Chapter 4

FOOTNOTES:[190]Bernard, Duke of Saxe Weimar, Travels Through North America, 1825-26, Vol. II., p. 63.[191]Reed and Matheson: Visit to the Am. Churches, Vol. II., p. 173.[192]Tower: Slavery Unmasked, p. 53.Note.—"The following story was told me by one conversant with the facts as they occurred on Mr. J.'s plantation, containing about 100 slaves. One day the owner ordered all the women into the barn; he followed them whip in hand, and told them he meant to flog them all to death; they, as a matter of course, began to cry out, 'What have I done, Massa?' 'What have I done, Massa?' He replied: 'Damn you, I will let you know what you have done; you don't breed. I have not had a young one from you for several months.' They promptly told him they could not breed while they had to work in the rice ditches."Slavery Unmasked was published in 1856. Exactly the same story as above, almost verbatim, is found in "Interesting Memoirs and Documents Relating to American Slavery." published in 1846. The fact that this story is told in different books published ten years apart indicates that such instances were very rare. It seemed strange that each writer should claim to have received the story from a friend, or "one conversant with the facts," for one seems to have copied directly from the other. It was no doubt mere hearsay with both writers.Others on slave breeding are: Buckingham: Slave States of America, Vol. I., p. 182; Miss Martineau: Society in America, Vol. II., p. 41. Jay; Miscellaneous Writings, p. 457. Abdy: Journal of a Residence in the United States, Vol. II., p. 90. Rankin: Letters on American Slavery, p. 35. Candler: A Summary View of America, p. 277. Kemble: Journal of a Residence on a Georgian Plantation, pp. 60, 122.[193]Proceedings and Debates of the Virginia State Constitutional Convention, 1829-30, p. 178. Dew: Debates in Virginia Legislature, 1831-2. Pro-Slavery Argument, p. 358. Andrews: Domestic Slave Trade, p. 77.[194]Chambers: Am. Slavery and C. Laws, p. 148.[195]Kemble: Journal of a Residence on a Georgia Plantation, pp. 190, 191, 199, 204, 214, 215. We get from these that out of about 74 born 42 died very young.[196]Stuart: Three Years in North America, Vol. II., p. 103. He says it cost $35 per year to feed and clothe an adult negro a year. Must cost half that much for a young one.[197]Proceedings and Debates of Virginia State Con. Convention, 1829-30, p. 178.[198]Hunt's Merchants' Magazine, Vol. VI., p. 473.[199]Andrews: Slavery and the Domestic Slave Trade, p. 119.[200]Chambers: Am. Slavery and Color, p. 194.[201]Ibid., p. 148.[202]Census of 1830.[203]Census of 1840.[204]We do not know why unless it is because slaves being higher more care was taken of them, which as a consequence caused them to live longer.[205]For data upon which these arguments are based see Census Reports of 1830, 1840, and 1860.[206]Shaffner: The War in America, p. 256.[207]Ibid., p. 296.[208]Annual Report of Am. and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, 1850, p. 108.[209]Ibid.[210]Nehemiah Adams: Southern View of Slavery, p. 78.[211]Ford: Jefferson's Works. Vol. VI., pp. 416-417.[212]Ford: Jeff. Works. Vol. VI., p. 214.[213]Martineau: Retrospect of Western Travel, Vol. II., p. 5.[214]Evans: A Pedestrious Tour, p. 216.[215]Olmsted: Seaboard Slave States, p. 392.[216]Reed and Matheson: Narrative of a Visit to the American Churches, Vol. II., p. 173.[217]Charleston Courier (S.C.), Feb. 12, 1835.[218]Sequel to Mrs. Kemble's Journal, p. 1. (Yale) Slavery Pamphlet, Vol. XVII. De Bow's Review, Vol. XXIV., p. 595. Liberator, Sept. 7, 1860; also May 6, 1853.[219]National Era, June 10, 1847.

FOOTNOTES:

[190]Bernard, Duke of Saxe Weimar, Travels Through North America, 1825-26, Vol. II., p. 63.

[191]Reed and Matheson: Visit to the Am. Churches, Vol. II., p. 173.

