Chapter 20

[367]Victoria History of Lancashire, ii., 523.[368]See Farrer,Lancashire Pipe Rolls, i., 260.[369]Printed by Mr Round inEssex Arch. Society’s Transactions, vii., Part ii. The charter is dated 1101.[370]See Maitland,Domesday Book and Beyond, p. 22.[371]History of Colchester Castle, p. 141.[372]It has been much debated whether these tiles are Roman or Norman; the conclusion seems to be that they are mixed. See Round’sHistory of Colchester, p. 78.[373]The singlePipe Rollof Henry I. shows that he spent £33, 15s. on repairs of the castle and borough in 1130.[374]In operatione unius Rogi (a kiln), £13, 18s. In reparatione muri castelli, £16, 3s. 2d. The projection of the buttresses (averaging 1 ft. 3 ins.) is about the same as that found in castles of Henry I. or Henry II.’s time.[375]Ad faciendum Ballium circa castellum, £50.Pipe Rolls, xix., 13. This is followed by another entry of £18, 13s. 7d. “in operatione castelli,” which may refer to the same work.[376]Round’sHistory of Colchester.[377]Close Rolls, i., 389. Mandamus to the bishop of London to choose two lawful and discreet men of Colchester, “et per visum eorum erigi faceatis palicium castri nostri Colecestrie, quod nuper prostratum fuit per tempestatem.”[378]Round’sHistory of Colchester, pp. 135, 136.[379]Tota civitas ex omnibus debitis reddebat T. R. E., £15, 5s. 4d., in unoquoque anno. Modo reddit £160. D. B., ii., 107.[380]Eyton,Key to Domesday, p. 43. This passage was kindly pointed out to me by Dr Round. The castle is not mentioned in Domesday under Wareham, but under Kingston. “De manerio Chingestone habet rex unam hidam, in qua fecit castellum Warham, et pro ea dedit S. Mariæ [of Shaftesbury] ecclesiam de Gelingeham cum appendiciis suis.” D. B., i., 78b, 2.[381]“Advocatio ecclesie de Gillingeham data fuit abbati [sic] de S. Edwardo in escambium pro terra ubi castellum de Corf positum est.”Testa de Nevill, 164b.[382]It is by no means certain that Corfe was the scene of Edward’s murder, as we learn from a charter of Cnut (Mon. Ang., iii., 55) that there was a Corfe Geat not far from Portisham, probably the place now called Coryates.[383]Called by Asser acastellum; but it has already been pointed out thatcastellumin early writers means a walled town and not a castle. (Seep. 25.) Wareham is a town fortified by an earthen vallum and ditch, and is one of the boroughs of theBurghal Hidage. (See Ch. II,p. 28.) A Norman castle was built there after the Conquest, and its motte still remains. D. B. says seventy-three houses were utterly destroyed from the time of Hugh the Sheriff. I., 75.[384]Edred granted “to the religious woman, Elfthryth,” supposed to be the Abbess of Shaftesbury, “pars telluris Purbeckinga,” which would include Corfe.Mon. Ang., ii., 478.[385]Both these kings spent large sums on Corfe Castle. See the citations from thePipe Rollsin Hutchins’Dorset, vol. i., and in Mr Bond’sHistory of Corfe Castle.[386]See Professor Baldwin Brown’s paper in theJournal of the Institute of British Architects, Third Series, ii., 488, and Mr Micklethwaite’s inArch. Journ., liii., 338; also Professor Baldwin Brown’s remarks on Corfe Castle inThe Arts in Early England, ii., 71.[387]There are other instances in which the chapel is the oldest piece of mason-work about the castle, as, for example, at Pontefract.[388]Cited in Hutchins’Dorset, i., 488, from theClose Rolls.[389]Close Rolls, i., 178b.[390]Hutchins’Dorset, i., 488.[391]Castrum Doveram, studio atque sumptu suo communitum. P. 108. Eadmer makes Harold promise to William “Castellum Dofris cum puteo aquæ ad opus meum tefacturum.”Hist. Novorum, i., d. The castle is not mentioned in Domesday Book.[392]Norman Conquest, iii., 217.[393]In 1580 an earthquake threw down a portion of the cliff on which the castle stands, and part of the walls. Statham’sHistory of Dover, p. 287.[394]“Wendon him tha up to thære burge-weard, and ofslogen ægther ge withinnan ge withutan, ma thanne 20 manna.” Another MS. adds “tha burh-menn ofslogen 19 men on othre healfe, and ma gewundode, and Eustatius atbærst mid feawum mannum.”[395]Seeante,pp. 17-19.