he was at the same time cool and collected, and accustomed to avail himself of every advantage when acting on the defensive. The attack made by Buonaparte at Waterloo recalled the battles of Wagram and Austerlitz, while the Duke of Wellington again saw the lines of Torres Vedras in the intrenched position of Mont St. Jean.The influence of the Duke of Wellington naturally increased after this great battle; he was advancing at the head of a victorious army, and though Blucher did not actually fill a subordinate situation, yet the Duke, from his being covered with the glory of Waterloo, could not fail to exercise a considerable influence over the mind of the Prussian generalissimo. At last, when they approached Paris, all the revolutionary party, with Fouché at their head, came to meet the Duke, considering him as the supreme arbiter, whose word was to decide upon the fate of France. Fouché opened an active negotiation with him for the occupation of France; and the noble Duke, in a conversation with Louis XVIII., recommended the ministry of Talleyrand and Fouché, as the only one capable of bringing about an union between royalty and the liberty obtained by the revolution. Was the Duke mistaken? or was he duped? Whichever may have been the case, the coalition fell to pieces almost immediately, and the powerful and long-continued ascendency of Lord Castlereagh and the English government was replaced by the personal influenceof the Emperor Alexander. Talleyrand was succeeded by the Duke de Richelieu.By the treaty concluded in the month of November 1815, it had been stipulated that an army of occupation should remain in France; and it was placed under the command of the Duke of Wellington, without making any distinction among the contingents furnished by the different powers. He was also appointed inspector of the fortresses in the Low Countries, which were erected as advanced posts against France, and with the money levied upon her. The generalissimo resided in Paris, where he saw a good deal of Louis XVIII.; and his English principles were in perfect agreement with a system of moderation and freedom. He possessed an honest and upright heart, and a habit of judging with ease and simplicity of the state of events; and we must do him the justice to say, that when on various occasions he was constituted arbiter of the claims of the Allies, he almost invariably gave his opinion in favour of our unfortunate country. Even when he was consulted, more than once, upon the possibility of diminishing the army of occupation, he declared that the state of the public mind in France would permit this relief to be granted, which the suffering condition of the country rendered imperatively necessary. At this period, when the Duke of Wellington was engaged in rendering us most essential service, the Buonapartist spirit armed a fanatic against his life, and a pistol was fired actually into his carriage. The Duke escaped unhurt; and I deeply regret that Napoleon, in his will written at St. Helena, should have degraded himself to such a degree as to award a recompense to the miscreant who had thus attacked his former military adversary. Conduct like this communicates a stain which cannot be effaced even from the most renowned characters in history.After the departure of the army of occupation, and the signing of the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, the Duke of Wellington quitted Paris; his military career was at an end, and his political life may be said to have just begun: having been raised to a seat in the House of Peers,[37]with the rank of duke, in the enjoyment of an immense fortune, and decorated with the stars of every order of knighthood in Europe, he could hardly fail of possessing a considerable degree of influence. But the order of things was now changed in England: during the long wars against the French Revolution and Empire, the English had shewn extreme energy, and had made great and very judicious use of their powerful means, thus enabling the Tories to overcome all the difficulties presented by their situation; they were successful because they were strongly opposed to all revolutionary principles, and firmly resolved to carry out the war. The people had then no time to think of internal dissensions, they were breathlessly engaged in incessantly recurring struggles, and always hoping for victory; but now that the war was at an end, passions were reawakened, and Lord Castlereagh saw his power gradually declining, while that of the Whigs and Radicals was progressively increasing.The Duke of Wellington was a Tory upon principle and family precedent; he took his seat in the House of Peers among the Conservatives; and he and Lord Aberdeen formed the centre of the Tory benches that supported Lord Castlereagh's ministry. He was not an eloquent speaker, but he expressed himself with great clearness and precision; and, without being a man of a very enlarged mind, he was gifted with an instinctivegood sense, that enabled him to form an accurate judgment of the generality of questions; while, at the same time, he was perfectlyau faitof the political occurrences and situations of Europe, for he had taken a part in too many affairs of importance not to have retained a deep impression of them. In short, the Duke of Wellington, as a statesman, was less distinguished for thegreatthan for thegoodthings he had done. His popularity was now on the decline; the time had passed away when his carriage was surrounded by crowds of people on his return to England after his campaigns, for the Hero of Waterloo was too staunch a Tory to be a favourite with the populace. The queen's trial had excited public opinion in the highest degree, and every thing was progressing rapidly towards reform.Under circumstances like these, the Duke had little political influence except in the diplomatic circle; but he found himself mixed up with all the serious continental affairs, in consequence of the important part he had formerly played; and he was present at the congress of Verona. He preserved a certain degree of influence in foreign affairs during Mr. Canning's ministry, although the Whig party was in the ascendant. Russia appeared at this time likely to become the rival of England; the Greek question caused considerable public excitement, and difficulties existed as to fixing the new boundaries of the Hellenic territory. Mr. Canning, therefore, considered it necessary a person of great consideration should be sent to St. Petersburg, and the Duke of Wellington, being held in high estimation by the Emperor Nicholas, and having also been actively engaged in most of the questions of general interest, it was decided that his mission should be attached to the treaty of the sixth of July, which established the independence of Greece, and settled her territorial boundaries. It had becomenecessary the business should be finally decided; and as, in England, strong prejudices against individuals are never indulged in when business is at stake, the Duke of Wellington was selected as being the person most capable of being useful.When he returned to England Mr. Canning was dead; Lord Goderich's ministry was struggling feebly with the difficulties it had to encounter, and as diplomatic matters were assuming a singularly complicated appearance, the king thought it advisable to form a Tory ministry of men of capacity and experience. It was composed of Mr. Peel, Lord Aberdeen, and the Duke of Wellington; and peculiarly adapted for resisting any encroachments on the part of Russia. When the Duke came seriously to examine into the state of the country, he was convinced that one of the first steps necessary to secure the efficiency and consistency of his ministry was the emancipation of the Catholics. This had long been a favourite idea in his family; and Marquis Wellesley[38]had formerly detached himself from George III. on this very question. The Duke had no hesitation as to the course he was to pursue, and a bill presented to parliament was passed by a majority; the Tories were desirous of the glory of originating so just and equitable a measure.[39]The revolution of July, some months afterwards, struck a fatal blow to the heart of the Tories; for Radical opinions were already obtaining great influence in England. The Duke hastened to recognise the events that had taken place, but in his own mind he qualified the proceedings with the epithetuntoward—the same expression he had used concerning the battle of Navarino.Had not every thing been overturned and altered by this revolution? How, then, was it possible for the Duke to contend with a political system which threatened to destroy the treaties concluded in 1815? He comprehended the full consequences of this change,—nor did he attempt to avert them; but, on the first occasion of an equivocal majority, he sent in his resignation, and gave up his situation to Lord Grey and the Whigs. As in England all political characters are independent of their position, they resign it without regret, even for some incidental circumstance. The Duke then placed himself at the head of the Conservative party, and of the enlightened Tories in the House of Lords; assuming there about the same situation as Mr. Peel in the House of Commons. Conservative and Tory signify in England men of worth and consistency, who venerate the ancient institutions of their country, and do not wish them to be interfered with; and it is certainly a magnificent ground for a statesman to take up, for he places himself as a barrier to oppose all the storms raised by parties. The Duke's Conservative principles made him averse to the plan of reform that attacked the ancient constitution of England: he continued to observe this steadfastness of opinion in the House of Lords; and when, in 1833, the continental question again became perplexed, the king proposed forming another ministry, in which he was to be included; but on this occasion, with an admirable appreciation of existing circumstances, Mr. Peel was placed at the head of the cabinet, and the noble Duke only filled a secondary place. He considered that a name belonging to the commonalty, like that of Mr. Peel, was better suited to the juncture than that of the Duke of Wellington or the Earl of Aberdeen. In consequence of this arrangement the Duke found himself completely eclipsed by Mr. Peel, and heappeared only to have been included in the ministry that he might act as its representative in the House of Lords: as it has been remarked by an English political writer, he certainly did not form its basis, whatever strength and consideration he might have brought to its assistance.Peel's ministry was not of long duration; and the Tories were certainly guilty of an oversight in forming this ephemeral cabinet, for nothing more deeply injures a party than abortive efforts, or attempts which are not crowned with success. The Duke of Wellington resumed his place in the House of Lords, and spoke with seriousness and moderation upon all the questions of importance that came before them. As I have before observed, strong good sense, and clear reasoning, are the qualities for which he is especially distinguished, and which carry every thing before them. His manner of expressing himself is quiet and serious; and he is always listened to with respect and attention. His private life is essentially military; and at Apsley House he is surrounded by pictures of all his battles, from India to Waterloo. His favourite campaign is that of the Peninsula; and one might say that the recollections of his youth, under the exhilarating sky of the south of Europe, are intermingled with it. The Duke likes the old friends, and the society that reminds him of his military adventures; he is also very intimate with thecorps diplomatique, and entertains magnificently,—displaying all the splendour of an immense fortune and the grandeur of the English aristocracy. Sometimes he speaks with bitterness of his past popularity contrasted with the feelings evinced towards him in later times; and he has more than once called attention to the windows of his palace, now defended by iron gratings against the violence of the mob, who threw stones against his windows andinto his splendidly decorated apartments. "What a contrast!" said he to Pozzo di Borgo, in 1834. "Recollect, my dear friend, my popularity after the battle of Waterloo, and my entry into London in the year 1815; and now see how completely I am out of favour with these people!"The Duke of Wellington likes to be compared to Marlborough and Nelson—the two most illustrious of English heroes; but he avoids all comparison with Napoleon, for their two careers are neither on the same scale nor can be measured by the same proportion.The Duke of Wellington, a general essentially attached to the defensive system, always knew how to select a favourable position; received battle, but very rarely gave it. Every time that he ventured on bold measures he was guilty of imprudence; and he only shewed himself eminently superior when acting on the defensive.[40]Napoleon, on the contrary, was bold and magnificent in the attack; his plans were cleverly laid, and were the result of a sudden inspiration,—his wonderful genius enabled him to modify them according to circumstances; but at the slightest reverse Napoleon was cast down, and his retreat was almost always a flight: though his attack was made in the most brilliant manner, he knew not how to resist; and in this he personified the military genius of the French nation, from the times of Cressy and Agincourt. I think it necessary to repeat this parallel, as it is the only one that it is possible to draw between Napoleon and the Duke of Wellington. Nelson was the only Englishman who carried into naval warfare the spirit exhibited by Napoleon in the continental war. Had the Emperor lived to the age of the Duke, it would have been curious to comparethese two great characters at the extreme point of existence.Since the revolution of 1830, the history of parties and statesmen has been greatly developed; Whigs and Tories have in turn been at the helm—Lord Grey, Lord Palmerston; Mr. Peel, and Lord Aberdeen; affording opportunities of forming a more correct judgment of the character and personal value of each. The Tories have now returned into power with Mr. Peel and Lord Aberdeen; but the Duke would not accept any office beyond a sort of patronage over the House of Lords.A parallel may now be drawn between the Whigs and Tories, embracing the most distinguished characters among both. Lord Grey left all his celebrity as a leader of the opposition, to become a minister of mediocrity at the head of the government. Lord Palmerston exhibited so much emptiness and folly in his adventurous attempt at liberalism, as to lose all his consistency in England. The Tories on the contrary, have retained two men of high consideration, whose reputation is unblemished, viz. Mr. Peel and Lord Aberdeen. No man can equal the chief of the Tory party in his clear and perspicuous manner of speaking of business; and the Earl of Aberdeen possesses in an eminent degree a knowledge of foreign affairs and a most extensive acquaintance with facts: and this, in truth, constitutes the superiority and the seal of the Tory party.People generally mistake the Duke of Wellington's character, by supposing him to feel a dislike to France; on the contrary, he has many feelings quite in agreement with our national character and history. The Tories, to a greater degree than the Whigs, are persuaded that the predominance of France is necessary for the balance of power in Europe; they seek all occasions to give a proof of this opinion, and are often grieved at the prejudiceswhich exist at the bottom of our character against the politics of their cabinet.The Duke of Wellington has now reached the advanced age of seventy-four years, and he seldom speaks in the House of Lords; but when he does so his speeches are always worthy of attention, for his words carry with them the importance due to the opinion of a consummate statesman. His career, which began at so early an age in the burning climate of India, has been already several times endangered by sudden attacks of illness, from which he has recovered,—thanks to the strength of his constitution. Constantly accustomed to be employed, he himself corrected the proof sheets of his Despatches, which not only place him in the front rank as astrategicwriter, but also award him an elevated position in the scale of minds imbued with the principles of order, government, and administration. Let us repeat it, three men form a summary of the career of the Tories; Mr. Peel for the administration, Lord Aberdeen for foreign affairs, and the Duke of Wellington for military glory and renown. All these three are men of powerful minds.THE DUC DE RICHELIEU.Amongthe admirable works that have emanated from the pencil of Lawrence, the reader must have observed a countenance with a melancholy expression, and a high forehead shaded by locks prematurely blanched; the mild intelligent eyes, delicate nose, and firmly compressed mouth, are indicative of a mind of a superior order, but at the age of scarcely fifty years this countenance, whose nobleness and simplicity of expression are remarkable, conveys the idea of a man worn out with the troubles and anxieties of life; and I may almost add, by whom its vanities and illusions are viewed in their true colours. It is a mixture of the Frenchman of noble descent, and of the highest Russian nobility, who live so fast. This portrait was painted by Lawrence at Aix-le-Chapelle, and the original was distinguished during his childhood by the title of Comte de Chinon; in youth he was called Duc de Fronsac, and he finally inherited the title of Duc de Richelieu.The political systems of all ages are personified by certain statesmen, who were their representatives. Since the commencement of the eighteenth century, France has been constantly placed between two preponderatinginterests; these are, 1st, an alliance with England, effected during the regency, and overturned by Louis XV. at Fontenoy; then resumed by the treaties of 1783 and 1785; again broken by the convention, with expressions of contempt and violence, in 1793; renewed for a moment under Talleyrand in 1814, when it was destroyed by the personal influence of the Emperor Alexander; and finally restored for a short time in 1833, by the feeble treaty between France, England, Spain and Portugal. 2dly, the Russian alliance, of more modern date, though naturally very suitable to the interests of France. It was first attempted by means of the embassy of M. de Ségur, under Louis XVI.; was restored by Napoleon at Erfurt, until the disastrous campaign of Moscow; resumed in 1815, and supported by the ministries of the Duc de Richelieu in 1816, and M. de la Ferronays in 1828, until Prince Polignac brought back the English system. After the revolution of July the diplomatic projects of Prince Polignac were resumed, with this sole difference, that Talleyrand attempted with the Whigs what the ministers of Charles X. had endeavoured to effect with the Tories.I am about to write the life of the Duc de Richelieu as the personification of the Russian alliance, which I shall consider in all its various stages, from the period of the Restoration; and this is an era of very great importance in diplomatic history, for we are living under the treaties of 1814 and 1815. Those concluded at Vienna, at Aix-la-Chapelle, at Troppau, and Laybach, form the basis of our present relations with the rest of Europe.Armand Emanuel du Plessis, Duc de Richelieu, well known in his early youth under the name of Comte de Chinon, was born at Paris on the 25th of September, 1766; his father was the Duc de Fronsac, son of the oldMarshal Richelieu, and his mother was a daughter of the house of Hautefort. Paris was full of the endowments of his ancestor the great cardinal, whose purple robe was the glory of his family; and it was at the college of Plessis, founded by him, that the Comte de Chinon first commenced his education, and was tolerably successful in his studies, especially in acquiring the various languages of Europe; for he learned to speak Italian, German, and English with facility, and at a later period Russian became as familiar to him as French. At the age of fourteen he was married to a daughter of the noble house of Rochechouart, and the young count and his little wife, who was just thirteen years of age, went to travel for some years, according to the custom that prevailed at that time among families of rank: he visited Italy, the country of the fine arts, to admire the works of the old masters, and the ancient cities, whose renown had once overspread the world. On the first breaking out of our domestic troubles the young nobleman hastened to offer his services to his menaced sovereign, and on the 5th and 6th of October, 1789, he proceeded on foot and alone to Versailles, and making his way through the assembled mob of ragged men and women, he went to warn the court of the danger with which it was threatened. As if in anticipation of his future diplomatic career, Louis XVI. employed him a few days afterwards on a mission to Joseph II., a sovereign who patronised reform; and he discharged it with the silent discretion so necessary to be observed in the relations of the king with foreigners, at a time when he was so closely watched and surrounded by the spies of the people. The Comte de Chinon, under the title of Duc de Fronsac, was already distinguished for the uprightness of his character; political intriguesdid not suit his frank and open disposition, and he therefore quitted Vienna and hastened to the siege of Ismael, celebrated by Lord Byron in his poem of "Don Juan." Many of the French nobility were serving in the armies of Catherine II., and the Duc de Fronsac fought by the side of Count Roger de Damas at the taking of the redoubt, where, according to the sarcastic rhymes of the poet, the cannon that thundered upon the besiegers