[192]Tower: Slavery Unmasked, p. 53.Note.—"The following story was told me by one conversant with the facts as they occurred on Mr. J.'s plantation, containing about 100 slaves. One day the owner ordered all the women into the barn; he followed them whip in hand, and told them he meant to flog them all to death; they, as a matter of course, began to cry out, 'What have I done, Massa?' 'What have I done, Massa?' He replied: 'Damn you, I will let you know what you have done; you don't breed. I have not had a young one from you for several months.' They promptly told him they could not breed while they had to work in the rice ditches."Slavery Unmasked was published in 1856. Exactly the same story as above, almost verbatim, is found in "Interesting Memoirs and Documents Relating to American Slavery." published in 1846. The fact that this story is told in different books published ten years apart indicates that such instances were very rare. It seemed strange that each writer should claim to have received the story from a friend, or "one conversant with the facts," for one seems to have copied directly from the other. It was no doubt mere hearsay with both writers.Others on slave breeding are: Buckingham: Slave States of America, Vol. I., p. 182; Miss Martineau: Society in America, Vol. II., p. 41. Jay; Miscellaneous Writings, p. 457. Abdy: Journal of a Residence in the United States, Vol. II., p. 90. Rankin: Letters on American Slavery, p. 35. Candler: A Summary View of America, p. 277. Kemble: Journal of a Residence on a Georgian Plantation, pp. 60, 122.

Slavery Unmasked was published in 1856. Exactly the same story as above, almost verbatim, is found in "Interesting Memoirs and Documents Relating to American Slavery." published in 1846. The fact that this story is told in different books published ten years apart indicates that such instances were very rare. It seemed strange that each writer should claim to have received the story from a friend, or "one conversant with the facts," for one seems to have copied directly from the other. It was no doubt mere hearsay with both writers.

Others on slave breeding are: Buckingham: Slave States of America, Vol. I., p. 182; Miss Martineau: Society in America, Vol. II., p. 41. Jay; Miscellaneous Writings, p. 457. Abdy: Journal of a Residence in the United States, Vol. II., p. 90. Rankin: Letters on American Slavery, p. 35. Candler: A Summary View of America, p. 277. Kemble: Journal of a Residence on a Georgian Plantation, pp. 60, 122.

[193]Proceedings and Debates of the Virginia State Constitutional Convention, 1829-30, p. 178. Dew: Debates in Virginia Legislature, 1831-2. Pro-Slavery Argument, p. 358. Andrews: Domestic Slave Trade, p. 77.

[194]Chambers: Am. Slavery and C. Laws, p. 148.

[195]Kemble: Journal of a Residence on a Georgia Plantation, pp. 190, 191, 199, 204, 214, 215. We get from these that out of about 74 born 42 died very young.

[196]Stuart: Three Years in North America, Vol. II., p. 103. He says it cost $35 per year to feed and clothe an adult negro a year. Must cost half that much for a young one.

[197]Proceedings and Debates of Virginia State Con. Convention, 1829-30, p. 178.

[198]Hunt's Merchants' Magazine, Vol. VI., p. 473.

[199]Andrews: Slavery and the Domestic Slave Trade, p. 119.

[200]Chambers: Am. Slavery and Color, p. 194.

[201]Ibid., p. 148.

[202]Census of 1830.

[203]Census of 1840.

[204]We do not know why unless it is because slaves being higher more care was taken of them, which as a consequence caused them to live longer.

[205]For data upon which these arguments are based see Census Reports of 1830, 1840, and 1860.

[206]Shaffner: The War in America, p. 256.

[207]Ibid., p. 296.

[208]Annual Report of Am. and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, 1850, p. 108.

[209]Ibid.

[210]Nehemiah Adams: Southern View of Slavery, p. 78.

[211]Ford: Jefferson's Works. Vol. VI., pp. 416-417.

[212]Ford: Jeff. Works. Vol. VI., p. 214.

[213]Martineau: Retrospect of Western Travel, Vol. II., p. 5.

[214]Evans: A Pedestrious Tour, p. 216.

[215]Olmsted: Seaboard Slave States, p. 392.

[216]Reed and Matheson: Narrative of a Visit to the American Churches, Vol. II., p. 173.

[217]Charleston Courier (S.C.), Feb. 12, 1835.

[218]Sequel to Mrs. Kemble's Journal, p. 1. (Yale) Slavery Pamphlet, Vol. XVII. De Bow's Review, Vol. XXIV., p. 595. Liberator, Sept. 7, 1860; also May 6, 1853.

[219]National Era, June 10, 1847.

CHAPTER V.

THE KIDNAPPING AND SELLING OF FREE NEGROES INTO SLAVERY.

