The Brigade Headquarters withdrew in the evening fromFestubertto a foul big farm about half a mile back. This, from a particularly offensive big cesspool in the middle of the yard, we labelled Stink Farm (it had 1897 in big red tiles on the roof). It was a beastly place, and W. and I had to sleep in a tiny room on a couple of beds which had not seen clean mattresses or coverings for certainly ten years or more. There were, however, plenty of barns and clean straw for the men.
Oct. 14th.
The general idea was to continue to pushforward, with our right on the Canal, to let the 3rd Division swing round. But though we did our best, we could not get forward as long as the 13th Brigade on our right, on the other side of the Canal, were held up—for if we advanced that would merely mean getting our right flank exposed and enfiladed by the enemy.
Map.
Two more companies of the Devons arrived, to support the remains of the Dorsets, from the 14th Brigade, the battalion being under Lieutenant-Colonel Gloster. But we could not do any good, and except for an immense number of messages we did little all day. The enemy was in some strength in our front, but did not attack.
There was very heavy firing at 6.30P.M.and again at 9P.M.all along our line of outposts, and we thought at first it was a night attack; but it was only a case of false alarm on the part of the Dorsets on the right and the 14th Brigade on our left.
I forgot to mention that we were told to advance with the 13th Brigade at 3P.M., but the latter were held up, and relieved in the evening by the 58th French Brigade. What immediately happened to the 13th Ido not remember; but they were eventually sent round on to the left of the 11th Brigade, I believe.
Oct. 15th.
The French were meanwhile heavily attackingVermelles, and we were to be ready to advance alongside them if they succeeded. I sent Moulton-Barrett to the Canal to receive the message from the French through Chapman (our Divisional Intelligence officer) when it came. But it never came, for the French made no progress; so we did nothing except dig proper trenches and strengthen our positions.
In the evening came in reports that the Germans were withdrawing and evacuating posts in our front. The remains of the Dorsets were withdrawn into reserve, and the Devons came under my orders in their place.
Oct. 16th.
There was a dripping thick mist nearly all day, and we pushed on under its cover—the Bedfords intoGivenchy(losing poor Rendall, killed by the retiring Germans), and the Norfolks intoRue d'OuvertandStRoch, whilst the Devons, ordered to make the footbridge toCanteleuxroad "good," pushed on in the afternoon. But it got so absolutely pitch-dark that it was impossible to make a cohesive advance; so after getting close to the footbridge and coming under a heavy fire thence, the Devons fell back again, all the more justified sinceCanteleuxwas reported still occupied by the enemy on their left flank. A vast amount of staff work all day. We returned to theFestubertpothouse in the evening.
Oct. 17th.
The first question was, WasCanteleuxoccupied by the enemy? Preparations were made to shell it at 6A.M., but figures were seen strolling about there which did not look very German. Shortly afterwards the Norfolks reported that they had about sixty men in it who had penetrated thither during the night. The Bedfords at first were still convinced that the men inCanteleuxwere German, but we disabused them as soon as we heard the truth for certain, and for a change shelled some farms to our front whence hostile machine-gun fire was proceeding, setting one on fire.
In the afternoon we were ordered to advance to the line: bridge—Canteleux—Violaines; and again the Devons pushed on, slowly, in connection with the French, but were again obliged to retire from the vicinity of the bridge by heavy fire, and took up their position in the advanced position that the Dorsets had occupied on the 13th.
The Cheshires, under the three gallant captains, Shore, Mahony, and Rich, meanwhile worked well forward and reported their arrival atViolainesat 4P.M., having reached itviâRue du Marais.
A desperate amount of work again, 5A.M.to 11P.M.I only got out of the pothouse for twenty minutes all day, and that was at 5P.M.
Thus we had pushed forward some way on our line by the evening, and the 14th Brigade was in touch with the Cheshires and moving slowly forward—but very slowly.
Oct. 18th.
Next day the usual "general advance" was ordered for 6A.M., and the artillery loosed off a lot of shells on to where we thought the enemy were. But it was really quite useless our advancing on the rightunless the French did also, for the Germans held the south bank of the Canal in front of the latter, and any advance by us merely exposed our right flank to a terrible enfilade fire.
Major-General Morland, who had succeeded Sir C. Fergusson in command of the Division, now turned up, and to him I explained these things. The Railway Triangle was the worst place, for it was heavily held by Germans, who had dug themselves in behind stockades of rails and trucks and defied even our howitzers; but it was difficult, very difficult, for the latter to make good practice at them here, as the country was so flat, yet so cut up with high trees and fences that it was almost impossible to get an observing station or to see what one was firing at.
I shifted Brigade Headquarters about 1P.M.to a nice little house with garden, close behind the cross-roads half a mile west ofGivenchy, and here we stayed for four unpleasant days. We had to be very careful, after dark, not to show a light of any sort towards the enemy, and had to plaster up the windows with blankets and things which every now and then came down with a run, causing rapid transition to total darknessand discomfort. But it was a good little place on the whole, and quite decently furnished.