were as numerous as the lovers of the licentious empress. The Duc de Fronsac was slightly wounded, and Catherine sent him a gold-hilted sword and the order of St. George. He also accepted the rank of Colonel in the Russian army, when he inherited the illustrious title of Richelieu upon the death of his father.When Monsieur, afterwards Louis XVIII., made an appeal to the old and noble families among his countrymen, calling upon them to serve under the white banner, the Duc de Richelieu joined the army assembled to fight for the ancient crown of France; and after the unfortunate termination of the campaign of 1792, when the Prince of Condé requested an asylum in Russia for the French exiles, he was despatched by the Empress Catherine to arrange with the Prince the plan of a colony, to be established on the shores of the sea of Azof: it was to consist entirely of men of birth, and this idea was of some service when the noble foundation of Odessa took place; but in a military crisis like this, how was it possible to conceive and follow out a project involving a regular system of administration?At the siege of Valenciennes by the coalesced armies, the Duc de Richelieu commanded a company of men of noble birth. There was something glorious and honourable in this emigration, which followed the fortunes of the royal banner as their ancestors had done that ofHenry IV; and we must not judge their proceedings according to our little party prejudices. After the victorious republic had reconquered her frontiers he returned to Russia, and became colonel of a cuirassier regiment; but the Emperor Paul was then on the throne, and with his usual harshness and brutality of disposition he punished the Duke for his personal attachment to the Czarewitch Alexander, by depriving him of his regiment; he even went so far as to forbid him to appear at St. Petersburg: for with a degree of imperial egotism the Czar expected devotion should be exhibited to himself alone. Such being the cause of his exile, it is hardly necessary to say, that on the accession of Alexander he was restored to his former rank, with every mark of the sovereign's favour; and the esteem and confidence entertained for him by Alexander, at this early period, was of the greatest service to France during the events that took place in the year 1815. Even then the Duke was fully sensible of the importance of an alliance between France and Russia, two countries whose interests are constantly meeting without its being possible they should clash; but at this time people could not even dream of the restoration of the royal dynasty—no event could appear less likely to occur.After peace was concluded with Russia in 1801, the Duke took the opportunity of returning to France and collecting the remains of the enormous fortune of his ancestors, for the sake of paying the debts of his father and grandfather, both of whom had greatly involved their patrimony by their insane prodigality: this was hissoleobject; and he abandoned the whole of his rights to the creditors, retaining for himself nothing of that immense inheritance. It was certainly giving evidence of a most noble disposition! The Duc de Richelieu, prime minister of Louis XVIII., and great-nephewof the celebrated cardinal, did not himself possess an income of more than 20,000 francs![41]Buonaparte was at the summit of his consular glory when the illustrious name of Richelieu was presented to him; and he who attached a great value to names of historic celebrity, and who was also a great admirer of the iron-handed minister, offered the Duke employment in his army: but he refused it, and is it possible to blame him for so doing? He was a man of high and ancient descent, warmly attached to the House of Bourbon, and resolved not to serve in a French army except under the royal banner: his refusal, however, rendered it necessary he should immediately quit Paris; and on his return to the Emperor Alexander he was entrusted with the execution of rather a difficult task, being appointed to the government of the southern portion of that immense empire. All the provinces on the borders of the Black Sea had been converted into uncultivated deserts by the ravages of war, and the barbarous ignorance of the Mussulman inhabitants rendered them incapable of repairing the mischief—in fact, the old Roman colonies of the Palus Meotides no longer existed except in name; and in repeopling this desert, the closest and most careful surveillance was necessary for the purpose of introducing European customs and civilisation. In the beginning of 1803, the Duke was appointed Governor of Odessa, and he was afterwards employed in the general administration of New Russia—a country where the climate is mild and genial, and which is like Italy, only devoid of the arts and of cultivation: institutions had been commenced, but nothing was completed, and in a city of considerable extent there were hardly 5000 inhabitants.[42]M. de Richelieu, withoutthe slightest hesitation, had recourse to the measures necessary for improving this state of things, even though he sometimes offended ancient customs and selfish interests; but it is only by means of absolute power that great reforms can be accomplished. Every thing appeared to have received new life; commerce, set free from the bonds by which she was before shackled, made a rapid advance, and the population of Odessa was in a short time doubled. The administration of the governor extended from the vast countries of the Dniester to the Kouban and the Caucasus; and the colonies of German Anabaptists, by whom more than one hundred villages were peopled, first set the example of agriculture upon the most enlightened system, so that, in a short time, immense fields of corn displayed their waving verdure on plains which, formerly, scarcely afforded to the Tartars pasturage for their cattle.It became necessary to establish a sort of feudal system to defend the country against the invasions of the Circassians, armed, as in the time of the Crusades, with golden helms and knightly mail; and the Duke, brave, devoted to his undertaking, and desirous of glory, became the military chieftain of the colony. It was impossible the establishments on the Black Sea should attain their full greatness until Circassia should have submitted to the Russian government; this conquest the Russian cabinet is at present accomplishing.[43]To set a limit to the depredations of the Circassians, the governor was repeatedly compelled to penetrate into their mountains at the head of some Russian regiments; he neglected nothing that could lead to the diffusion of the benefits of European society in that barbarous country, and several young Circassians, whom the fortune of war or other events had placed in his hands, were carefully educated under his superintendence, instructed in our arts, accustomed to our manners, and then restored to their homes to dwell among their countrymen, whose customs and habits might be softened and improved by their example: such was the custom of the ancient Romans with regard to their vanquished nations. This active administration continued during the plague which devastated Odessa in the year 1813;and the Duke then displayed the utmost firmness and energy, though he was obliged more than once to have recourse to the military power, which in Russia is always confounded with the civil administration. But it would be necessary to visit Odessa to form a just estimate of all he has effected there; he appeared to have inherited the creative genius of the great cardinal.A new field soon opened before him. The events of 1814 had brought about the restoration of the Bourbons, and the influence of the Emperor Alexander reigned paramount over the proceedings of the senate which prepared the fall of Napoleon. Louis XVIII., who was a prince of a touchy disposition, and very ceremonious habits, had but very little inclination for the Duc de Richelieu, for he could not forgive his having preferred filling a high and important situation in Russia to the dignity of an attendant upon his exiled person; nevertheless, he restored the peerage to his family, as well as the situation of firstgentilhomme du roi. The Duke was not in office during the first restoration, and he employed himself in studying the new spirit that had arisen in his country, after so many domestic troubles; for he was sufficiently aware of the state of affairs to comprehend that events exercise an irresistible power in the modification of the character, and that when a person is desirous of bringing a revolution to a close, it is necessary to make incessant concessions to men and circumstances, and submit to unavoidable acts of necessity: these, no doubt, are painful duties, but are we not all called to wear the crown of thorns?Totally unconnected with the negotiations of 1814, which were entirely in the hands of Prince Talleyrand, the Duc de Richelieu may be said to have spent the first restoration in renewing his acquaintance with hiscountry. He had quitted it a young man, and since then what marvellous events, what a new existence, had taken place! Property had been invaded, the homes of his forefathers pillaged! The domestic hearth no longer existed—even the tombs were violated and the bones of the dead were cast out; and this in the midst of a revolutionary society, which attached guilt even to the tears of the victims! The events of the 20th of March were caused by a fatal reaction in the minds of the soldiery, and a democratic hatred against the unfortunate nobility of France; and the Duc de Richelieu accompanied the ancient banner of his country into voluntary exile.On his return for the second time, Louis XVIII. intrusted Talleyrand with the formation of a ministry based upon the English system; nevertheless, the chief of the cabinet was well aware that Russia must necessarily exercise very considerable influence over the negotiations relating to France, and he proposed M. de Richelieu as minister of the king's household, with the idea this choice would be agreeable to the Emperor Alexander: the appointment, however, was not accepted, for the Duke had an extreme repugnance to be seated beside the regicide Fouché; besides which, he was well aware that Alexander was displeased at the aspect of a ministry so entirely devoted to England, and which had been formed under the ascendancy of the Duke of Wellington. I have already mentioned the causes that broke up Talleyrand's ministry; after its dissolution, Louis XVIII. considered that the Russian influence would alone be capable of procuring for us some alleviation of the heavy burdens imposed by the invasion, for the Czar was the only party whose interest was not concerned in the affair; and it is necessary to read the diplomatic correspondence of LordCastlereagh and the German diplomatists to judge how overwhelming were the conditions imposed by the Allies. Their crushing demands, their deplorable ultimatum, had been published; the negotiations did not advance, while, at the same time, the disastrous condition of the country was aggravated by the presence of a million of foreigners. It was in order to obtain the powerful support of the Emperor of Russia that the king appointed the Duc de Richelieu minister for foreign affairs, and president of the council; thus assigning him a double and most difficult office.Still nobody was better fitted than the Duke to hasten the conclusion of the treaty; nobody had so much reason to hope he might succeed in abating its severity. The Czar felt the utmost confidence in the noble governor of Odessa, and he was not ignorant that France had but little to hope for in point of support from her neighbours, who had been too long irritated by the weight of her power. Russia alone had nothing to claim from her, and she was furthermore inclined to lend her assistance, as to a faithful ally in the south of Europe. The Duke was well convinced of all these circumstances, and he took care to represent to the Czar, that all the importance lost by France would be so much added to the strength and power of her rivals, and would increase the superiority of Austria and Prussia. Alexander's inclinations were favourable to our country, and by drawing out these kindly feelings the Duke was enabled to fulfil the immense task that had been imposed upon him. Let us take a retrospect of the afflicting state of our invaded land in the year 1815. 700,000 soldiers occupied the country, the people of Germany were in a state of extreme irritation, and the remains of the seditious and disorganised army on the other side of the Loire had been disbanded with great difficulty; add to which, the treasury was exhausted,and the course of the contributions interrupted by a long abuse of power. Surely it required a mind of no common energy to grapple with a situation so fraught with difficulty and disaster! In quiet times diplomacy is a work of skill and address, a polished interchange of political generalities, and some plans proposed for future accomplishment; but at this time, when we must recollect that Paris was in the hands of an imperious and vindictive enemy, what could we expect from the magnanimity of conquerors so long humbled and trampled upon by French domination? Under these fearful auspices the course of the negotiation was intrusted to the Duc de Richelieu, just at the decisive moment when, after a most stormy debate, the plenipotentiaries had come to an agreement concerning the sacrifices they were determined to exact from France. The most ruinous projects were maintained by England, Austria, and Prussia, their demands being comprehended between four points, viz. the cession of a territory, including the posts of Condé, Philippeville, Givet, Marienburg, Charlemont, Sarrelouis, and Landau, and the forts of Joux and Ecluse; the demolition of the fortifications of Hunningen; the payment of an indemnity of 800 millions; and the occupation of the frontiers by an army of 150,000 men, kept up at the expense of France for seven years. England insisted particularly that the chain of fortresses on the northern frontier should be so closely curbed, that Dunkirk should be the last in the possession of the French. The country was to be restored to the limits it occupied in the days of Henry IV., and a party, dating its birth from the national excitement which roused Germany against Napoleon, considered it undoubted that Alsace and Lorraine were to be reunited to the Germanic confederation. The map which represented France deprived of these fine provinces had already been designed bythe German geographers, and it has since been preserved as a glorious trophy in the Richelieu family.Deeply affected by these resolutions, the minister drew up a memorial addressed to the Emperor Alexander, and expressed with the conscientious energy of an honest man. "France," said he, "in regaining her sovereigns, ought also to recover the territory they governed, otherwise the restoration would be incomplete." The minister depicted, with the fervour inspired by deep conviction, the despair of a great people, and the prospective consequences to be feared from it; for, at the first opportunity, France would again fly to arms. This remonstrance made a great impression upon Alexander, and though it was not possible to induce the allied powers to agree to the general idea contained in it, at least the Duke succeeded in obtaining that the important posts of Condé, Givet, and Charlemont, and the forts of Joux and Ecluse, should not be included in the territorial cessions. The pecuniary indemnity also was diminished by 100 millions of francs, and it was determined the military occupation should not exceed five years, and might possibly terminate at the end of three. The French minister signed the memorable treaty on the 20th of November, 1815, and it bears honourable witness to the sadness that oppressed his heart.[44]He had succeeded in obtaining great and noble advantages for his country, but he bore the name of Richelieu, and was the great-nephew of the celebrated cardinal who had so greatly augmented the monarchy, and he could not, without pain and grief, see the smallest particle of its grandeur torn away. The speech he made five days afterwards bears the stamp of patriotic sorrow and dignified resignation, and it was impossible, while listeningto it, not to feel that the minister had yielded solely because the conquerors were inexorable, rendering the measure of imperious necessity.The cares incident to so important a negotiation had not led the Duke to neglect the internal administration of the country; and while the chambers sanctioned the extraordinary powers required by the government to repress the old and turbulent spirit of Liberalism, the ministry was occupied in taking just and solemn measures against those who, by favouring the return of Buonaparte, had led to the misfortunes of their country, and authorised these terrible reprisals. The fatal trial of Marshal Ney was the first that took place; and now that political ideas are clearer, and we are no longer carried away by declamation, the motives of the great debate that ensued are easily explained. The marshal was summoned before a council of war, by anordonnancesigned under the ministry of Fouché and Talleyrand; and this council having declared itself incompetent, the marshal ought to have been tried by the House of Peers, this being the natural order of jurisdiction. The Duc de Richelieu, on the 11th of November, 1815, carried to the chamber the royalordonnance, which constituted it a court of justice, and, with his heart still full of the sad sacrifices that had been exacted from his country, he expressed himself with warmth and firmness against the authors of the revolution of the Hundred Days; for was it not the actions of those people that had brought a million of foreigners into our land? After the condemnation of the marshal, the Duke, desirous of calming the unruly passions that raged in the country, presented a bill for a general amnesty to the two chambers, in which there were no exceptions, except the names contained in a list drawn up by Fouché. During seasons of agitation, parties always go beyondthe plans proposed by governments, and upon this project the chamber of 1815 established its system ofcategories; and the regicides were banished the kingdom, contrary to the personal opinion of Louis XVIII. In the course of the discussion it was proposed to confiscate the property of condemned and banished persons, but Richelieu rejected the measure, saying that "confiscations rendered the evils of war irreparable." And how much generosity was exhibited in this conduct, when we consider that the Duke had himself been deprived, by the most implacable confiscations, of all the property of his family!The finest portion of his life begins from this period. The great object he had proposed to himself was the deliverance of invaded France, overwhelmed by foreign powers; and, at the same time, the situation of the country gave cause for the most serious uneasiness. It was now necessary to levy an army to act as a weight in the European balance of power, and also to fulfil the hard conditions imposed by the treaty of 1815; while, to remove the fears entertained by the different cabinets, the Duke gave them to understand that the divisions arising in the chambers were merely the natural result of the representative system. One ought to remember the miserable years of 1816 and 1817; the dearness of grain, the scarcity, and the revolts in various provinces, the occupations of the strong posts in France by 150,000 bayonets, and a military contribution of 15 millions a month. In the midst of all these disasters the Duke suggested the diminution of the foreign army, thus commencing a negotiation which led to much greater results; and, on the 11th of February, 1817, he came to announce to the chambers that 30,000 men were about to repass the frontier, and that the expense of the army of occupation would bediminished by 30 millions of francs. This relief was owing to the reparative system he had pursued, and to the efforts of France, so fruitful in resources.We, perhaps, hardly meet, in the whole course of history, with two years more difficult to get over than from 1815 to 1817. An armed invasion, famine, vehemence of parties, factions up in arms; and withal, extreme constraint in the administration, both as a whole and in detail, and a country whose ancient frontiers must be by all means preserved.The army of occupation having been diminished, it became indispensable to have recourse to forced levies, to secure the safety and the dignity of the country; and a law for that purpose was proposed and accepted at the opening of the session of 1817, as a complete military system: the essentials of this law are still in force.At this period commenced the intimacy between the Duc de Richelieu and MM. Mounier and De Rayneval, two men of great ability, and who remained faithful to his memory. And let me be permitted to offer a last tribute to both these distinguished persons, then in the flower of their age, and now consigned to the tomb; for men of strong feelings are soon worn out by public life. M. Gérard de Rayneval belonged to an ancient diplomatic family, whose employment in the foreign office dated from the ministry of M. de Vergennes, and the treaty with the Low Countries. M. Mounier was endowed with a lively and penetrating mind, and possessed immense erudition; he, like M. de Barante, had, in early youth, been thrown into the administration of the Empire, and had filled the situation of secretary to the cabinet; and the Duke conceived a friendship for both these men equal to the confidence he deservedly reposed in them. He had a great regard for honour and probity, and where could it be more fully met withthan in people, whose characters remained pure and free from blemish, nay, who retained an honourable poverty, in the midst of the liquidation of foreign debts, amounting to 1700 millions of francs?