Virginia, as early as 1753, enacted a law against importation of free negroes for sale and stealing of slaves.[220]In 1788 another law was passed against kidnapping. It recited that several evil-disposed persons had seduced or stolen children or mulatto and black free persons; and that there was no law adequate for such offenses. This law made the penalty for such a crime very severe. Upon conviction the offender was to suffer death without benefit of clergy.[221]North Carolina had already (1779) enacted a law, with the same penalty, against stealing slaves and kidnapping free negroes.[222]

The other Southern States which had lawsagainst kidnapping are: Alabama,[223]Maryland,[224]Mississippi,[225]Missouri,[226]Florida,[227]South Carolina,[228]Arkansas,[229]Tennessee,[230]Louisiana,[231]Georgia.[232]Delaware, however, had the most interesting as well as very severe laws against kidnapping. That of 1793 required that any one guilty of kidnapping or of assisting to kidnap free negroes or mulattoes should be whipped with thirty-nine lashes on the bare back, and stand in the pillory with both of his ears nailed to it,and when he came out to have their soft parts cut off.[233]In 1826 the penalties were made even more severe: $1,000 fine, pillory one hour, to be whipped with sixty lashes upon the bare back, to be imprisoned from three to seven years, at the expiration of which he was to be disposed of as a servant for seven years, and upon second conviction to suffer death.[234]In 1831 Congress passed a law to prevent the abduction and sale of free negroes from the District of Columbia.[235]

It is quite evident from these laws that kidnapping was a very common crime. It does not appear, however, that they prevented it.

Even as early as 1817 it was estimated by Torrey, who seems to have made a study of the subject, that several thousand legally free persons were toiling in servitude, having been kidnapped.[236]

Free negro children were the ones who weremost liable to be kidnapped,[237]for the reason probably that they were easier managed and less likely to have about them proofs of their freedom, though sometimes, indeed, even white children, whether being mistaken for negroes or not, were stolen and sold into slavery.[238]

More than twenty free colored children were kidnapped in Philadelphia in 1825.[239]It is stated that some persons gained a livelihood by stealing negroes from the towns of the North and carrying them to the South for sale.[240]Statements similar to the following are often to be met with in the papers published in slavery times:

"Four negro children, 18, 17, 9 and 5 years respectively—first two girls; last two boys—were kidnapped and carried off from GallatinCounty, Illinois, on the evening of 5 ult. The father ... was tied while the children were taken away. The kidnapping gang is regularly organized and is increasing. The members are well known but cannot be punished on account of the disqualification of negroes as witnesses."[241]

"About midnight on the 27th of September a party of 8 or 10 Kentuckians broke into the house of a Mr. Powell, in Cass County, Michigan, while he was absent. They drew their pistols and bowie knives and dragged his wife and three children from their beds, and bound them with cords and hurried them off to their covered wagons and started post haste for Kentucky."[242]

Probably kidnapping was carried on even more extensively in the slave States themselves. "TheLiberator," quoting from the "Denton (Md.) Journal" in 1849 says:

"Three free negro youths, a girl and two boys, were kidnapped and taken from the County with intent to sell them to the South.... They had been hired for a few days by Mr. James T. Wooters, near Denton, for the ostensible purpose of cutting cornstalks. After being a day or two in Mr. Wooters' employ they suddenly disappeared.... Enquiry being set on foot, it was, after some days, discovered that they had been secretly carried through Hunting Creek towards Worcester County, thence to Virginia. We learn that the Negroes are now in Norfolk."[243]

They were carried to Richmond where they were sold as slaves, but were finally recovered.[244]

Notwithstanding the harshness of the Delaware laws against kidnapping and the convictions[245]under them, the business of kidnapping seems to have flourished there. A quotation or two will illustrate:

"Two young colored men, free born, werestolen from Wilmington a few nights ago and taken, it is supposed, to some of the Southern slave markets.... Fifty or sixty persons it is said, have been stolen from the lower part of the State in the last six months."[246]

In 1840 the "Baltimore Sun" said: "A most villainous system of kidnapping has been extensively carried on in the State of Delaware by a gang of scoundrels residing there, aided and abetted by a number of confederates living on the Eastern Shore of this State."[247]