In the afternoon I went to observe what I could fromGivenchy. The village was already in ruins, with most of the church blown down, whilst the only place to observe from was from between the rafters of a barn on the eastern outskirts—most of the roof having been carried away by shrapnel. There was not much to see; for althoughGivenchystood on the only little rise in the country, a tree in one direction and a chapel in the other blocked most of the view towardsLa Bassée. In front of us lay the Bedford trenches, with the Devons on their right and the French on their right again. One could just see the farm buildings ofCanteleux, and the spires of part ofLa Bassée, butStRochwas invisible, and so were the Norfolk trenches.
Later on I went to interview Gloster, commanding the Devons; but I did not find him. With a French orderly and a Devon officer I rode throughPont Fixeand turned to the left along the Canal. Then we had to dismount at a bend of the Canal, which brought us into view of the enemy, and webolted across bullet-swept ground into the right of the Devon trenches. Here I waited about an hour; but Gloster did not turn up, and meanwhile a heavy hostile fusillade went on which effectually prevented my putting my nose above ground. I don't know whether they had spotted me going into that trench, but I do know the parapet received an unfair share of bullets.
When it was nearly dark I cleared out and went to the Canal and whistled for my mare (I had been riding Squeaky). The French orderly turned up leading her, but his own horse had gone,—as he ruefully explained,"à cause d'un obus qui a éclaté tout près dans l'eau."He was a good youth: he had stuck to my mare and let his own go, as he could not manage both. However, virtue was rewarded, and he found his horse peacefully grazing in the outskirts ofPont Fixe.
When I reached Headquarters I found Gloster there, for he had come to look for me; so I had the required interview with him and settled about a rearrangement of his trenches.
Oct. 19th.
We actually had a quiet night—six and a half hours' sleep without being disturbed at all.
Map.
An attack was ordered for 7A.M.in conjunction with the French. But the French were not ready at that hour. I was told that the 6th battalion of the 295th Regiment, which had now been brought over to the north of the Canal, was to be under my orders; but hardly had I heard this when I received a message at 9.25A.M.that the French were going to attack at 9.30. At noon they did so, and very pluckily. It was, however, impossible to assist them, for they (the 6/295) ran forward and attacked the Canal and footbridge obliquely, completelymasking any action possible by the Devons They lost heavily, I fear, but it really was not our fault, though at one time they seemed to think it was.
I went to talk to Lieut.-Col.Perron, who commanded the detachment (6/295 and a fewChasseurs à Cheval), in the afternoon; but the interview did not enlighten me very much. The commander of the 6/295, however, oneBaron d'Oullenbourg, was most intelligent, and a gallant fellow with plenty ofnous. He was badly wounded two days afterwards in another attempt.
I was so much struck with the plucky way in which the 6/295 pushed on under heavy fire that I sent a complimentary note both to the battalion and to General Joubert, commanding the 58th Brigade on the other side of the Canal—for the battalion belonged (to start with) to his brigade. They published both my notes in theOrdre du Jourof the Division, andd'Oullenbourgreceived aLégion d'Honneurin consequence (soStAndrétold me). Anyway, he thoroughly deserved it.
Meanwhile we heard that the Cheshires, Manchesters, andK.O.S.B.'s were all held up nearViolainesby a beastly sugar factorywhich the Germans occupied on the road north ofLa Bassée, and they could not get on at all.
Generals Morland and Franklin turned up in the afternoon. We were perpetually being urged to advance and attack, but how could we? There was nothing to attack in front of us exceptLa Bassée, a couple of miles off, and we could not advance a yard in that direction without exposing our right flank to a deadly enfilade fire from across the Canal, for the Germans were still strongly holding that infernal railway triangle, and nothing availed to get them out of it.[11]General Morland wisely, therefore, ordered me not to advance in force.
Later on we heard that the Cheshires had made a gain of 800 yards, but had got so extended that they asked for a Bedford company to support them, and this I sent.
In the evening I went to examine a French 75 mm. battery, and had the whole thing explained to me. The gun is simply marvellous, slides horizontally on its own axle, never budges however much it fires,and has all sorts of patent dodges besides: but it is no use painting the lily!
Wilson, of the 61st Howitzers, was, by the way, a little aggrieved by this French battery coming and taking up its position close alongside him and invading his observing stations. The captain also got on his nerves, for he was somewhat excitable, and his shells were numerous that burst prematurely, whilst a house only 100 yards off, which should have been well under the trajectory of his shells, was several times hit by them. However, he doubtless caused much damage to the enemy.
On the 20th and 21st the Germans kept us fairly busy with threatened attacks, especially on the Cheshires atViolaines; but nothing definite happened, although we were kept on the perpetualqui vive, and could not relieve our feelings by attacking, for we had orders to "consolidate our position."