[396]His description is worth quoting:Est ibi mons altus, strictum mare, litus opacum,Hinc hostes citius Anglica regna petunt;Sed castrum Doveræ, pendens a vertice montis,Hostes rejiciens, littora tuta facit.Clavibus acceptis, rex intrans mœnia castriPræcepit Angligenis evacuare domos;Hos introduxit per quos sibi regna subegit,Unumquemque suum misit ad hospitium.“Carmen de Bello Hastingensi,” inMonumenta Britannica, p. 603.[397]William’s description is also of great interest: “Deinde dux contendit Doueram, ubi multus populus congregatus erat, pro inexpugnabile, ut sibi videtur, munitione; quia id castellum situm est in rupe mari contigua, quæ naturaliter acuta undique ad hoc ferramentis elaborate incisa, in speciem muri directissima altitudine, quantum sagittæ jactus permetiri potest, consurgit, quo in latere unda marina alluitur.” P. 140.[398]The following entries in thePipe Rollsrefer to this:—1194-5.Three hundred planks of oak for the works of the castle£2 0 01196-7.Repair of the wall of the castle76 3 01208-9.Timber for walling the castles of Dover and Rochester, also rods and [wooden] hurdles and other needful things76 13 41210-11.Payment for the carpenters working the timber24 9 51212-13.For the carriage of timber and other things48 16 71214-15.For the carriage of timber for the castle works2 0 01214-15.For timber and brushwood for the works, and for cutting down wood to make hurdles, and sending themsum not given,but £100 entered same year for the works of the castle. There is no mention of stone for the castle during these two reigns, but after the death of John we find that works are going on at Dover for which kilns are required. (Close Rolls, i., 352, 1218.) This entry is followed by a very large expenditure on Dover Castle (amounting to at least £6000), sufficient to cover the cost of a stone wall and towers round the outer circuit. The orders of planks for joists must be for the towers, and the large quantities of lead, for roofing them. The order for timber “ad palum et alia facienda” in 1225mayrefer to a stockade on the advanced work called the Spur, which is said to be Hubert’s work. (Close Rolls, ii., 14.)[399]Cited by Statham,History of Dover, pp. 265, 313.[400]Commune of London, pp. 278-81.[401]The ninth name, Maminot, is attached to three towers on the curtain of the keep ward.[402]“Recepto castro, quæ minus erant per dies octo addidit firmamenta.” P. 140.[403]Lyon says: “The keep [hill] was formed of chalk dug out of the interior hill.” Cited by Statham, p. 245.[404]“Per præceptum regis facta est apud Doveram turris fortissima.” II. 8, R. S., anno 1187. TheHistoria Fundationisof St Martin’s Abbey says that Henry II. built the high tower in the castle, and enclosed the donjon with new walls: “fit le haut tour en le chastel, et enclost le dongon de nouelx murs.”M. A., iv., 533.[405]Puckle’sChurch and Fortress of Dover Castle, p. 57.[406]Pipe Rolls, 1178-80. “In operatione muri circa castellum de Doura, £165, 13s. 4d. The same, £94, 7s. 1d.”[407]Mr Statham thinks the port of Dover, though a Roman station, was unwalled till the 13th century, and gives evidence.History of Dover, p. 56.[408]See Professor Baldwin Brown, “Statistics of Saxon Churches” in theBuilder, 20th October 1900; and inThe Arts in Early England, ii., 338.[409]D. B., i., 1.[410]“Istedem Willelmus tenet Dudelei, et ibi est castellum ejus. T. R. E. valebat 4 libras, modo 3 libras.” D. B., i., 177.[411]M. M. A., i., 24.[412]“Circa dies istos castellum de Huntinduna, de Waletuna, de Legecestria, et Grobi, de Stutesbers [Tutbury], de Dudeleia, de Tresc, et alia plura pariter corruerunt, in ultionem injuriarum quas domini castellorum regi patri frequenter intulerunt.”Diceto, i., 404, R. S.[413]Close Rolls, i., 380.[414]Parker’sHistory of Domestic Architecture, Licenses to Crenellate, 13th century, Part ii., p. 402. Godwin, “Notice of the Castle at Dudley,”Arch. Journ., xv., 47.[415]D. B., i., 95b.[416]Narrow terraces of this kind are found in several mottes, such as Mere, in Wilts. They are probably natural, and may have been utilised as part of the plan. The more regular terraces winding round the motte are generally found where the motte has become part of a pleasure-ground in later times.[417]This is the only case in which I have had to trust to Mr Clark for the description of a castle.M. M. A., ii., 24.[418]Mentioned inClose Rolls, i., 518a.[419]D. B., i., 95b.