Thelife of the Duke of Wellington forms, for England, a sort of epitome of the glorious career of the Tory party. The venerable chief of the British armies is not only endowed with extraordinary abilities in military operations, he also possesses a cool head in politics, and a wise and pre-eminently moderate mind. Few publications have produced so deep and lively an impression as the "Despatches of the Duke of Wellington, during the various Periods of his Military Command, from India to Waterloo." It changed and modified all party opinions concerning his character; Whigs and Tories were equally struck with the forethought of his measures and the temperate current of his ideas, both in the most difficult and the most varied situations, while in power as well as during the time of war.

In France, opinions do not progress so fast, and people are still full of prejudices concerning the talents and character of this great man. The remains of the Buonaparte faction still affect us, and disfigure history. His power of organisation and his restoration of the elements of society, are not the qualities for which Napoleon's genius is considered especially worthy of admiration, butpeople want to prove impossibilities, even to the detriment of his fame; and the Duke of Wellington is sacrificed to the resentments inspired by the battle of Waterloo. We have been distinguished enough on the field of battle, and our country has produced names sufficiently known to fame not to make it necessary for us to sacrifice upon the tomb of Napoleon all the rival reputations which opposed obstacles to his career. The careful perusal of the Duke of Wellington's Despatches first caused me to rectify my ideas concerning the man who has both filled the first military place in his native land, and has also been, in the present times, at the head of a powerful and organising party in the affairs of government.