By this time we occupied a line as follows:—
On the evening of the 21st there was serious news on our left. Although the Cheshires were still in occupation ofViolaines, it looked as if they might have to retire from it very soon, as the right of the 14th Brigade, on the Cheshires' left, was being driven back.Violaines, however, was very important, and to let the Germans get a footing here was most dangerous. So, with General Morland's sanction, and after communicating with the Cheshires, who cheerily said they could hold out all right, I told the Cheshires to stick toViolaines, throwing their left flank back in case the line to their left was penetrated.
Oct. 22nd.
A very anxious day ensued. At 6A.M.the Cheshires were invaded in front and flank by a surprise attack of the enemy in great force, and had to fall back towardsRue du Marais, losing heavily. Some Dorsets (who had been for the last threedays at Stink Farm and were sent as a support to the 13th Brigade) were supporting them, but they could not do much, and they also lost a number of men. From what I could gather, the Cheshires had been digging in the dark round the southern and eastern flank of the village, and had their sentries out, but apparently not quite far enough out for such thick weather, and when the Germans appeared rushing through the fog they were taken at a disadvantage, for they had cast their equipment in order to dig, and the covering party was quickly cut down.
This, at all events, was what I made out from the surviving officers, of whom one, 2nd Lieut. Pogson, was the senior. Mahony and Rich, fighting gallantly, had been killed, and Shore wounded and taken prisoner. About 200 men were also killed and wounded out of about 600, and a good many of the Bedfords with them, including poor Coventry (late Transport officer) killed.
At 8.30A.M.I was ordered to send my three companies of Bedfords fromGivenchytoStRoch, to support the 13th Brigade, who were hanging on aboutRue du Marais. But, besides thus depriving me of my only reserve, these companies had great difficulty in gettingto their places, as the country over which they had to pass was heavily shelled by the enemy, and they took a long time getting there.
I heard that the combined 13th and 14th Brigades were to make a counter-attack onRue du Maraisin the afternoon, and this was certainly attempted. But owing to the mix-up of their battalions in the enclosed country it was impossible to arrange a combined movement under the heavy fire, and it was eventually given up—merely confused fighting taking place during the afternoon. It was, however, sufficient to stop the Germans for the time being. One reason for the difficulty—as I afterwards heard—was that the officer temporarily commanding the 13th Brigade had, by some mischance, got stuck right in the firing line with his staff and signal section, and could not be got at, nor could he move himself or issue orders,—a useful though unhappy warning to Brigadiers.
I moved with the Brigade Staff from my house atGivenchyto another house about 600 yards west ofFestubert, so as to be more behind the centre of my Brigade.
During the night, in pursuance of ordersfrom the Division, we fell back on to a somewhat undefined line of defence covering the front ofFestubert-Givenchy, and proceeded to dig ourselves in along a line entirely in the open fields, and very visible, I fear, to the enemy. Some battalions could not get sufficient tools, and were not half dug in by daylight. However, the Germans must have suffered considerably themselves, for they did not attack us in the morning, although their Field Artillery kept up a heavy shrapnel fire. The West Ridings (13th Brigade) were put under my orders.
Oct. 23rd.
We were shelled all the morning, but had no serious casualties.
My Brigade now consisted of the Devons (14th Brigade), West Ridings (13th Brigade), and the Norfolks (15th Brigade). The remains of the Cheshires and Dorsets were withdrawn and put into theRue de Béthunehamlet in rear ofFestubert, under orders of the 13th Brigade as their reserve, whilst the Bedfords were attached to, I think, the 14th Brigade, somewhereQuinque Rueway. It was a glorious jumble, and what happened to the rest of the 13th Brigade I do notknow. I believe they combined in some way with the 14th, but I know that two days afterwards the Brigadier was left with only one fighting battalion, the West Kents, I think.
However, my command was shortly increased considerably by the arrival of CommandantBlanchardwith the 2nd Battalion of the 70thInfanterie de Ligne(Regulars).Blanchardwas a good solid man, and I put him to holdGivenchyin conjunction with the Devons, who were now occupying the Bedford trenches there. The French on the right of the 70th gave us acute reason for anxiety by retiring calmly from their trenches when they were shelled; but it was only their way, for half an hour afterwards they trotted back into them quite happily, much to the relief of the Devons and their exposed flank.
I rode down toGivenchyin the afternoon to seeBlanchardand make arrangements for holding the village, and here I met Williams (now commanding the Devons since hisC.O., Gloster, had been hit two days before, not very seriously) and talked matters over with him.
We expected a night attack, and werecertainly not in a strong position to resist it. Had we been driven in we should have been jammed into the swamp in rear, between the Canal and theGorre-Festubertroad, which would have been extremely unpleasant. So I issued orders to hold tight at all costs, besides secret orders to certainC.O.'s as to what they were to do if we were badly mauled and had to fall back.