[420]Symeon of Durham, 1072. “Eodem tempore, scilicet quo rex reversus de Scotia fuerat, in Dunelmo castellumcondidit, ubi se cum suis episcopus tute ab incursantibus habere potuisset.”[421]This chapel is an instance of the honour so frequently done to the chapel, which was in many cases built of stone when the rest of the castle was only of timber, and was always the part most lavishly decorated.[422]The bailey was twice enlarged by Bishops Flambard and Pudsey.[423]Surtees, Durham, iv., 33.[424]Surtees Society, xx., 11-13.[425]Evidently the southern wing wall up the motte; but we need not supposemurusto mean a stone wall.[426]Domus, a word always used for ahabitationin mediæval documents, and often applied to a tower, which it evidently means here.[427]This is the only indication which Lawrence gives that the keep was of wood.[428]“Cingitur et pulchra paries sibi quilibet ala,Omnis et in muro desinit ala fero.”The translation is conjectural, butgalleryseems to make the best sense, and the allusion probably is to the wooden galleries, orhourdes, which defended the walls.[429]Evidently the northern wing wall.[430]This is the bailey; the two vast palaces must mean the hall and the lodgings of the men-at-arms, who did not share the bishop’s dwelling in the keep. These were probably all of wood, as the buildings of Durham Castle were burnt at the beginning of Pudsey’s episcopate (1153) and restored by him. Surtees Society, ix., 12.[431]“Hujus in egressu pons sternitur.” This seems a probable allusion to a drawbridge, but if so, it is an early one.[432]This describes the addition to the bailey made by Flambard. The part of the peninsula to the S. of the church was afterwards walled in by Pudsey, and called the South Bailey.[433]Liber Eliensis, ii., 245 (Anglia Christiana). The part cited was written early in the 12th century: seePreface.[434]Stowe’sAnnals, 145, 1.[435]D. B., ii., 192.[436]“Alured de Merleberge tenet castellum de Ewias de Willelmo rege. Ipse rex enim concessit ei terras quas Willelmus comes ei dederat, qui hoc castellum refirmaverat, hoc est, 5 carucatas terræ ibidem.... Hoc castellum valet 10l.” D. B., i., 186a. As there is no statement of the value in King Edward’s day, we cannot tell whether it had risen or fallen.[437]Feudal England, p. 324. The present writer was led independently to the same conclusion. Pentecost was the nickname of Osbern, son of Richard Scrob, one of Edward’s Norman favourites, to whom he had given estates in Herefordshire. Osbern fled to Scotland in 1052, but he seems to have returned, and was still holding lands in “the castelry of Ewias” at the time of the Survey, though his nephew Alured held the castle. See Freeman,N. C., ii., 345, andFlorence of Worcester, 1052.[438]“Locum vero intra mœnia ad extruendum castellum delegit, ibique Baldwinum de Molis, filium Gisleberti comitis, aliosque milites præcipuos reliquit, qui necessarium opus conficerent, præsidioque manerunt.” Ordericus, ii., 181.[439]Exeter is one of the few cities where a tradition has been preserved of the site of the Saxon royal residence, which places it in what is now Paul Street, far away from the present castle. Shorrt’sSylva Antiqua Iscana, p. 7.[440]“In hac civitate vastatæ sunt 48 domi postquam rex venit in Angliam.” D. B., i., 100.[441]Norman Conquest, iv., 162.[442]The outer ditch may have been of Roman origin, but in that case it must have been carried all round the city, and we are unable to find whether this was the case or not. The banks on the north and east sides must also have been of Roman origin, and if we rightly understand the statements of local antiquaries, the Roman city wall stood upon them, and has actually been foundin situ, cased with mediæval rubble.Report of Devon Association, 1895.[443]This resemblance to a pit may be seen in every motte which still retains its ancient earthen breast-work, as at Castle Levington, Burton in Lonsdale, and Castlehaugh, Gisburne. Perhaps this is the reason that we so frequently read in thePipe Rollsof “the housesinthe motte” (domos in Mota) instead ofonthe motte. Devizes Castle is another and still more striking instance.[444]Professor Baldwin Brown,The Arts in Early England, ii., 82.[445]“In custamento gaiole in ballia castelli, £16, 15s. 8d.”