While discussing kidnapping in Delaware, it is very unlikely we should forget to mention probably the most notorious kidnapping gang which the domestic slave trade produced. The principal character of the gang, and the one from which it seems to have drawn its inspiration, and the one from which it took its name—was a woman—in looks more like a man than a woman—Patty Cannon by name—well known by traditionto every Delawarian and Eastern Shore of Marylander. A son-in-law of hers was hanged for the murder of a negro trader. His widow then married one Joe Johnson who became a noted character in the business of kidnapping through the aid and instruction of his mother-in-law, Patty Cannon. Johnson was convicted once and suffered the punishment of the lash and pillory. The grand jury in May, 1829, found three indictments for murder against Patty Cannon,[248]but she died in jail May 11, of the same year.[249]

White kidnappers sometimes used free colored men as tools by means of which to ensnare other free colored men, and shared with them theprofits of the trade.[250]Indeed, the free colored men seem not to have been much averse in aiding in the enslavement of their "brethren." They sometimes even formed kidnapping bands of their own and pursued the business without the aid of white men. Such a gang as this once operated near Snow Hill, Maryland. It is said to have kidnapped and sent off several hundred free negroes.[251]

Kidnappers devised various schemes for the accomplishment of their purposes, some of them no less humorous than infamous. A man in Philadelphia was found to be engaged in the occupation of courting and marrying mulatto women and then selling them as slaves.[252]Another plan was for one or two confederates to find out the bodily marks of a suitable free colored person after which the other confederate would go before a magistrate and lay claim to the ill-fated negro, describing his marks, call in his accomplice as witness and so get possession of the negroes.[253]

Probably the most ingenious of all methods of kidnapping was that brought to light in Charleston, South Carolina, as related by Francis Hall:

"The agents were a justice of the peace, a constable and a slave dealer.... A victim having been selected, one of the firm applied to the justice upon a shown charge of assault, or similar offense, for a writ, which was immediately issued and served by the constable, and the negro conveyed to prison.... The constable now appears, exaggerates the dangers of his situation, explains how small is his chance of being liberated even if innocent, by reason of theamount of jail fees and other legal expenses; but he knows a worthy man who is interested in his behalf, and will do what is necessary to procure his freedom upon no harder condition than an agreement to serve him for a certain number of years. It may be supposed the negro is persuaded.... The worthy slave dealer now appears on the stage, the indenture of bondage is ratified in the presence of the worthy magistrate and the constable, who shares the price of blood, and the victim is hurried on shipboard to be seen no more."[254]

From the nature of our information concerning kidnapping it is readily seen that we have but little basis for a statistical estimate of the number kidnapped. It must have ranged, however, from a few hundred to two or three thousand annually. It appears quite certain that as many were kidnapped as escaped from bondage, if not more.

The "Liberator" alone records nearly a hundred cases of detected kidnapping between 1831and 1860. But the number detected probably bears but little relation to the number actually kidnapped. As was before shown in the cases mentioned almost whole families were carried off, and that in most cases, when a discovery was made, it was found that the kidnapping gang had been in the business for years.