When you study with attention the splendid English engravings that represent the misfortunes and downfall of Tippoo Saib, surrounded by his mourning family; when you gaze upon the magnificent Indian scenery, steaming with heat and moisture, the feathery palm-trees, the elephants with their gilded howdahs, the black Sepoys in European costume, intermingled with the English troops, whose cool determined spirit and military resignation are stamped upon their countenance; while in the back-ground appear the high walls of Seringapatam, and their heavy cannon breathing forth slaughter and defiance; in these scenes, amidst the wreaths of smoke and the gleaming of scimetars, the figure of a young officer may be discerned, with a calm countenance, quiet and reserved manners, and the meditative look which presages a great destiny:—that officer is Sir Arthur Wellesley, since then so celebrated as the Duke of Wellington.

Sir Arthur, the fourth son of Gerard Colley Wellesley earl of Mornington, and of Anne Hill, daughter of Viscount Duncannon, was born at Dungan Castle, on the1st of May, 1769, one year after that which gave birth to Napoleon; it was a period fertile in great geniuses of all kinds, who came to humanise and to add greatness to the times of the Revolution. Sir Arthur was brought up at Eton, and afterwards went to the military college of Angers in France: our country at that time possessed the best military establishments and the most frequented universities; and I have already observed that Prince Metternich and Benjamin Constant were educated at Strasbourg.

Arthur Wellesley entered the army at an early age, and obtained a commission in the 41st Foot; in 1793 he purchased the lieutenant-colonelcy of the 33d regiment, and made part of the expedition to Ostend against the French republic, where he commanded, at the age of twenty-four years, a brigade in the retreat from Holland under the Duke of York. The English dominions are so vast, that it is by no means uncommon to see men even of the noblest families sent from one extremity of the earth to the other in the service of their country, and young Arthur Wellesley embarked for Jamaica; but the fleet was driven back by a tempest, and after recruiting his regiment in Ireland, the young officer found his destination had been altered; and he was now directed to proceed with it to the banks of the Ganges, with his brother, the Marquis Wellesley, who had been appointed governor-general of India. He distinguished himself greatly in the war with Tippoo, that noble ally of France and of Louis XVI; and was present at the taking of Seringapatam, at the head of the auxiliary troops furnished by the Nizam; he was afterwards acting as governor of the conquered city in 1800, when Dhoondiah Waugh, an Indian adventurer, made an incursion into the Company's territory at the head of 5000 horse.

Imagination carries us back to the times of the"Arabian Nights," when we turn our attention upon the power of the English in India, with their immense establishments among the Hindoos and Mahrattas, and the vast capitals of Calcutta and Madras, almost as highly civilised as Paris or London; where habits of extreme softness and indolence prevail in the midst of active military life.

Shall we long continue to be dazzled by that fairy land, sparkling with diamonds and rubies? I think so; for no government possesses all the qualities necessary to insure the colonisation of distant countries in so eminent a degree as the noble and elevated system pursued by England. People constantly talk of the projects of Russia: what need has she of extending her conquests? These are dreams only fit for the period of the empire under Napoleon. Russia and England are united by the most powerful of all bonds, that of commerce.

Sir Arthur Wellesley distinguished himself in the war against the Mahrattas, and was appointed to the command of 12,000 men destined to attack the enemy's country. Owing to the sagacity of the measures he pursued, in order to secure the movements and subsistence of the troops during his long march, he accomplished this difficult campaign, though undertaken at a very unfavourable season, with hardly any loss.

Buonaparte at this time occupied Egypt; and it is rather a curious circumstance that Sir Arthur's name was suggested for the command of the expedition which was to embark from Calcutta, cross the Isthmus of Suez, and attack the French in the Desert. Had the appointment taken place, young Wellesley would have been called upon, at the very commencement of his career, to encounter the General Buonaparte whose power as Emperor was finally annihilated by him on the plains of Waterloo. The Indian campaign of this yearis remarkable, because the Company had to encounter the combined forces of Scindiah and the Rajah of Becar. They were attacked by Sir Arthur near the fortified village of Assaye, which has given its name to the battle. He destroyed Scindiah's cavalry, defeated the infantry of the Rajah of Becar on the plains of Argaum, and seized the fortress of Gawoneilgar,[32]which was quickly followed by the submission of the two chiefs. A monument, in memory of the battle of Assaye, was erected at Calcutta. The inhabitants of that city presented the victorious general with a sword of the value of 1000l., and the officers of his army subscribed for a golden vase, still preserved by the Duke at Apsley House. The English parliament also passed a vote of thanks, and the king conferred upon him the order of the Bath. A person should read the first part of the Duke of Wellington's Despatches to be able to form a correct idea of the perils of this campaign and the precautions necessary to be taken, as well as of the moderation and judgment displayed in his orders.

The Duke of Wellington thus commenced his military career in India. He returned to England in 1805, to take the command of a brigade in the army about to proceed to the Continent, under Lord Cathcart; Germany being now the destination of the general who had lately gathered laurels on the burning plains of Hindostan. The expedition, however, was recalled, in consequence of the glorious victory obtained by Napoleon at Austerlitz, which caused the death of Mr. Pitt; for in England, that country of noble and elevated feelings, the destruction of a great enterprise breaks the heart of a statesman. The political life of Wellington dates its commencement from this period. The English aristocracyare filled with devotion to their country, and the Tories enter into her interests with their whole hearts; indeed, it is by no means a rare occurrence in England to see a man at the same time a member of parliament and employed on active service, for the life of Toryism is essentially patriotic. This intermingling of political situations and duties with military customs leads to the habits of order and method observable in the majorities and minorities that occur upon parliamentary questions; people obey their party or their opinions as they would their commanding officer. In 1806 the town of Newport, in the Isle of Wight, elected Sir Arthur as their representative in the House of Commons, and in the same year he married Miss Pakenham, sister to the Earl of Longford; shortly after which he was appointed secretary to Ireland under the Duke of Richmond. He commanded the reserve of the army under Lord Cathcart during the expedition to Copenhagen, which occasioned such stormy debates in parliament; and the capitulation of the city, an affair discussed, settled, and signed in the course of one night, was entrusted to him. By the terms of this capitulation the whole of the Danish fleet fell into the hands of the English. Upon this occasion an unanimous vote of thanks to the army was passed in both houses of parliament, and the Speaker of the House of Commons addressed the general individually when he again took his seat after his return to England.

The theatre of war was gradually increasing, and, in 1808, Sir Arthur received orders to embark for Corunna and oppose the victorious armies of France, now assembled under chiefs whose fame resounded through the whole of Europe; for Spain had been invaded, and England sought to measure her strength in the field with that of Napoleon. The fleet was directed towards Oporto, and Sir Arthur effected his landing in Portugalin the face of the brave regiments of the great army, at the time when Junot was assuming a regal position at Lisbon: the monarchy of the house of Braganza appeared at this period like a brilliant ring, which was successively fitted on the finger of all the adventurous chiefs, despatched as a sort of disgrace to Portugal by Napoleon. General Junot compromised the army by his want of capacity and his vain pretensions, and the 21st of August was marked by the battle of Vimiera, where the attack was commenced by the French. The complete destitution of the army rendered a treaty necessary, and by the miserable capitulation, called the Convention of Cintra, it was agreed that the French should evacuate Portugal and return into France with their arms and baggage. Sir Arthur did not sign this convention, and the real author of it, Sir Hew Dalrymple, being violently attacked by the opposition, Sir Arthur quitted the army to be present at the debates, and at the trial of Sir Hew by a court-martial. The Convention of Cintra has been greatly blamed by Lord Byron in his poem of "Childe Harold." Dalrymple was deprived of his command, and he was succeeded by Sir Arthur Wellesley, who landed at Lisbon on the 22d of August, 1809. By the direction of Napoleon, the most bitter ridicule was cast upon him in theMoniteur; those wretched declamations against his adversaries were a weak and contemptible trait in the emperor's character, shewing a spirit of littleness in the midst of all his great qualities. The following is the article he dictated in Paris, with a mixture of folly and presumption:—

"We are very well pleased Lord Wellington should command the armies, for, with the disposition he evinces, he will meet with great catastrophes.... Sir John Moore and Lord Wellington shew no symptoms of theprovident forethought which is so essential a quality in warlike operations, which leads people to do nothing but what they can maintain, and to undertake nothing but what offers a probability of success: Lord Wellington has not shewn more talent than the cabinet of St. James's. To attempt to support Spain against France, and to enter into a struggle with France upon the Continent, is to form an enterprise which will cost dear to those who have attempted it, and occasion them nothing but disasters."

It must certainly be admitted, that Sir Arthur had no longer to contend with an inexperienced general like Junot, the command of the army of Portugal having been conferred upon Marshal Soult, an old soldier, who would not fail to display the perfect knowledge of military tactics which had raised him to the highest rank in his profession. The uncertain battle of Talavera de la Reyna was celebrated in England as a most decisive victory; great enthusiasm was excited, and, in spite of the speeches of the opposition, a vote of thanks to the English general was passed by both houses of parliament, and a pension of 2000l.per annum was settled upon him; he was also raised to the peerage by the title of Viscount Wellington of Talavera. The junta of Cadiz, which had hitherto opposed him from motives of pride and national feeling, now offered him the rank and allowances of captain-general of the Spanish army; but Lord Wellington declined accepting any thing but a present of a few horses of the Andalusian breed, which the Spaniards, in the name of Ferdinand VII., offered him for his stud. The conduct of the commander of the British armies on this occasion was quite in keeping with the English character; he considered a few fine horses, of a noble breed, as his most distinguished trophy. The rapid march of Marshals Soult and Ney from Salamanca into Estramaduracompelled him to retreat as quickly as he had advanced; he therefore crossed the Tagus, and took up a strong position to defend the passage at Almarez and the lower part of the river. He was now destined to encounter the two most remarkable lieutenants of Napoleon; for Massena, in his turn, had entered Portugal, and commenced operations by the sieges of Almeida and Ciudad Rodrigo.