Luckily no attack took place, and we had a fairly quiet night.
Oct. 24th.
At 7A.M.I received the encouraging news (from the 2nd corps) that we were going to be heavily attacked to-day, and what certainly gave colour to it was the arrival of a large number of Black Marias during breakfast, which exploded within an unpleasantly narrow radius of our house. It is quite conceivable that the position of our Headquarters had been given away by some spy. Anyhow, it looked like it, and we decamped at 9.30 to a cottage half a mile back. Perhaps it is as well that we did so, for at 9.40 a big shell arrived through the roof and exploded in my late bedroom, tearing out the corner of the house walland wrecking the stable; whilst nearly at the same moment another shell completely wrecked the house just opposite, where Ballard (commanding 15th BrigadeR.F.A.) had been spending the night. He also had cleared out about an hour before.
Before I went I sent my senior officer, Ballard (Norfolks), down toGivenchyto take local command over the French and English troops there, and am glad I did so, for it introduced unity of command and satisfaction. The Devons down there were meanwhile getting exhausted after their long spell in the trenches; but I had no troops to relieve them with, nor any reserve.
The "attack" did not materialize, and we had a fairly quiet afternoon, the Germans limiting their activities to digging themselves in and sniping perpetually.
It was an extraordinarily warm day, and we sat in the cottage with windows and doors wide open till long after dark. An attack was made about 10P.M.on the French the other side of the Canal, but it was too far off to interest us much.
Oct. 25th.
Another lovely warm day of Indiansummer. Also of many shells, some falling pretty close to our cottage. The Germans were seen making splendid use of the folds in the ground for driving saps and connecting up their heads into trenches getting nearer and nearer to our lines. And we could do nothing but shell them and snipe them as best we could, but with little result, for artillery observation-posts were almost impossible, and snap-shooting at an occasional head or shovel appearing above ground produced but small results.
Three French batteries arrived during the morning and were put underBlanchard's orders in the swampy wood behindGivenchy. Some spasmodic attacks occurred on the trenches east of the village, and the French lost rather heavily; for the Germans got into some of their evacuated trenches and killed the wounded there. A speedy counter-attack, however, drove them out again. The Devons lost two officers (Besley and Quick) and ten men killed and thirty-eight wounded.
At 4.50P.M.I got a message saying large columns of the enemy had been seen by the French issuing fromLa BasséeandViolaines, and I was ordered peremptorilyto be ready to counter-attack at once, with my whole force if required.
Sir Horace Smith-Dorrien arrived alone an hour or so afterwards, and I pointed out our situation to him; he entirely concurred in my view, and heartened me up considerably by quite recognising the state of affairs and congratulating us, and especially the Devons, on sticking it out so well.
Maynard (Major in the Devons) arrived about midnight and took over command of the battalion, he having been on the staff of the 2nd Corps.
Oct. 26th.
Next morning I rode out again toGivenchyto see Ballard and my fresh French troops; for the 6/285th (CaptainGigot), the 5/290th (CommandantFerracci—a typical little Corsican and a good soldier), and a squadron ofChasseurs à Chevalhad arrived to strengthen us, besides the three batteries aforesaid (under CommandantMenuan). The 2/70th (now under Captainde Ferron) and the 6/295th (lately underBaron d'Oullenbourg, now wounded; I have, I fear, forgotten his successor's name) were, of course, also under me; so I had a nice little commandnow of three English and four French battalions, four English and three French batteries, and a French squadron.StAndréas liaison officer was of the greatest possible use to me, being both tactful and suggestive as to dealing with my new command, and keeping up splendid communication.
I then relieved the Devons by the 6/295th—and well they deserved it after their bad time for the last week,—and put the 296th in reserve at various points during the night, sending the Devons as reserve to the Norfolks and West Ridings atLes Plantins, betweenGivenchyandFestubert.
There was practically no shelling at all during the whole day—I wonder why; nor did the enemy make any movement. But we heard of their bringing big guns on to the rising ground at Billy and Haisnes, to the south ofLa Bassée, and tried to "find" them with our howitzers and heavy artillery battery.
Oct. 27th.
The reliefs were not finished till 2.30A.M.—largely owing to some idiots, French or English, loosing off their rifles as they left the trench, which brought a heavy fire on usfrom the enemy and delayed matters for a long time. It was also not easy—although we had made elaborate and detailed arrangements—to relieve British by French troops in pitch darkness, for, interpreters being scarce, they could not understand each other when they met.
We heard that there was an attack on the 14th Brigade on our left about 1A.M., and that 200 Germans had got in behind theK.O.Y.L.I.and were still there; what happened to them I do not know. The 7th Brigade, on the left of the 14th, had also been driven in, and the 14th Brigade received orders to make a counter-attack in the evening, with the Devons held ready to help them if required.