FOOTNOTES:[220]Hening: Statutes at Large, Vol. VI., p. 357.[221]Ibid., Vol. XII., p. 531.[222]Laws of State of North Carolina. Revised Under Authority of the General Assembly, Vol. I., p. 375.[223]Acts of General Assembly of Alabama, 1840-41, p. 125.[224]Maxcy: Revised Laws of Maryland, Vol. II., p. 356 (1811). Dorsey: General Public Statuary Law, Vol. I., p. 112.[225]Hutchinson: Code of Mississippi (1798 to 1848), p. 960. Revised Code of Mississippi, Authority of Legislature (1857), p. 603.[226]Laws of State of Missouri Revised by Legislature (1825), Vol. I., p. 289.[227]Laws of Florida, 1850-51, p. 132-3.[228]Laws of South Carolina, 1837, p. 58.[229]English: Digest of Statutes of Arkansas (1848) Authority of Leg. Chap. LI., p. 333.[230]Hurd: Law of Freedom and Bondage, Vol. II., p. 92.[231]Laws of a Public and General Nature of the District of Louisiana, of Territory of Louisiana and Territory of Missouri and State of Missouri to 1824 (passed Oct. 1, 1804).[232]Hurd: Vol. II., p. 106.[233]Laws of State of Delaware, Oct. 14, 1793. Hurd, Vol. IV. p. 76.[234]Passed Feb. 8, 1826. Laws of Delaware, Vol. VI., p. 715.[235]Statutes at Large, Vol. V., p. 450.[236]Jessie Torrey: A Portraiture of Domestic Slavery, p. 57.[237]An address to the People of North Carolina, p. 38. (Y.) Sl. Pamp., Vol. LXI.Liberator: May 18, 1849. Niles' Reg., Feb. 25, 1826.[238]Emancipator, March 8, 1848.[239]Mrs. Childs: Anti-Slavery Catechism, p. 14. (Yale) Slavery Pamp., Vol. LXII.[240]Buckingham: The Eastern and Western States of America, Vol. I., p. 11. Niles' Reg., Oct. 18, 1828. Liberator, Oct. 1, 1852, Aug. 14, 1857. Alexander, Transatlantic Sketches, p. 230.[241]Liberator, May 18, 1849.[242]Ibid., Nov. 23, 1849.Other cases: Liberator, July 31, 1846; Sept. 5, 1845; Oct. 1. 1852; Dec. 3, 1841; Aug. 14, 1857; Aug. 15, 1856; April 25, 1835; Jan. 10, 1835; May 7, 1835; Nov. 6, 1846; Niles' Reg., Sept. 27, 1817; Jan. 31, 1818; May 23, 1818; July 4, 1818; Dec. 12, 1818; Feb. 25, 1826; June 28, 1828. W. Faux, Memorable Days in America, p. 277. Several of these as given took place in slave States.[243]Liberator, April 27, 1849.[244]Ibid., June 8, 1849.[245]North Carolina Standard, June 21, 1837.Niles' Register, April 25, 1829.[246]The Christian Citizen, Dec. 21, 1844. Quoting from Penn. Freeman.[247]Liberator, Feb. 21, 1840.[248]Niles' Weekly Reg., April 25, 1829. Quoting from Del. Gazette of April 17. American Annual Register, 1827-8-9, Vol. III., p. 123.[249]Niles' Register, May 23, 1829.Note on P. Cannon. George Alfred Townsend wrote a romance of about 700 pages, entitled "The Entailed Hat, or Patty Cannon's Times," in which Patty Cannon is one of the principal characters. It is a very interesting and instructive story. Townsend was a native of Delaware and well qualified to write such a story. He says in the introduction: "Often had she told him of old Patty Cannon and her kidnapping den and her death in the jail of his native town. He found the legend of that dreaded woman had strengthened instead of having faded with time, and her haunts preserved, and eye witnesses of her deeds to be still living. "Hence, this romance has much local truth in it and is not only the narrative of an episode, but the story of a large region, comprehending three State jurisdictions.""'Patty Cannon's dead; they say she's took poison.'"A mighty pain seized the Chancellor's heart, and the loud groans he made called a stranger into the room."'Is that dreadful woman dead?' sighed the Chancellor."'Yes; she will never plague Delaware again. Marster.'"'God be thanked!' the old man groaned.""Entailed Hat," p. 541.[250]Liberator: Sept. 14, 1849; Jan. 10, 1835.[251]Niles' Register, April 10, 1824; Oct. 10, 1818.[252]Jessie Torrey: A Portraiture of Domestic Slavery, p. 57.[253]Ibid.[254]Francis Hall: Travels in Canada and the United States, p. 425.

FOOTNOTES:

[220]Hening: Statutes at Large, Vol. VI., p. 357.

[221]Ibid., Vol. XII., p. 531.

[222]Laws of State of North Carolina. Revised Under Authority of the General Assembly, Vol. I., p. 375.

[223]Acts of General Assembly of Alabama, 1840-41, p. 125.

[224]Maxcy: Revised Laws of Maryland, Vol. II., p. 356 (1811). Dorsey: General Public Statuary Law, Vol. I., p. 112.

[225]Hutchinson: Code of Mississippi (1798 to 1848), p. 960. Revised Code of Mississippi, Authority of Legislature (1857), p. 603.

[226]Laws of State of Missouri Revised by Legislature (1825), Vol. I., p. 289.

[227]Laws of Florida, 1850-51, p. 132-3.

[228]Laws of South Carolina, 1837, p. 58.

[229]English: Digest of Statutes of Arkansas (1848) Authority of Leg. Chap. LI., p. 333.

[230]Hurd: Law of Freedom and Bondage, Vol. II., p. 92.

[231]Laws of a Public and General Nature of the District of Louisiana, of Territory of Louisiana and Territory of Missouri and State of Missouri to 1824 (passed Oct. 1, 1804).

[232]Hurd: Vol. II., p. 106.

[233]Laws of State of Delaware, Oct. 14, 1793. Hurd, Vol. IV. p. 76.

[234]Passed Feb. 8, 1826. Laws of Delaware, Vol. VI., p. 715.