The Duke of Wellington, in his old age, takes pleasure in talking over the campaign of Portugal at Apsley House, because he there offered a powerful resistance to the French army, displayed the most consummate strategic skill, and was opposed to the most renowned marshals of the empire; first Soult and Massena, and afterwards Marmont, who, though skilful in his arrangements, was always unfortunate, and Ney, the boldest and most adventurous of them all. The Duke of Wellington has caused drawings to be made of the celebrated lines of Torres Vedras, whose plan he traced himself, and had executed with a rapidity and perseverance that appear almost to belong to fabulous times. They were intended to protect Lisbon, and extended from the sea to the Tagus, at the point where the river, being about six miles broad, defended them as completely as the sea itself. They were constructed with so much secrecy, that Marmont was struck with amazement at the sight of them; and the English system of tactics, which consists in taking up a fortified position, was displayed on this occasion in all its glory. The brave Massena passed nearly six months before these lines,—this magnificent military work, roaming like a chafed lion desirous of engaging with his enemy around these masses of granite, and the waters of the great river, almost as vast as the sea. The old general of the Italian campaign expected reinforcements from France, but he received no assistance eitherin men or provisions—a circumstance which must have rendered his retreat to the frontiers of Spain very difficult to accomplish. The Duke of Wellington always does justice to the skill of Marshals Soult and Massena; and, in speaking of them in present times, he acknowledges them both to have been men of great military capacity. The English general again received the thanks of both houses of parliament on this occasion; an additional subsidy was voted him, and the title of Marquis of Torres Vedras was conferred upon him, to perpetuate the memory of the military resistance that had saved Portugal.

At this period the English government lavished marks of gratitude upon its generals, in order to excite them to fresh acts of self-devotion; and England already discerned in the Duke of Wellington a man capable of coping with the power of Napoleon. An attempt had been at first made to institute a comparison between Admiral Nelson and the Emperor, and after his death at Trafalgar the Duke of Wellington succeeded him in public estimation; such, at least, was the opinion expressed and acted upon by the British parliament.

The English army were guilty of many faults, from the time of the blockade of Almeida up to the siege of Badajos; and the battle of Fuentes d'Onoro was a severe lesson for their commander. The juntas were not favourably disposed towards England, in spite of which Lord Wellington had organised the Portuguese army, and placed it on a firm military footing; and every thing at Lisbon was already under the influence of England, which furnished provisions, artillery, clothing, and arms. The Tagus was now occupied by a formidable English fleet, and from this time forth the cabinet of London gradually extended its influence in the Peninsula; in fact, Lisbon was actually in a state of vassalage, and commercial relations contributed their share towardsstrengthening the military bonds which war had imposed with such mighty power.

Lord Wellington passed the Tagus to prevent supplies of provisions and ammunition being thrown into Ciudad Rodrigo, which was now the central point of the military operations; and the city was carried by storm after a siege of ten days.[33]Fortune had ceased to smile on Napoleon; Massena had been recalled, and Marshal Soult shortly after him, leaving Marmont, who was always unfortunate; while the Duke of Wellington, on the contrary, had just succeeded in overcoming the repugnance of the regency of Cadiz, by whom, after the taking of Badajos,[34]he was created a grandee of Spain of the first class, Duke of Ciudad Rodrigo, and commander-in-chief of the Spanish army. The English parliament also voted him an additional pension of 2000l.per annum.

Badajos was taken by storm some months after the fall of Ciudad Rodrigo, and our eagles veiled their heads before the British armies. His flanks being secured, Lord Wellington crossed the Tagus and entered Castile; his means were very superior to those of his antagonists; besides which the generals did not agree in opinion, and the court was totally devoid of energy: Napoleon was not there to interpose his will, which bore down all opposition. The battle of Salamanca,[35]which decided the fate of Spain, took place shortly after. Lord Wellington hastened on, with forced marches, towards Valladolid, and turning suddenly to the right he made a bold movement towards Madrid, while Joseph Buonaparte retreated to Burgos. I cannot imagine what induced Napoleon to send Marshal Jourdan as a military guide to his brother,for he was the most inferior of all his captains, and the Emperor had greatly ridiculed his first revolutionary successes. Lord Wellington again received the thanks of parliament on this occasion, the Prince Regent conferred upon him the title of marquis, and the House of Commons voted him the sum of 100,000l.

It is necessary to enter into these details to understand the source of the political fortune of the Duke of Wellington. We here see that all his rank, his honours, even his income, are derived from the field of battle. The rewards granted by parliament were profuse, because it was of the highest importance to create a military existence capable of opposing the wonderful fortunes of Napoleon. At this time, Marshal Soult, who had raised the siege of Cadiz and abandoned Andalusia, made so well-arranged a movement in concert with the main body of General Souham's army, that Lord Wellington's line of communication was compromised; he was compelled to make a precipitate retreat, and Marshal Soult resumed a glorious offensive position.

The English general having here forgotten the prudent system he usually observed, for two days his whole army was exposed to the enemy, and it is evident, from this circumstance, that the Duke of Wellington's talent for defensive measures was greater than for an active military campaign.[36]He never appeared to understand how to observe an exact medium between the well-considered temerity, which seizes upon a fault for the chance it affords of success, and the prudence which foresees all the chances that may occur, even in a bad position.

In order to complete the deliverance of the Peninsula,Lord Wellington in January 1813, repaired to Cadiz, to communicate in person with the regency; by this step all doubts were dispelled, and the Spanish army, after being better organised, was placed under his immediate command. He was tenaciously regardful of his title of generalissimo, and explained his plan for the campaign at the head of the combined army of England, Spain, and Portugal, as far as Vittoria, where the battle took place which was so fatal to our arms in the Peninsula, and where every thing was taken by the English, even to the treasure of Joseph Buonaparte. The utter incapacity of Marshal Jourdain, and the avidity of some of the French generals, were among the principal causes of this misfortune; and the efforts made to save the treasure occasioned the destruction of the army. All the family of Napoleon, by whom he was surrounded, being incapable of comprehending his glory, only served to endanger his fortune; and when the day of misfortune has arrived, what power can arrest the torrent? The battle of Vittoria procured for Lord Wellington the elevated rank of field-marshal, so rarely conferred in England; and it opened the road of the Pyrenees to the Coalition. It was when approaching Pampeluna and St. Sebastian, that the English general unfolded his plan of carrying the war into France. Soult had again taken the command of the French troops on the Bidassoa; for Napoleon had found it necessary to despatch from the field of Bautzen, a marshal of skill and ability to the point most threatened with danger, and the army in Spain was in a state of utter confusion. Lord Wellington extended his line to Bayonne, after having carried the position of Nivelle: it was certainly a wonderful war, full of strategy! Marshal Soult displayed great skill in the manner in which he manœuvred before a superior force, which only advanced when prudence permitted; andthus the two armies remained for nearly two months, watching each other's motions, but prevented by the severity of the season, and the dreadful state of the roads, from proceeding any farther. Soult made an attempt to imitate the lines of Torres Vedras on the frontiers of France, and erected formidable intrenchments near Bayonne; but Lord Wellington, without attacking them in front, turned them by the right, and thus compelled his antagonist to abandon them.

The name of France inspired even the Allies with so much respect, that they could not avoid a feeling of hesitation as to entering her territories. When, however, we look back upon the early ages of the French monarchy, we find that English troops had more than once distinguished themselves on the plains of Gascony; and the exploits of the Black Prince are interwoven with the feudal history of Guienne. The Emperor's orders to Marshal Soult were to retreat very slowly, and to endeavour as far as possible to avert the progress of the English, Spanish, and Portuguese troops, by constant skirmishes. He had himself entered into a treaty with Ferdinand VII., in the hope of separating by this means the Spanish army from the Anglo-Portuguese force under Lord Wellington.

Matters were, however, too far advanced to admit of the realisation of these political plans, for the Pyrenees were already passed. After the battle of Orthes the French army was unable to maintain the road to Bourdeaux, and Lord Wellington, in concert with Marshal Beresford, was obliged to give a decided opinion concerning the inclination in favour of the Bourbons, which began to manifest itself in the southern provinces. On this occasion he assumed a political position for the first time; until now he had been merely a general officer, exhibiting some degree of dexterity in his negotiationswith the junta of Cadiz, but the events of 1814 were evidently assuming a decisive character fraught with great importance. Would he be justified in giving a political impulse in favour of the restoration of Louis XVIII., and what were the orders of his government on this subject when the Allies were engaged in negotiation at Chaumont? Lord Wellington permitted the full and energetic manifestation of the public feeling; and Marshal Beresford made no objections to the white flag being hoisted. The empire was gradually declining from the northern to the southern extremity of the kingdom; and letters were received from Lord Castlereagh, informing the chief of the English armies of the events that had taken place in Paris. The battle of Toulouse was fought a few days afterwards, a melancholy and useless sacrifice of human life,—for it was incapable of arresting the progress of the coalesced armies; in fact, all was now over, the restoration was completed, and Louis XVIII. in the act of re-entering his capital. The English remained in possession of Toulouse, and the peace of 1814 was concluded by all the allied powers.

Lord Wellington took no part in this treaty, for he was then possessed of no political influence, his life being entirely military; and Lord Castlereagh, then at the head of the cabinet, was not inclined to yield his ministerial influence to any one. When, however, the congress was assembled at Vienna, the Duke of Wellington, who had been received with the utmost enthusiasm in England, attended this meeting of crowned heads, to exhibit the grandeur of his country, and recall to mind the services he had rendered to the common cause. The talent he had displayed in the Peninsular war, and the perseverance he had exhibited during that long struggle, had cast a halo round his person, and greatly excitedthe public curiosity concerning him. He was at that time forty-five years of age, cold and reserved in his manners, but attaching some value to the attention shewn him by some of the ladies at Vienna; an immense number of entertainments were given to him, and it is well known that no city in Europe offers so many resources for those inclined to pleasure and dissipation.

In the midst of all these amusements the congress was startled by the fall of the thunderbolt,—news was received of the landing of Napoleon in the gulf of Juan! It was necessary immediate recourse should be had to military measures, and without a moment's hesitation the direction of the operations was entrusted to the Duke of Wellington, as the person most capable of opposing Napoleon; besides which, as Great Britain gave the impulse to the European league, it was necessary to give her a pledge of their sincerity, and the title of generalissimo, conferred upon the Duke, was undoubtedly due to him, in consideration of the subsidies which the English parliament were about to vote for the advantage of Europe. After a hurried journey to England, Wellington returned with all speed to the Low Countries, to decide in concert with Field-marshal Blucher upon the plan of his campaign; and when opposed to the powerful army of Napoleon, he followed the same system he had been accustomed to pursue in Spain; that is to say, he assumed a defensive attitude, in a well-chosen position. His military reputation had commenced with the lines of Torres Vedras, and was destined to reach its zenith at Waterloo;—thus shewing that the whole of a man's destiny is sometimes comprehended between two ideas.

I shall not enter here into military details, but content myself with observing that the battle of Waterloo was a perfect type of the system pursued by two men whosemilitary capacities were entirely dissimilar—the Emperor and the Duke of Wellington. Napoleon was impetuous, actually sublime, when advancing to attack his enemy; but disordered and devoid of reflection in a retreat. The Duke, on the contrary, was timid, watchful, and undecided during an active campaign, to such a degree that he endangered the safety of his troops whenever he attempted a bold movement; but he was at the same time cool and collected, and accustomed to avail himself of every advantage when acting on the defensive. The attack made by Buonaparte at Waterloo recalled the battles of Wagram and Austerlitz, while the Duke of Wellington again saw the lines of Torres Vedras in the intrenched position of Mont St. Jean.