During the day one CaptainPigeonneand his batch ofgendarmeriearrived, with orders to clearFestubertof its civilian inhabitants. This was necessary, as the Germans were pretty close up to it and there were undoubtedly spies, and even snipers were reported in and about the village. But hardly any people were found except the lunatic inhabitants of a small asylum, together with their staff, who had stayed there, both men and women, mostdevotedly for the last week, with practically nothing to eat in the whole place. The inhabitants were ordered to clear out, and some of them did. But others hid, and yet others crept back again by night, so the result was practicallynil. One poor old woman was hunted out three times, but she returned yet once more, piteously saying that she had nowhere to go to, and wanted to die in her own house.
During the evening General Joubert, commanding the 58th Brigade, arrived with orders to take over command of all French troops north of the Canal. So my international command had not lasted long. But they sent me a liaisonN.C.O.of their artillery—a most intelligent man with a yellow beard—and I was still allowed to call on the French batteries for assistance whenever I needed them.
Oct. 28th.
Joubert was a typical French General, white-moustached, short, courteous, gallant, and altogether charming and practical, and I went again to see and consult him next morning atGivenchy, cantering through the swampy woods at the back, where mostof our seven batteries were posted under excellent cover. I also, before going to bid him adieu, had written him what I thought was a charming letter, congratulating him on the"galanterie de ses troupes."Alas,StAndréwas out when I wrote the letter, or probably I should have expressed it differently; I hear it was subsequently published in orders, but I trust it was edited first!
The night had been extraordinarily quiet, and after my visit to Joubert the situation was so peaceful that I walked back a bit to inspect a third line of trenches that were being dug by civilians and spare troops underR.E.supervision. I was not much edified at the portion that the 15th Brigade had been told off to, for it was within 150 yards of a bunch of houses in front, under cover of which the Germans could have come up quite close; and if they had put a selection of their snipers into them, we should have had a poor time. But I quite allow that I was at a loss, owing to the awkward ground, to suggest anything better. We had also a mile of front to cover, with three weak battalions and a difficult line, whilst the four Frenchbattalions had been allotted altogether only half a mile of excellent natural trenches behind the Canal, or rather behind a broad water-ditch which ran into the Canal.
The 2nd Manchesters, under Strickland,[13]late of the Norfolks, a first-rate battalion just arrived from India, had now been attached to the 14th Brigade—where their own 1st battalion were also—and had had very heavy fighting during the last few days just north ofFestubert. The Devons were therefore sent to relieve them,—rather rough on them after barely forty-eight hours out of the trenches.
Oct. 29th.
We had an extraordinarily quiet night—a full eight hours' sleep without any disturbance,—and we were consequently feeling much fitter. But the ball began full early by a violent attack on the Devons at dawn, and another at 7 on the 2nd Manchesters, both hard pressed, but both repulsed—the Manchesters, who were short of ammunition, getting well in with the bayonet.
I sent one company of the Norfolks to support the Devons, but I could barely afford even that. The enemy was entrenching within 200 to 400 yards of all my battalions, pushing out saps from their trenches along the ditches and folds of the ground, and connecting up their heads in a most ingenious and hidden manner. The French were not attacked, so they sent a couple of companies at my request toLes Plantins, behind the Norfolks. However, after another attack between 9 and 10A.M.the Germans dried up for the present.
We knew that the Indian Divisions from Lahore and Meerut were shortly coming to strengthen this part of the line, and I was therefore not surprised to hear that Macbean, commanding one of their Brigades, wanted to see Martyn[14]and me about the relief of our respective Brigades. This was distinctly satisfactory from our point of view; but I was not entirely happy, for I was very doubtful how far these untried Indian troops would stand up to what was evidently going to be a very difficult situation if the Germans went on attacking asthey had been doing. Fresh troops, it is true. But they had had no experience of this sort of fighting, nor of trenches, nor of cold wet weather: and they were going to have all three.
The relief of the West Ridings by the Black Watch battalion of the Indian Division was carried out on the same evening. The relief of the Bedfords, Cheshires, and Dorsets was also arranged for, but the Norfolks could not be relieved till the morrow. The 2nd Manchesters were relieved, however, by the 2/8th Gurkhas, who looked very much out of place with their big hats and tiny, sturdy Mongolian physique.
Oct. 30th.
After a very quiet night—except for French guns which started shelling heavily about 4A.M., and kept us awake till daylight—we had another unpleasant day.
There were repeated attacks on the Devons and Gurkhas all day, and at 3P.M.Maynard reported that the Gurkhas had lost all their British officers and were being driven out of their trenches, and that support was badly wanted.