[235]Statutes at Large, Vol. V., p. 450.

[236]Jessie Torrey: A Portraiture of Domestic Slavery, p. 57.

[237]An address to the People of North Carolina, p. 38. (Y.) Sl. Pamp., Vol. LXI.Liberator: May 18, 1849. Niles' Reg., Feb. 25, 1826.

[237]An address to the People of North Carolina, p. 38. (Y.) Sl. Pamp., Vol. LXI.

Liberator: May 18, 1849. Niles' Reg., Feb. 25, 1826.

[238]Emancipator, March 8, 1848.

[239]Mrs. Childs: Anti-Slavery Catechism, p. 14. (Yale) Slavery Pamp., Vol. LXII.

[240]Buckingham: The Eastern and Western States of America, Vol. I., p. 11. Niles' Reg., Oct. 18, 1828. Liberator, Oct. 1, 1852, Aug. 14, 1857. Alexander, Transatlantic Sketches, p. 230.

[241]Liberator, May 18, 1849.

[242]Ibid., Nov. 23, 1849.Other cases: Liberator, July 31, 1846; Sept. 5, 1845; Oct. 1. 1852; Dec. 3, 1841; Aug. 14, 1857; Aug. 15, 1856; April 25, 1835; Jan. 10, 1835; May 7, 1835; Nov. 6, 1846; Niles' Reg., Sept. 27, 1817; Jan. 31, 1818; May 23, 1818; July 4, 1818; Dec. 12, 1818; Feb. 25, 1826; June 28, 1828. W. Faux, Memorable Days in America, p. 277. Several of these as given took place in slave States.

[243]Liberator, April 27, 1849.

[244]Ibid., June 8, 1849.

[245]North Carolina Standard, June 21, 1837.Niles' Register, April 25, 1829.

[245]North Carolina Standard, June 21, 1837.

Niles' Register, April 25, 1829.

[246]The Christian Citizen, Dec. 21, 1844. Quoting from Penn. Freeman.

[247]Liberator, Feb. 21, 1840.

[248]Niles' Weekly Reg., April 25, 1829. Quoting from Del. Gazette of April 17. American Annual Register, 1827-8-9, Vol. III., p. 123.

[249]Niles' Register, May 23, 1829.Note on P. Cannon. George Alfred Townsend wrote a romance of about 700 pages, entitled "The Entailed Hat, or Patty Cannon's Times," in which Patty Cannon is one of the principal characters. It is a very interesting and instructive story. Townsend was a native of Delaware and well qualified to write such a story. He says in the introduction: "Often had she told him of old Patty Cannon and her kidnapping den and her death in the jail of his native town. He found the legend of that dreaded woman had strengthened instead of having faded with time, and her haunts preserved, and eye witnesses of her deeds to be still living. "Hence, this romance has much local truth in it and is not only the narrative of an episode, but the story of a large region, comprehending three State jurisdictions.""'Patty Cannon's dead; they say she's took poison.'"A mighty pain seized the Chancellor's heart, and the loud groans he made called a stranger into the room."'Is that dreadful woman dead?' sighed the Chancellor."'Yes; she will never plague Delaware again. Marster.'"'God be thanked!' the old man groaned.""Entailed Hat," p. 541.

[249]Niles' Register, May 23, 1829.

Note on P. Cannon. George Alfred Townsend wrote a romance of about 700 pages, entitled "The Entailed Hat, or Patty Cannon's Times," in which Patty Cannon is one of the principal characters. It is a very interesting and instructive story. Townsend was a native of Delaware and well qualified to write such a story. He says in the introduction: "Often had she told him of old Patty Cannon and her kidnapping den and her death in the jail of his native town. He found the legend of that dreaded woman had strengthened instead of having faded with time, and her haunts preserved, and eye witnesses of her deeds to be still living. "Hence, this romance has much local truth in it and is not only the narrative of an episode, but the story of a large region, comprehending three State jurisdictions."

"'Patty Cannon's dead; they say she's took poison.'

"A mighty pain seized the Chancellor's heart, and the loud groans he made called a stranger into the room.

"'Is that dreadful woman dead?' sighed the Chancellor.

"'Yes; she will never plague Delaware again. Marster.'

"'God be thanked!' the old man groaned."

"Entailed Hat," p. 541.

[250]Liberator: Sept. 14, 1849; Jan. 10, 1835.

[251]Niles' Register, April 10, 1824; Oct. 10, 1818.