The influence of the Duke of Wellington naturally increased after this great battle; he was advancing at the head of a victorious army, and though Blucher did not actually fill a subordinate situation, yet the Duke, from his being covered with the glory of Waterloo, could not fail to exercise a considerable influence over the mind of the Prussian generalissimo. At last, when they approached Paris, all the revolutionary party, with Fouché at their head, came to meet the Duke, considering him as the supreme arbiter, whose word was to decide upon the fate of France. Fouché opened an active negotiation with him for the occupation of France; and the noble Duke, in a conversation with Louis XVIII., recommended the ministry of Talleyrand and Fouché, as the only one capable of bringing about an union between royalty and the liberty obtained by the revolution. Was the Duke mistaken? or was he duped? Whichever may have been the case, the coalition fell to pieces almost immediately, and the powerful and long-continued ascendency of Lord Castlereagh and the English government was replaced by the personal influenceof the Emperor Alexander. Talleyrand was succeeded by the Duke de Richelieu.

By the treaty concluded in the month of November 1815, it had been stipulated that an army of occupation should remain in France; and it was placed under the command of the Duke of Wellington, without making any distinction among the contingents furnished by the different powers. He was also appointed inspector of the fortresses in the Low Countries, which were erected as advanced posts against France, and with the money levied upon her. The generalissimo resided in Paris, where he saw a good deal of Louis XVIII.; and his English principles were in perfect agreement with a system of moderation and freedom. He possessed an honest and upright heart, and a habit of judging with ease and simplicity of the state of events; and we must do him the justice to say, that when on various occasions he was constituted arbiter of the claims of the Allies, he almost invariably gave his opinion in favour of our unfortunate country. Even when he was consulted, more than once, upon the possibility of diminishing the army of occupation, he declared that the state of the public mind in France would permit this relief to be granted, which the suffering condition of the country rendered imperatively necessary. At this period, when the Duke of Wellington was engaged in rendering us most essential service, the Buonapartist spirit armed a fanatic against his life, and a pistol was fired actually into his carriage. The Duke escaped unhurt; and I deeply regret that Napoleon, in his will written at St. Helena, should have degraded himself to such a degree as to award a recompense to the miscreant who had thus attacked his former military adversary. Conduct like this communicates a stain which cannot be effaced even from the most renowned characters in history.

After the departure of the army of occupation, and the signing of the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, the Duke of Wellington quitted Paris; his military career was at an end, and his political life may be said to have just begun: having been raised to a seat in the House of Peers,[37]with the rank of duke, in the enjoyment of an immense fortune, and decorated with the stars of every order of knighthood in Europe, he could hardly fail of possessing a considerable degree of influence. But the order of things was now changed in England: during the long wars against the French Revolution and Empire, the English had shewn extreme energy, and had made great and very judicious use of their powerful means, thus enabling the Tories to overcome all the difficulties presented by their situation; they were successful because they were strongly opposed to all revolutionary principles, and firmly resolved to carry out the war. The people had then no time to think of internal dissensions, they were breathlessly engaged in incessantly recurring struggles, and always hoping for victory; but now that the war was at an end, passions were reawakened, and Lord Castlereagh saw his power gradually declining, while that of the Whigs and Radicals was progressively increasing.

The Duke of Wellington was a Tory upon principle and family precedent; he took his seat in the House of Peers among the Conservatives; and he and Lord Aberdeen formed the centre of the Tory benches that supported Lord Castlereagh's ministry. He was not an eloquent speaker, but he expressed himself with great clearness and precision; and, without being a man of a very enlarged mind, he was gifted with an instinctivegood sense, that enabled him to form an accurate judgment of the generality of questions; while, at the same time, he was perfectlyau faitof the political occurrences and situations of Europe, for he had taken a part in too many affairs of importance not to have retained a deep impression of them. In short, the Duke of Wellington, as a statesman, was less distinguished for thegreatthan for thegoodthings he had done. His popularity was now on the decline; the time had passed away when his carriage was surrounded by crowds of people on his return to England after his campaigns, for the Hero of Waterloo was too staunch a Tory to be a favourite with the populace. The queen's trial had excited public opinion in the highest degree, and every thing was progressing rapidly towards reform.

Under circumstances like these, the Duke had little political influence except in the diplomatic circle; but he found himself mixed up with all the serious continental affairs, in consequence of the important part he had formerly played; and he was present at the congress of Verona. He preserved a certain degree of influence in foreign affairs during Mr. Canning's ministry, although the Whig party was in the ascendant. Russia appeared at this time likely to become the rival of England; the Greek question caused considerable public excitement, and difficulties existed as to fixing the new boundaries of the Hellenic territory. Mr. Canning, therefore, considered it necessary a person of great consideration should be sent to St. Petersburg, and the Duke of Wellington, being held in high estimation by the Emperor Nicholas, and having also been actively engaged in most of the questions of general interest, it was decided that his mission should be attached to the treaty of the sixth of July, which established the independence of Greece, and settled her territorial boundaries. It had becomenecessary the business should be finally decided; and as, in England, strong prejudices against individuals are never indulged in when business is at stake, the Duke of Wellington was selected as being the person most capable of being useful.

When he returned to England Mr. Canning was dead; Lord Goderich's ministry was struggling feebly with the difficulties it had to encounter, and as diplomatic matters were assuming a singularly complicated appearance, the king thought it advisable to form a Tory ministry of men of capacity and experience. It was composed of Mr. Peel, Lord Aberdeen, and the Duke of Wellington; and peculiarly adapted for resisting any encroachments on the part of Russia. When the Duke came seriously to examine into the state of the country, he was convinced that one of the first steps necessary to secure the efficiency and consistency of his ministry was the emancipation of the Catholics. This had long been a favourite idea in his family; and Marquis Wellesley[38]had formerly detached himself from George III. on this very question. The Duke had no hesitation as to the course he was to pursue, and a bill presented to parliament was passed by a majority; the Tories were desirous of the glory of originating so just and equitable a measure.[39]

The revolution of July, some months afterwards, struck a fatal blow to the heart of the Tories; for Radical opinions were already obtaining great influence in England. The Duke hastened to recognise the events that had taken place, but in his own mind he qualified the proceedings with the epithetuntoward—the same expression he had used concerning the battle of Navarino.Had not every thing been overturned and altered by this revolution? How, then, was it possible for the Duke to contend with a political system which threatened to destroy the treaties concluded in 1815? He comprehended the full consequences of this change,—nor did he attempt to avert them; but, on the first occasion of an equivocal majority, he sent in his resignation, and gave up his situation to Lord Grey and the Whigs. As in England all political characters are independent of their position, they resign it without regret, even for some incidental circumstance. The Duke then placed himself at the head of the Conservative party, and of the enlightened Tories in the House of Lords; assuming there about the same situation as Mr. Peel in the House of Commons. Conservative and Tory signify in England men of worth and consistency, who venerate the ancient institutions of their country, and do not wish them to be interfered with; and it is certainly a magnificent ground for a statesman to take up, for he places himself as a barrier to oppose all the storms raised by parties. The Duke's Conservative principles made him averse to the plan of reform that attacked the ancient constitution of England: he continued to observe this steadfastness of opinion in the House of Lords; and when, in 1833, the continental question again became perplexed, the king proposed forming another ministry, in which he was to be included; but on this occasion, with an admirable appreciation of existing circumstances, Mr. Peel was placed at the head of the cabinet, and the noble Duke only filled a secondary place. He considered that a name belonging to the commonalty, like that of Mr. Peel, was better suited to the juncture than that of the Duke of Wellington or the Earl of Aberdeen. In consequence of this arrangement the Duke found himself completely eclipsed by Mr. Peel, and heappeared only to have been included in the ministry that he might act as its representative in the House of Lords: as it has been remarked by an English political writer, he certainly did not form its basis, whatever strength and consideration he might have brought to its assistance.

Peel's ministry was not of long duration; and the Tories were certainly guilty of an oversight in forming this ephemeral cabinet, for nothing more deeply injures a party than abortive efforts, or attempts which are not crowned with success. The Duke of Wellington resumed his place in the House of Lords, and spoke with seriousness and moderation upon all the questions of importance that came before them. As I have before observed, strong good sense, and clear reasoning, are the qualities for which he is especially distinguished, and which carry every thing before them. His manner of expressing himself is quiet and serious; and he is always listened to with respect and attention. His private life is essentially military; and at Apsley House he is surrounded by pictures of all his battles, from India to Waterloo. His favourite campaign is that of the Peninsula; and one might say that the recollections of his youth, under the exhilarating sky of the south of Europe, are intermingled with it. The Duke likes the old friends, and the society that reminds him of his military adventures; he is also very intimate with thecorps diplomatique, and entertains magnificently,—displaying all the splendour of an immense fortune and the grandeur of the English aristocracy. Sometimes he speaks with bitterness of his past popularity contrasted with the feelings evinced towards him in later times; and he has more than once called attention to the windows of his palace, now defended by iron gratings against the violence of the mob, who threw stones against his windows andinto his splendidly decorated apartments. "What a contrast!" said he to Pozzo di Borgo, in 1834. "Recollect, my dear friend, my popularity after the battle of Waterloo, and my entry into London in the year 1815; and now see how completely I am out of favour with these people!"

The Duke of Wellington likes to be compared to Marlborough and Nelson—the two most illustrious of English heroes; but he avoids all comparison with Napoleon, for their two careers are neither on the same scale nor can be measured by the same proportion.

The Duke of Wellington, a general essentially attached to the defensive system, always knew how to select a favourable position; received battle, but very rarely gave it. Every time that he ventured on bold measures he was guilty of imprudence; and he only shewed himself eminently superior when acting on the defensive.[40]Napoleon, on the contrary, was bold and magnificent in the attack; his plans were cleverly laid, and were the result of a sudden inspiration,—his wonderful genius enabled him to modify them according to circumstances; but at the slightest reverse Napoleon was cast down, and his retreat was almost always a flight: though his attack was made in the most brilliant manner, he knew not how to resist; and in this he personified the military genius of the French nation, from the times of Cressy and Agincourt. I think it necessary to repeat this parallel, as it is the only one that it is possible to draw between Napoleon and the Duke of Wellington. Nelson was the only Englishman who carried into naval warfare the spirit exhibited by Napoleon in the continental war. Had the Emperor lived to the age of the Duke, it would have been curious to comparethese two great characters at the extreme point of existence.

Since the revolution of 1830, the history of parties and statesmen has been greatly developed; Whigs and Tories have in turn been at the helm—Lord Grey, Lord Palmerston; Mr. Peel, and Lord Aberdeen; affording opportunities of forming a more correct judgment of the character and personal value of each. The Tories have now returned into power with Mr. Peel and Lord Aberdeen; but the Duke would not accept any office beyond a sort of patronage over the House of Lords.