The first story about the Gurkhas wasthat they had come to an end of their ammunition and were fighting with the bayonet, but were driven back by superior numbers. But it turned out later that they lost very heavily from shell fire, and, the trenches being too deep for the little men, they could produce no effect with their rifles, and could see nothing. So, having lost all their English officers, and being bewildered by the heavy fire and totally new conditions, and having no chance of getting in with the bayonet, they cleared out one by one, so as to get together into formation. The Devons' last man was in the firing line by this time, and so two Bedford companies and the West Ridings, no longer under my command, were ordered to retake some Gurkha trenches, into which the Germans had already penetrated, alongside ours.
It was frightfully difficult to make out what was happening, as not only were our troops in process of being relieved by the Indians, but there was very heavy fire as well on all our supports and on the roads leading up to the trenches, so that communication was all but impossible, most telephone wires having been broken long ago and found impossible to repair under such fire.
The 58th (Wilde's) Rifles had arrived, and were by way of relieving the Norfolks; but owing to this attack they were deflected in rear of the Devons. Then we were called on to send two companies to support the Devons. But, considering that they now had already two Bedford companies, four of West Ridings, and four of the 58th Rifles, to support them in enclosed country where they could hardly move, and that to weaken my already very thin line of Norfolks and Black Watch meant leaving me no supports at all, I respectfully protested, and gained my point.
Elaborate arrangements were made by the authorities for retaking the lost trenches by the Bedfords, &c., at nightfall; then the movement was deferred till 1.30A.M., and then till dawn; but nothing happened at all during the night except occasional fire-bursts, which sounded like general attacks.
I might mention that during these "quiet" nights there were numerous fire-bursts at intervals, which used to bring me out of, or rather off, my bed three or four times a night, for the sentry on our cottage had strict orders to call me in case anything alarming occurred in our front. But theyalways slacked off after 5 or 10 minutes of my waiting in the cold, wet, muddy road, and I crept to bed again till the next one woke me.
It was a tiny cottage that we lived in during those days, belonging to a poor woman who, with her child, had been turned out by some one else and sent to another house half a mile off. She was perpetually coming back and weeping to be readmitted, but there really was not room, and we had to soothe her with promises, and eventually with cash in order to get rid of her. After all, she was living with her friends, though doubtless they were a bit crowded, and she returned to her cottage when we left it.
Everything in that country was mud, thick clay mud, black and greasy, and the country flat and hideous. And it rained perpetually and was getting beastly cold. Altogether it was a nightmare of a place, even without the fighting thrown in, and we prayed to be delivered from it, and go and fight somewhere else.
Our prayers were destined to be answered, for on this morning we were ordered, in spite of the desultory fighting going on, tohand over to Macbean's Brigade and go north. This only meant the Brigade Staff, two companies Bedfords, and about 300 Cheshires and 300 Dorsets who had been in reserve to the 14th Brigade; but they were not in a very happy condition, for they had hardly any officers left and had been extremely uncomfortable for the last week, being hauled out of their barns on most nights and made to sleep in the wet open as supports in case of attack.
Our orders were, together with the 15thR.F.A.Brigade, to move north and concentrate nearStrazeeleandPradelles, where we were to go into rest for five or six days.
I knew those rests.
So after handing over to Macbean at 10.30A.M., and talking to General Anderson (commanding the Indian Division) and the Maharajah of Bikanir,[15]we made devoutly thankful tracks in the direction ofLoconandMerville.
We were but a small part of the 15th Brigade after all who left theenvironsofFestuberton that morning—only Headquarters, a very weak battalion of Cheshires—notmore than 300 all told—and two companies of Bedfords. The remains of the Dorsets had been ordered to join us aboutStrazeele, and the whole of the Norfolks and half the Bedfords were left in the trenches to give a bit of moral and physical support to the Indians. I did not at all like being parted from them, but there was no help for it. The West Ridings (Duke of Wellington's) were attached to me from the 13th Brigade, but that did not make up for the absence of one and a half of my own beloved battalions.
Nevertheless it was with a feeling of extreme thankfulness that we left the horrible mud-plain ofFestubertandGivenchy, with its cold wet climate and its swampy surroundings and its dismal memories, for both Dorsets and Cheshires had suffered terribly in the fighting here. And the pleasantest feeling was to hear the noise of the bursting shells grow less and ever less as we worked north-westwards, and to realise that for the present, at all events, we need not worry about Jack Johnsons or Black Marias and all their numerous smaller brethren, nor to keep our attention on the tense strain for bad news from the firing trenches, but that we could, forseveral days to come, sleep quietly, not fully dressed and on our beds or straw with one eye on the wake all night, but in our blessed beds and in our still more beloved pyjamas.
We trotted on ahead over the cold, wet, muddy, level roads of those parts, with a welcome break for luncheon at a real liveestaminet, till we got toMerville, and then we slowed down.