[252]Jessie Torrey: A Portraiture of Domestic Slavery, p. 57.

[253]Ibid.

[254]Francis Hall: Travels in Canada and the United States, p. 425.

CHAPTER VI.

SLAVE "PRISONS," MARKETS, CHARACTER OF TRADERS, ETC.

In all the large towns and cities were slave "prisons" or "pens"[255]in which slaves were kept until enough for a drove or shipment could be collected.[256]The slave prisons ranged all the way from a rude whitewashed shed[257]to large and commodious establishments accommodating hundreds of slaves. A description of one of these—The Franklin and Armfield prison which was in Alexandria—by Andrews is rather interesting:

"The establishment," he says, ... "is situated in a retired quarter in the southern part of the city. It is easily distinguished as you approach it, by the high, whitewashed wall surrounding the yards and giving to it the appearance of a penitentiary. The dwelling house is of brick, three stories high, and opening directly upon the street; over the front door is the name of the firm....

"We passed out of the back door of the dwelling house and entered a spacious yard nearly surrounded with neatly whitewashed two story buildings, devoted to the use of the slaves. Turning to the left we came to a strong grated door of iron opening into a spacious yard surrounded by a high whitewashed wall, one side of this yard was roofed, but the principal part was open to the air. Along the covered side extended a table, at which the slaves had recently taken their dinner, which, judging from what remained, had been wholesome and abundant.... The gate was secured by strong padlocks and bolts."[258]

Such was the slave prison of one of the largest and most prosperous slave-dealing firms.

There were many dealers who had no place of their own in which to keep slaves, but were dependent upon the "prisons" of others.[259]Indeed, at Washington, the city public prison was often used by negro traders as a place of safety for their slaves. The keeper was paid by the traders for the privilege.[260]This practice continued a great number of years. In 1843 the poet Whittier thus describes the prison:

"It is a damp, dark and loathsome building. We passed between two ranges of small stone cells filled with blacks. We noticed five or six in a single cell which seemed scarcely large enough for a solitary tenant. The heat was suffocating. In rainy weather the keeper told us that the prison was uncomfortably wet. In winter there could be no fire in these cells. The keeper with some reluctance admitted that he received negroes from the traders and kept them until they were sold, at thirty-four cents per day."[261]

While, no doubt, some traders kept their "prisons" in as good condition[262]as circumstanceswould allow, there were others, and probably the majority, who did not. A Northern minister describes those at Richmond in 1845, as "mostly filthy and loathsome places."[263]

In the buying States two of the principal slave markets were Natchez and New Orleans.[264]That of Natchez is thus described about 1835 by Ingraham:

"A mile from Natchez we come to a cluster of rough wooden buildings, in the angle of two roads in front of which several saddle horses, either tied or held by servants, indicated a place of popular resort.... We entered through a wide gate into a narrow court yard. A line of negroes extended in a semicircle around the right side of the yard. There were in all about forty. Each was dressed in the usual uniform when in market consisting of a fashionably shaped black fur hat, ... trousers of coarse corduroy velvet, good vests, strong shoes, and white cottonshirts."[265]...

"There are four or five markets in the vicinity of Natchez. Several hundred slaves of all ages are exposed to sale.... Two extensive markets for slaves opposite each other, on the road to Washington three miles from Natchez."[266]

A slave market in New Orleans was described in 1844 as a large and splendidly decorated edifice, which had the appearance of having been fitted up as a place of recreation. It had a number of apartments, a handsome archway, and a large green lawn or outer court "beautifully decorated with trees." In this lawn the sale of slaves was held.[267]

When a trader in the selling States had collected enough for a shipment or "coffle" they were sent to the markets in the buying States.[268]Slaves were sent South both by land and water.[269]In thewinter they were usually sent by water, but in summer they were often sent by land.[270]

In the transportation of slaves the utmost precautions were necessary to prevent revolt or escape.[271]When a "coffle" or "drove" was formed to undertake its march of seven or eight weeks to the South[272]the men would be chained,—"two by two, and a chain passing through the double file and fastening from the right and left hands of those on either side of the chain."[273]

This seems to have been the usual method of securing them. The purpose was to have the men so completely bound as to render escape or resistance impossible. The girls, children and women usually were not chained and even sometimes rode in the wagons which accompanied thetrain.[274]The "droves" were conducted by white men, usually, on horseback and well armed with pistols[275]and whips.[276]