A parallel may now be drawn between the Whigs and Tories, embracing the most distinguished characters among both. Lord Grey left all his celebrity as a leader of the opposition, to become a minister of mediocrity at the head of the government. Lord Palmerston exhibited so much emptiness and folly in his adventurous attempt at liberalism, as to lose all his consistency in England. The Tories on the contrary, have retained two men of high consideration, whose reputation is unblemished, viz. Mr. Peel and Lord Aberdeen. No man can equal the chief of the Tory party in his clear and perspicuous manner of speaking of business; and the Earl of Aberdeen possesses in an eminent degree a knowledge of foreign affairs and a most extensive acquaintance with facts: and this, in truth, constitutes the superiority and the seal of the Tory party.

People generally mistake the Duke of Wellington's character, by supposing him to feel a dislike to France; on the contrary, he has many feelings quite in agreement with our national character and history. The Tories, to a greater degree than the Whigs, are persuaded that the predominance of France is necessary for the balance of power in Europe; they seek all occasions to give a proof of this opinion, and are often grieved at the prejudiceswhich exist at the bottom of our character against the politics of their cabinet.

The Duke of Wellington has now reached the advanced age of seventy-four years, and he seldom speaks in the House of Lords; but when he does so his speeches are always worthy of attention, for his words carry with them the importance due to the opinion of a consummate statesman. His career, which began at so early an age in the burning climate of India, has been already several times endangered by sudden attacks of illness, from which he has recovered,—thanks to the strength of his constitution. Constantly accustomed to be employed, he himself corrected the proof sheets of his Despatches, which not only place him in the front rank as astrategicwriter, but also award him an elevated position in the scale of minds imbued with the principles of order, government, and administration. Let us repeat it, three men form a summary of the career of the Tories; Mr. Peel for the administration, Lord Aberdeen for foreign affairs, and the Duke of Wellington for military glory and renown. All these three are men of powerful minds.

Amongthe admirable works that have emanated from the pencil of Lawrence, the reader must have observed a countenance with a melancholy expression, and a high forehead shaded by locks prematurely blanched; the mild intelligent eyes, delicate nose, and firmly compressed mouth, are indicative of a mind of a superior order, but at the age of scarcely fifty years this countenance, whose nobleness and simplicity of expression are remarkable, conveys the idea of a man worn out with the troubles and anxieties of life; and I may almost add, by whom its vanities and illusions are viewed in their true colours. It is a mixture of the Frenchman of noble descent, and of the highest Russian nobility, who live so fast. This portrait was painted by Lawrence at Aix-le-Chapelle, and the original was distinguished during his childhood by the title of Comte de Chinon; in youth he was called Duc de Fronsac, and he finally inherited the title of Duc de Richelieu.

The political systems of all ages are personified by certain statesmen, who were their representatives. Since the commencement of the eighteenth century, France has been constantly placed between two preponderatinginterests; these are, 1st, an alliance with England, effected during the regency, and overturned by Louis XV. at Fontenoy; then resumed by the treaties of 1783 and 1785; again broken by the convention, with expressions of contempt and violence, in 1793; renewed for a moment under Talleyrand in 1814, when it was destroyed by the personal influence of the Emperor Alexander; and finally restored for a short time in 1833, by the feeble treaty between France, England, Spain and Portugal. 2dly, the Russian alliance, of more modern date, though naturally very suitable to the interests of France. It was first attempted by means of the embassy of M. de Ségur, under Louis XVI.; was restored by Napoleon at Erfurt, until the disastrous campaign of Moscow; resumed in 1815, and supported by the ministries of the Duc de Richelieu in 1816, and M. de la Ferronays in 1828, until Prince Polignac brought back the English system. After the revolution of July the diplomatic projects of Prince Polignac were resumed, with this sole difference, that Talleyrand attempted with the Whigs what the ministers of Charles X. had endeavoured to effect with the Tories.

I am about to write the life of the Duc de Richelieu as the personification of the Russian alliance, which I shall consider in all its various stages, from the period of the Restoration; and this is an era of very great importance in diplomatic history, for we are living under the treaties of 1814 and 1815. Those concluded at Vienna, at Aix-la-Chapelle, at Troppau, and Laybach, form the basis of our present relations with the rest of Europe.

Armand Emanuel du Plessis, Duc de Richelieu, well known in his early youth under the name of Comte de Chinon, was born at Paris on the 25th of September, 1766; his father was the Duc de Fronsac, son of the oldMarshal Richelieu, and his mother was a daughter of the house of Hautefort. Paris was full of the endowments of his ancestor the great cardinal, whose purple robe was the glory of his family; and it was at the college of Plessis, founded by him, that the Comte de Chinon first commenced his education, and was tolerably successful in his studies, especially in acquiring the various languages of Europe; for he learned to speak Italian, German, and English with facility, and at a later period Russian became as familiar to him as French. At the age of fourteen he was married to a daughter of the noble house of Rochechouart, and the young count and his little wife, who was just thirteen years of age, went to travel for some years, according to the custom that prevailed at that time among families of rank: he visited Italy, the country of the fine arts, to admire the works of the old masters, and the ancient cities, whose renown had once overspread the world. On the first breaking out of our domestic troubles the young nobleman hastened to offer his services to his menaced sovereign, and on the 5th and 6th of October, 1789, he proceeded on foot and alone to Versailles, and making his way through the assembled mob of ragged men and women, he went to warn the court of the danger with which it was threatened. As if in anticipation of his future diplomatic career, Louis XVI. employed him a few days afterwards on a mission to Joseph II., a sovereign who patronised reform; and he discharged it with the silent discretion so necessary to be observed in the relations of the king with foreigners, at a time when he was so closely watched and surrounded by the spies of the people. The Comte de Chinon, under the title of Duc de Fronsac, was already distinguished for the uprightness of his character; political intriguesdid not suit his frank and open disposition, and he therefore quitted Vienna and hastened to the siege of Ismael, celebrated by Lord Byron in his poem of "Don Juan." Many of the French nobility were serving in the armies of Catherine II., and the Duc de Fronsac fought by the side of Count Roger de Damas at the taking of the redoubt, where, according to the sarcastic rhymes of the poet, the cannon that thundered upon the besiegers were as numerous as the lovers of the licentious empress. The Duc de Fronsac was slightly wounded, and Catherine sent him a gold-hilted sword and the order of St. George. He also accepted the rank of Colonel in the Russian army, when he inherited the illustrious title of Richelieu upon the death of his father.

When Monsieur, afterwards Louis XVIII., made an appeal to the old and noble families among his countrymen, calling upon them to serve under the white banner, the Duc de Richelieu joined the army assembled to fight for the ancient crown of France; and after the unfortunate termination of the campaign of 1792, when the Prince of Condé requested an asylum in Russia for the French exiles, he was despatched by the Empress Catherine to arrange with the Prince the plan of a colony, to be established on the shores of the sea of Azof: it was to consist entirely of men of birth, and this idea was of some service when the noble foundation of Odessa took place; but in a military crisis like this, how was it possible to conceive and follow out a project involving a regular system of administration?

At the siege of Valenciennes by the coalesced armies, the Duc de Richelieu commanded a company of men of noble birth. There was something glorious and honourable in this emigration, which followed the fortunes of the royal banner as their ancestors had done that ofHenry IV; and we must not judge their proceedings according to our little party prejudices. After the victorious republic had reconquered her frontiers he returned to Russia, and became colonel of a cuirassier regiment; but the Emperor Paul was then on the throne, and with his usual harshness and brutality of disposition he punished the Duke for his personal attachment to the Czarewitch Alexander, by depriving him of his regiment; he even went so far as to forbid him to appear at St. Petersburg: for with a degree of imperial egotism the Czar expected devotion should be exhibited to himself alone. Such being the cause of his exile, it is hardly necessary to say, that on the accession of Alexander he was restored to his former rank, with every mark of the sovereign's favour; and the esteem and confidence entertained for him by Alexander, at this early period, was of the greatest service to France during the events that took place in the year 1815. Even then the Duke was fully sensible of the importance of an alliance between France and Russia, two countries whose interests are constantly meeting without its being possible they should clash; but at this time people could not even dream of the restoration of the royal dynasty—no event could appear less likely to occur.

After peace was concluded with Russia in 1801, the Duke took the opportunity of returning to France and collecting the remains of the enormous fortune of his ancestors, for the sake of paying the debts of his father and grandfather, both of whom had greatly involved their patrimony by their insane prodigality: this was hissoleobject; and he abandoned the whole of his rights to the creditors, retaining for himself nothing of that immense inheritance. It was certainly giving evidence of a most noble disposition! The Duc de Richelieu, prime minister of Louis XVIII., and great-nephewof the celebrated cardinal, did not himself possess an income of more than 20,000 francs![41]

Buonaparte was at the summit of his consular glory when the illustrious name of Richelieu was presented to him; and he who attached a great value to names of historic celebrity, and who was also a great admirer of the iron-handed minister, offered the Duke employment in his army: but he refused it, and is it possible to blame him for so doing? He was a man of high and ancient descent, warmly attached to the House of Bourbon, and resolved not to serve in a French army except under the royal banner: his refusal, however, rendered it necessary he should immediately quit Paris; and on his return to the Emperor Alexander he was entrusted with the execution of rather a difficult task, being appointed to the government of the southern portion of that immense empire. All the provinces on the borders of the Black Sea had been converted into uncultivated deserts by the ravages of war, and the barbarous ignorance of the Mussulman inhabitants rendered them incapable of repairing the mischief—in fact, the old Roman colonies of the Palus Meotides no longer existed except in name; and in repeopling this desert, the closest and most careful surveillance was necessary for the purpose of introducing European customs and civilisation. In the beginning of 1803, the Duke was appointed Governor of Odessa, and he was afterwards employed in the general administration of New Russia—a country where the climate is mild and genial, and which is like Italy, only devoid of the arts and of cultivation: institutions had been commenced, but nothing was completed, and in a city of considerable extent there were hardly 5000 inhabitants.[42]M. de Richelieu, withoutthe slightest hesitation, had recourse to the measures necessary for improving this state of things, even though he sometimes offended ancient customs and selfish interests; but it is only by means of absolute power that great reforms can be accomplished. Every thing appeared to have received new life; commerce, set free from the bonds by which she was before shackled, made a rapid advance, and the population of Odessa was in a short time doubled. The administration of the governor extended from the vast countries of the Dniester to the Kouban and the Caucasus; and the colonies of German Anabaptists, by whom more than one hundred villages were peopled, first set the example of agriculture upon the most enlightened system, so that, in a short time, immense fields of corn displayed their waving verdure on plains which, formerly, scarcely afforded to the Tartars pasturage for their cattle.

It became necessary to establish a sort of feudal system to defend the country against the invasions of the Circassians, armed, as in the time of the Crusades, with golden helms and knightly mail; and the Duke, brave, devoted to his undertaking, and desirous of glory, became the military chieftain of the colony. It was impossible the establishments on the Black Sea should attain their full greatness until Circassia should have submitted to the Russian government; this conquest the Russian cabinet is at present accomplishing.[43]

To set a limit to the depredations of the Circassians, the governor was repeatedly compelled to penetrate into their mountains at the head of some Russian regiments; he neglected nothing that could lead to the diffusion of the benefits of European society in that barbarous country, and several young Circassians, whom the fortune of war or other events had placed in his hands, were carefully educated under his superintendence, instructed in our arts, accustomed to our manners, and then restored to their homes to dwell among their countrymen, whose customs and habits might be softened and improved by their example: such was the custom of the ancient Romans with regard to their vanquished nations. This active administration continued during the plague which devastated Odessa in the year 1813;and the Duke then displayed the utmost firmness and energy, though he was obliged more than once to have recourse to the military power, which in Russia is always confounded with the civil administration. But it would be necessary to visit Odessa to form a just estimate of all he has effected there; he appeared to have inherited the creative genius of the great cardinal.