Mervilleis a nice prosperous little town, with canals and parks and a distinctly good modern statue of a French soldier in the middle—by whom, and of whom, I have forgotten. It was, oddly enough, almost like an extra-European bit of civilisation, for the streets were swarming with Indians and Africans of both armies—tall, solemn, handsome Sikhs and Rajputs in khaki; Spahis, Algerians, and Moors in every variety of kit—red jackets, cummerbunds, and baggy breeches, bright blue jackets, white breeches, blue breeches, khaki breeches, dark bluevareuses, white burnouses, Arab corded turbans, baggy crimson trousers, &c., &c., even to Senegalese as black as night, and Berbers from Mauritania and the Atlas. I tried to talk to some of the latter, but itwas not a success, for they did not understand my Arabic, and I did not understand their Shlukh.
And so onviâStrazeele—where Saunders and his Dorsets had already arrived—contentedly toPradelles, in which neighbourhood we billeted, and were met by a staff officer, Cameron of the 5th Divisional Staff, who gave us the welcome news that we were to rest and recuperate for at least a week—really and truly this time.
We put up at a nice, bright, ugly little château belonging to an elderly lady who was most civil and told us stories of what the Germans had done when they passed through a week or two ago on their retreat eastwards. Amongst other abominations, they had, on arrival, demanded of the oldcuréthe key of the church tower, on which they wished to put a Maxim. The old man, not having the key, had hobbled off to get it from thegarde champêtre, who happened to be in possession of it for the time being. He could not, however, find him, and the officer in command, being in a diabolical temper, put the poor old priest up against a wall and shot him dead on the spot. This was recounted by thecuré's sister, andthere was not a shadow of doubt on the matter, for it was confirmed by all.
Oct. 31st.
Next day was a clear bright Sunday, and before we had come down to breakfast, looking forward to a nice lazy day, we were ordered to send the Dorsets away in motor-buses toWulverghem(oppositeMessines), where heavy fighting was going on. So much for our promised week's rest! And before 11 o'clock we had received another urgent telegram telling us to fall in at once and march eastwards throughBailleul.
I was deputed to command the whole of the remaining troops of the Division on this march, and by a complicated series of moves from their billets we got them strung out on the road, and pushed on by 12.30. The troops were mostly artillery, engineers, and train, and the only other infantry that joined me were the West Kent, now under their ownC.O., Martyn.
Other troops were also on the move throughBailleul, and we had a weary time of it getting through. It was dark before we had filed through the big market-squarewith its old brick church tower and Town Hall; and even then, though billets had been arranged for in the country beyond for the rest of the troops, we had the devil's own job before our own headquarters could find a resting-place. We wanted to put up atDranoutrevillage, but the village was full of the 3rd Cavalry Brigade, and we should have been in front of our own lot; so after a depressing wait in a tiny pothouse nearDranoutre, whilstStAndréand Weatherby and Moulton-Barrett scoured the country, we eventually settled down in a little farmhouse at Hille, a few hundred yards inside the Belgian border. Not so bad, but tiny, and crowded with not only the proprietor and his numerous family, but with a number of refugees from further east. My own bedroom was about 6 feet square and full of stinking old clothes, but I was lucky to get one at all.
It seemed curious being amongst inhabitants many of whom understood no French, but only talked Wallon or Flemish. I found my reminiscences of the South African Taal came in quite usefully; but the best communicators were the Lowland Scots, who, thanks to their own strange dialect, managedto make themselves quite decently understood by the natives.
Here we stayed for a few days—to be accurate, until the morning of the 5th November. My own "outfit" consisted of the West Kent, Cheshires, and two companies Bedfords, and the West Ridings were subsequently added. At one period I was given theK.O.S.B.'s as well, who were inNeuve Église; but they were taken away from me on the same day, and so were the West Kent. There was, in fact, a glorious jumble, battalions and batteries being added and taken away as the circumstances demanded. Even the two companies Bedfords were spirited away for forty-eight hours, leaving me with the decimated Cheshires as the only representatives of the 15th Brigade, but with two battalions of the 13th and one of the 14th superadded, as well as anR.E.company (17th). Meanwhile the 5th Divisional Staff was stranded and almost troopless, for all the other battalions of the Division were scattered among other divisions—some even under the command of the Cavalry Division; and guns were pushed up, almost piecemeal, as they were wanted, to help in the attempt to retakeMessines, out of which our cavalry had been driven some days before. French troops were also there, in lumps. One morning the country would be brilliant with the white horses, sky-blue tunics and red trousers, of theChasseurs d'Afrique, and the roads impassable with French infantry and transport moving towardsYpres; and by the next evening nothing but khaki-clad British were seen, besides patches of Belgian infantry, largely stragglers and mostly unarmed.
Meanwhile rumours of desperate fighting up north came through—the critical time when the 7th Division stuck heroically to their crippled trenches and withstood the ponderous attacks of the German masses; but it was difficult to make out what was occurring, for one only gathered bits of news here and there and could not piece them together as a whole, for the links were missing.