The negroes were usually well fed on their way South and when they arrived at their destination, though their personal appearance was not improved, they were generally stouter and in better condition than when they began their march. Pains was now taken to have them polish their skins and dress themselves in the uniform suits provided for the purpose.[277]Then they were ready for market. At the sale the auctioneer would descant at large upon the merits and capabilities of the subject.[278]The slave, too, often would enter into a display of his physical appearance with asmuch apparent earnestness to command a high price as though he were to share the profits. He would seem to enjoy a spirited bidding.[279]Each negro wished to be sold first as it was thought by them to be an evidence of superiority.[280]

At the sales and auctions the purchaser was allowed the greatest freedom in the examination of the slaves for sale. And he would scrutinize them as carefully as though they were horses or cattle. The teeth, eyes, feet and shoulders of both men and women were inspected, sometimes without any show of decency.[281]Scars or marks of the lash decreased their value in market, sometimes the sale would be lost for that reason.[282]

In the slave trade there is no doubt that families were often separated.[283]Though Andrews tells of a trader sending a lot of mothers without theirchildren in such a way as to lead one to believe such a case was exceptional.[284]Negroes on large plantations were sometimes advertised to be sold in families.[285]

Nehemiah Adams says that in settling estates in the South "good men exercise as much care with regard to the disposition of slaves as though they were providing for white orphan children.... Slaves are allowed to find masters and mistresses who will buy them."[286]

Another traveller in speaking of the slave auction at Natchez, says:

"It is a rule seldom deviated from, to sell families and relations together, if practicable. A negro trader in my presence refused to sell a negro girl for whom a planter offered a high price because he would not also purchase her sister."[287]

As a rule negroes had a great dislike to be sold South; in the early history of the trade thisamounted to horror for them.[288]Whether this dislike arose from the impression that they might not be treated so well or simply from the natural dislike of removing to a strange land is a question, though the latter seems much more probable.[289]In 1835, however, it appears that the Virginia slaves were not so averse to going South for the reason that many who had gone there sent back such favorable accounts of their circumstances.[290]

Another phase of the domestic slave trade, which it may not be out of way to mention, was the traffic in beautiful mulatto or quadroon girls. It was a part of the slave trader's business to search out and obtain them. At New Orleans, or elsewhere, they were sold at very high prices for the purpose of prostitution or as mistresses.[291]

From a letter written in 1850 by a slave dealerof Alexandria, Virginia, we quote the following:

"We ... cannot afford to sell the girl Emily for less than $1,800.... We have two or three offers for Emily from gentlemen from the South. She is said to be the finest looking woman in this country."[292]

In New Orleans they often brought very high prices. The "Liberator" quoting from the New York "Sun" in 1837 concerning the sale of a girl at New Orleans, says: "The beautiful Martha was struck off at $4,500."[293]And in the New Orleans "Picayune," of the same year, was an account of a girl—"remarkable for her beauty and intelligence"—who sold at $7,000 in New Orleans.[294]Many other instances might be given but we think these sufficient.

A word now with reference to slave traders and the general estimation in which they were held in the South.

Ingraham says: "Their admission into society... is not recognized. Planters associate with them freely enough, in the way of business, but notice them no further. A slave trader is much like other men. He is to-day a plain farmer with twenty or thirty slaves endeavoring to earn a few dollars from the worn out land, in some old homestead. He is in debt and hears he can sell his slaves in Mississippi for twice their value in his own State. He takes his slaves and goes to Mississippi. He finds it profitable and his inclinations prompt him to buy of his neighbors when he returns home and makes another trip to Mississippi, thus he gets started."[295]

Some traders were no doubt honorable men. Indeed, Andrews gives us a very pleasing picture of Armfield, the noted Alexandria, Virginia, slave dealer. He describes him as "a man of fine personal appearance, and of engaging and graceful manners."[296]... "Nothing, however, can reconcile the moral sense of the Southern public tothe character of a trader in slaves. However honorable may be his dealings his employment is accounted infamous."[297]

Upon the whole, no doubt the characterization of the slave traders by Featherstonhaugh was a true one:

"Sordid, illiterate and vulgar ... men who have nothing whatever in common with the gentlemen of the Southern States."[298]

Finch says: "A slave dealer is considered the lowest and most degraded occupation, and none will engage in it unless they have no other means of support."[299]

Indeed it seems they were accounted the abhorrence of every one. Their descendants, when known, had a blot upon them and the property acquired in the traffic as well.[300]

Back to Index Next