A new field soon opened before him. The events of 1814 had brought about the restoration of the Bourbons, and the influence of the Emperor Alexander reigned paramount over the proceedings of the senate which prepared the fall of Napoleon. Louis XVIII., who was a prince of a touchy disposition, and very ceremonious habits, had but very little inclination for the Duc de Richelieu, for he could not forgive his having preferred filling a high and important situation in Russia to the dignity of an attendant upon his exiled person; nevertheless, he restored the peerage to his family, as well as the situation of firstgentilhomme du roi. The Duke was not in office during the first restoration, and he employed himself in studying the new spirit that had arisen in his country, after so many domestic troubles; for he was sufficiently aware of the state of affairs to comprehend that events exercise an irresistible power in the modification of the character, and that when a person is desirous of bringing a revolution to a close, it is necessary to make incessant concessions to men and circumstances, and submit to unavoidable acts of necessity: these, no doubt, are painful duties, but are we not all called to wear the crown of thorns?

Totally unconnected with the negotiations of 1814, which were entirely in the hands of Prince Talleyrand, the Duc de Richelieu may be said to have spent the first restoration in renewing his acquaintance with hiscountry. He had quitted it a young man, and since then what marvellous events, what a new existence, had taken place! Property had been invaded, the homes of his forefathers pillaged! The domestic hearth no longer existed—even the tombs were violated and the bones of the dead were cast out; and this in the midst of a revolutionary society, which attached guilt even to the tears of the victims! The events of the 20th of March were caused by a fatal reaction in the minds of the soldiery, and a democratic hatred against the unfortunate nobility of France; and the Duc de Richelieu accompanied the ancient banner of his country into voluntary exile.

On his return for the second time, Louis XVIII. intrusted Talleyrand with the formation of a ministry based upon the English system; nevertheless, the chief of the cabinet was well aware that Russia must necessarily exercise very considerable influence over the negotiations relating to France, and he proposed M. de Richelieu as minister of the king's household, with the idea this choice would be agreeable to the Emperor Alexander: the appointment, however, was not accepted, for the Duke had an extreme repugnance to be seated beside the regicide Fouché; besides which, he was well aware that Alexander was displeased at the aspect of a ministry so entirely devoted to England, and which had been formed under the ascendancy of the Duke of Wellington. I have already mentioned the causes that broke up Talleyrand's ministry; after its dissolution, Louis XVIII. considered that the Russian influence would alone be capable of procuring for us some alleviation of the heavy burdens imposed by the invasion, for the Czar was the only party whose interest was not concerned in the affair; and it is necessary to read the diplomatic correspondence of LordCastlereagh and the German diplomatists to judge how overwhelming were the conditions imposed by the Allies. Their crushing demands, their deplorable ultimatum, had been published; the negotiations did not advance, while, at the same time, the disastrous condition of the country was aggravated by the presence of a million of foreigners. It was in order to obtain the powerful support of the Emperor of Russia that the king appointed the Duc de Richelieu minister for foreign affairs, and president of the council; thus assigning him a double and most difficult office.

Still nobody was better fitted than the Duke to hasten the conclusion of the treaty; nobody had so much reason to hope he might succeed in abating its severity. The Czar felt the utmost confidence in the noble governor of Odessa, and he was not ignorant that France had but little to hope for in point of support from her neighbours, who had been too long irritated by the weight of her power. Russia alone had nothing to claim from her, and she was furthermore inclined to lend her assistance, as to a faithful ally in the south of Europe. The Duke was well convinced of all these circumstances, and he took care to represent to the Czar, that all the importance lost by France would be so much added to the strength and power of her rivals, and would increase the superiority of Austria and Prussia. Alexander's inclinations were favourable to our country, and by drawing out these kindly feelings the Duke was enabled to fulfil the immense task that had been imposed upon him. Let us take a retrospect of the afflicting state of our invaded land in the year 1815. 700,000 soldiers occupied the country, the people of Germany were in a state of extreme irritation, and the remains of the seditious and disorganised army on the other side of the Loire had been disbanded with great difficulty; add to which, the treasury was exhausted,and the course of the contributions interrupted by a long abuse of power. Surely it required a mind of no common energy to grapple with a situation so fraught with difficulty and disaster! In quiet times diplomacy is a work of skill and address, a polished interchange of political generalities, and some plans proposed for future accomplishment; but at this time, when we must recollect that Paris was in the hands of an imperious and vindictive enemy, what could we expect from the magnanimity of conquerors so long humbled and trampled upon by French domination? Under these fearful auspices the course of the negotiation was intrusted to the Duc de Richelieu, just at the decisive moment when, after a most stormy debate, the plenipotentiaries had come to an agreement concerning the sacrifices they were determined to exact from France. The most ruinous projects were maintained by England, Austria, and Prussia, their demands being comprehended between four points, viz. the cession of a territory, including the posts of Condé, Philippeville, Givet, Marienburg, Charlemont, Sarrelouis, and Landau, and the forts of Joux and Ecluse; the demolition of the fortifications of Hunningen; the payment of an indemnity of 800 millions; and the occupation of the frontiers by an army of 150,000 men, kept up at the expense of France for seven years. England insisted particularly that the chain of fortresses on the northern frontier should be so closely curbed, that Dunkirk should be the last in the possession of the French. The country was to be restored to the limits it occupied in the days of Henry IV., and a party, dating its birth from the national excitement which roused Germany against Napoleon, considered it undoubted that Alsace and Lorraine were to be reunited to the Germanic confederation. The map which represented France deprived of these fine provinces had already been designed bythe German geographers, and it has since been preserved as a glorious trophy in the Richelieu family.

Deeply affected by these resolutions, the minister drew up a memorial addressed to the Emperor Alexander, and expressed with the conscientious energy of an honest man. "France," said he, "in regaining her sovereigns, ought also to recover the territory they governed, otherwise the restoration would be incomplete." The minister depicted, with the fervour inspired by deep conviction, the despair of a great people, and the prospective consequences to be feared from it; for, at the first opportunity, France would again fly to arms. This remonstrance made a great impression upon Alexander, and though it was not possible to induce the allied powers to agree to the general idea contained in it, at least the Duke succeeded in obtaining that the important posts of Condé, Givet, and Charlemont, and the forts of Joux and Ecluse, should not be included in the territorial cessions. The pecuniary indemnity also was diminished by 100 millions of francs, and it was determined the military occupation should not exceed five years, and might possibly terminate at the end of three. The French minister signed the memorable treaty on the 20th of November, 1815, and it bears honourable witness to the sadness that oppressed his heart.[44]He had succeeded in obtaining great and noble advantages for his country, but he bore the name of Richelieu, and was the great-nephew of the celebrated cardinal who had so greatly augmented the monarchy, and he could not, without pain and grief, see the smallest particle of its grandeur torn away. The speech he made five days afterwards bears the stamp of patriotic sorrow and dignified resignation, and it was impossible, while listeningto it, not to feel that the minister had yielded solely because the conquerors were inexorable, rendering the measure of imperious necessity.

The cares incident to so important a negotiation had not led the Duke to neglect the internal administration of the country; and while the chambers sanctioned the extraordinary powers required by the government to repress the old and turbulent spirit of Liberalism, the ministry was occupied in taking just and solemn measures against those who, by favouring the return of Buonaparte, had led to the misfortunes of their country, and authorised these terrible reprisals. The fatal trial of Marshal Ney was the first that took place; and now that political ideas are clearer, and we are no longer carried away by declamation, the motives of the great debate that ensued are easily explained. The marshal was summoned before a council of war, by anordonnancesigned under the ministry of Fouché and Talleyrand; and this council having declared itself incompetent, the marshal ought to have been tried by the House of Peers, this being the natural order of jurisdiction. The Duc de Richelieu, on the 11th of November, 1815, carried to the chamber the royalordonnance, which constituted it a court of justice, and, with his heart still full of the sad sacrifices that had been exacted from his country, he expressed himself with warmth and firmness against the authors of the revolution of the Hundred Days; for was it not the actions of those people that had brought a million of foreigners into our land? After the condemnation of the marshal, the Duke, desirous of calming the unruly passions that raged in the country, presented a bill for a general amnesty to the two chambers, in which there were no exceptions, except the names contained in a list drawn up by Fouché. During seasons of agitation, parties always go beyondthe plans proposed by governments, and upon this project the chamber of 1815 established its system ofcategories; and the regicides were banished the kingdom, contrary to the personal opinion of Louis XVIII. In the course of the discussion it was proposed to confiscate the property of condemned and banished persons, but Richelieu rejected the measure, saying that "confiscations rendered the evils of war irreparable." And how much generosity was exhibited in this conduct, when we consider that the Duke had himself been deprived, by the most implacable confiscations, of all the property of his family!

The finest portion of his life begins from this period. The great object he had proposed to himself was the deliverance of invaded France, overwhelmed by foreign powers; and, at the same time, the situation of the country gave cause for the most serious uneasiness. It was now necessary to levy an army to act as a weight in the European balance of power, and also to fulfil the hard conditions imposed by the treaty of 1815; while, to remove the fears entertained by the different cabinets, the Duke gave them to understand that the divisions arising in the chambers were merely the natural result of the representative system. One ought to remember the miserable years of 1816 and 1817; the dearness of grain, the scarcity, and the revolts in various provinces, the occupations of the strong posts in France by 150,000 bayonets, and a military contribution of 15 millions a month. In the midst of all these disasters the Duke suggested the diminution of the foreign army, thus commencing a negotiation which led to much greater results; and, on the 11th of February, 1817, he came to announce to the chambers that 30,000 men were about to repass the frontier, and that the expense of the army of occupation would bediminished by 30 millions of francs. This relief was owing to the reparative system he had pursued, and to the efforts of France, so fruitful in resources.

We, perhaps, hardly meet, in the whole course of history, with two years more difficult to get over than from 1815 to 1817. An armed invasion, famine, vehemence of parties, factions up in arms; and withal, extreme constraint in the administration, both as a whole and in detail, and a country whose ancient frontiers must be by all means preserved.

The army of occupation having been diminished, it became indispensable to have recourse to forced levies, to secure the safety and the dignity of the country; and a law for that purpose was proposed and accepted at the opening of the session of 1817, as a complete military system: the essentials of this law are still in force.

At this period commenced the intimacy between the Duc de Richelieu and MM. Mounier and De Rayneval, two men of great ability, and who remained faithful to his memory. And let me be permitted to offer a last tribute to both these distinguished persons, then in the flower of their age, and now consigned to the tomb; for men of strong feelings are soon worn out by public life. M. Gérard de Rayneval belonged to an ancient diplomatic family, whose employment in the foreign office dated from the ministry of M. de Vergennes, and the treaty with the Low Countries. M. Mounier was endowed with a lively and penetrating mind, and possessed immense erudition; he, like M. de Barante, had, in early youth, been thrown into the administration of the Empire, and had filled the situation of secretary to the cabinet; and the Duke conceived a friendship for both these men equal to the confidence he deservedly reposed in them. He had a great regard for honour and probity, and where could it be more fully met withthan in people, whose characters remained pure and free from blemish, nay, who retained an honourable poverty, in the midst of the liquidation of foreign debts, amounting to 1700 millions of francs?

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