On the 4th November we received orders that Sir Horace would inspect us on the following morning, and we made preparations to turn out as clean as we could in the ever-prevailing mud. But in the evening more important work was at hand, forwe were notified to be ready to march on the following morning toYpres. So the inspection fell through.
The idea was that we—that is, two companies Bedfords (450 men), Cheshires (550), and West Ridings (700)—were to combine as the 15th Brigade with M'Cracken's 7th Brigade (Wiltshires, Gordons, Irish Rifles, and another battalion), and go to relieve the 7th Division, which had, we heard, been getting some terrific knocks. With us were to go the twoR.E.companies, the 17th and 59th, belonging to the 5th Division.
Nov. 5th.
We marched at 7.20A.M.viâLocreandDickebusch, on the mainBailleul-Ypresroad, passing through many French troops on the way. Not far on the other side ofDickebuschwe heard that the road was being shelled by the enemy; so M'Cracken ordered the whole force to park in the fields some distance down a road to the west, whilst he went on toYpresfor instructions.
We had our midday meal whilst we waited there, but it was not pleasant for the men, for the fields were dripping wet and very muddy; they had, therefore, tosit on their kits, whilst the transport had to remain on the road, the fields being so deep.
McCracken came back at 3.30P.M.with instructions, and we moved on, myself being in charge of the movement. We managed to get toYpresall right along the main road, as the shells were rather diminishing and not reaching so far, and we pushed through the town, entering it by a bridge over the nearly dry canal. Why the Germans had not shot this bridge to pieces before I cannot imagine, as it was well within their range. There were numerous big shell-holes in the open space near the railway station; one or two houses were smouldering; there were heaps of bricks and stones from damaged houses in the streets, and the extreme roof corner of the Cloth Hall had been knocked off, but otherwise the town was fairly normal-looking, except, of course, that hardly any civilians were visible.
At the other end of the town I came across General Haig, and rode ahead with him down theMeninroad as far as the village of Hooge, where the Headquarters of the 1st Division were, under General Landon. (He had succeeded General Lomax,who had been badly wounded by a shell exploding at his headquarters, and subsequently died, 15th April.) Here we had a cup of tea in a dirty littleestaminetcrowded with Staff officers whilst awaiting the arrival of the Brigade.
No part of thisMeninroad was, in fact, "healthy," and at night it was generally subject to a searching fire by German shells. The wonder, indeed, was that more casualties did not occur here, for after dark the road was packed with transport and ration and ambulance parties moving slowly and silently back and forth. But the hostile shelling was not accurate, and for one "crumper" that burst in or over the road twenty exploded in the fields alongside.
Only a day or two before, a couple of heavy shells had burst just outside General Haig's Headquarters at the entrance toYpres. Luckily the General himself had just left, but poor "Conky" Marker of the Coldstream had been fatally wounded, and several other officers, signallers, and clerks had been killed.
My Brigade arrived in the dark by the time that I had received further instructions in detail, and was parked off the road (southside) half a mile further on, whilst Weatherby went on to make arrangements for their taking up the line, taking representatives of the battalions with him. I met General Capper (commanding 7th Division) at his dug-out in the wood close by, and he told me that his Division had been reduced to barely 3000 men and a very few officers, after an appalling amount of severe fighting.
Weatherby came back after a time, and the battalions and ourselves moved off along the road and branched off into the grounds of Herenthage Château—deep mud, broken trees, and hardly rideable. Here we bade adieu to our horses, who were, with the transport, to stay in the same place where we had had our dinners, right the other side ofYpresand out of shell-range, whilst we kept a few ammunition-carts and horses hidden near Hooge village. All the rest of our supplies and stuff had to be brought up every night under cover of darkness to near Herenthage, and there be unloaded and carried by hand into the trenches.
In the château itself who should we come across but Drysdale,[16]Brigade-Major nowof the 22nd Brigade, the one which, by the law of chances, we were now relieving; and, still more oddly, the other battalion (2nd) of the Bedfords was in his Brigade. It was a cheerless place, this château—every single pane of glass in it shivered, and lying, crunched at our every step, on the floor.
We pushed on over the grass of the park, through the scattered trees, and into the wood, and so into the trenches. Even then, as far as one could judge in the darkness, the ground was a regular rabbit-warren. By the time we had finished with the district the ground was even more so; there seemed to be more trenches and fallen trees and wire entanglements than there was level ground to walk on.
Our own Headquarters were in a poky little dug-out[17]in a wood, not 200 yards from our firing trenches. There was just room for two—Weatherby andStAndré(Moulton-Barrett having gone to settle about transport and supplies, Cadell being away sick, and Beilby being left with the transport the other side ofYpres)—to lie down in it, and there was a little tunnel out of it,6 feet long and 2 broad and 2 high, into which I crept and where I slept; but I was not very happy in it, as the roof-logs had sagged with the weight of the earth on them, and threatened every moment to fall in whilst I was inside.