[446]Cited by Dr Oliver, “The Castle of Exeter,” inArch. Journ., vii., 128.[447]The whole of this passage is worth quoting: “Castellum in ea situm, editissimo aggere sublatum, muro inexpugnabile obseptum, turribus Cæsarianis inseissili calce confectis firmatum. Agmine peditum instructissime armato exterius promurale, quod ad castellum muniendum aggere cumulatissimo in altum sustollebatur, expulsis constanter hostibus suscepit, pontemque interiorem, quo ad urbem de castello incessus protendebatur, viriliter infregit, lignorumque ingentia artificia, quibus de muro pugnare intentibus resisteretur, mire et artificiose exaltavit. Die etiam et noctu graviter et intente obsidionem clausis inferre; nunc cum armatis aggerem incessu quadrupede conscendentibus rixam pugnacem secum committere; nunc cum innumeris fundatoribus, qui e diverso conducti fuerunt, intolerabile eos lapidum grandine infestare; aliquando autem ascitis eis, qui massæ subterranæ cautius norunt venus incidere, ad murum diruendum viscera terræ scutari præcipere: nonnunquam etiam machinas diversi generis, alias in altum sublatis, alias humo tenus depressas, istas ad inspiciendam quidnam rerum in castello gereretur, illas ad murum quassandum vel obruendum aptare.”Gesta Stephani, R. S., 23.[448]Pipe Rolls, 1169-1186.[449]The difficulty about this, however, is that passages branch off from the central cave in every direction.[450]Oliver’sHistory of Exeter, p. 186.[451][Willelmus Malet] fecit suum castellum ad Eiam. D. B., ii., 379. For Malet, see Freeman,N. C., 466, note 4.[452]“In operatione castelli de Eya et reparatione veterarum bretascharum et 2 novarum bretascharum et fossatorum et pro carriagio et petra et aliis minutis operationibus 20l.18s.4d.”Pipe Rolls, xix., 19 Henry II. The small quantity of stone referred to here can only be for some auxiliary work. Thebretaschesin this case will be mural towers of wood. “In emendatione palicii et 1 exclusæ vivarii et domorum castelli 20s.” 28 Henry II.[453]D. B., ii., 319, 320.[454]D. B., i., 162. “Sedecim domus erant ubi sedet castellum, quæ modo desunt, et in burgo civitatis sunt wastatæ 14 domus.”[455]Rudge,History of Gloucester, p. 7. Haverfield,Romanisation of Britain, p. 204.[456]It is, however, possible that by theburgusmay be meant a later quarter which had been added to the city.[457]Fosbroke’sHistory of Gloucester, pp. 125, 126. Stukeley, writing in 1721, says: “There is a large old gatehouse standing, and near it the castle, with a very high artificial mount or keep nigh the river.”Itin. Cur., i., 69.[458]“Of al partes of yt the hy towerin media areais most strongest and auncient.” Leland,Itin., iii., 64.[459]“In excambium pro placea ubi nunc turris stat Gloucestriæ, ubi quondam fuit ortus monachorum.”Mon. Ang., i., 544. The document is not earlier than Henry II.’s reign.[460]Round,Studies in Domesday, p. 123.[461]“In operatione frame turris de Glouec, 20l.”Pipe Rolls, i., 27. In the singlePipe Rollof Henry I. there is an entry “In operationibus turris de Glouec,” 7l.6s.2d., whichmaybe one of a series of sums spent on the new stone keep.[462]Pipe Rolls, 1177, 1180, 1181, 1184.[463]Close Rolls, ii., 88b.[464]“In reparatione murorum et bretaschiarum,” 20l. 7s.11d.Pipe Rolls, 1193.[465]“Jussit ut foderetur castellum ad Hestengaceastra.”[466]D. B., i., 18a, 2. “Rex Willelmus dedit comiti [of Eu] castellariam de Hastinges.”[467]“Dux ibidem [at Pevensey] non diu moratus, haud longe situm, qui Hastinges vocatur, cum suis adiit portum, ibique opportunum nactus locum, ligneum agiliter castellum statuens, provide munivit.”Chron. Monast. de Bello, p. 3, ed. 1846. There is also the evidence of Ordericus, who says that Humphrey de Tilleul received the custody of Hastings Castle “from the first day it was built.” iv., 4.[468]Par conseil firent esgarderBoen lieu a fort chastel fermer.Donc ont des nes mairrien iete,A la terre l’ont traine,Que le quens d’Ou i out porteTrestot percie e tot dole.Les cheuilles totes doleesOrent en granz bariz portees.Ainz que il fust avespreEn ont un chastelet ferme;Environ firent une fosse,Si i ont fait grant fermete.—Andresen’s edition, p. 289.[469]The north curtain is of ruder work than the other masonry.[470]In attractu petre et calcis ad faciendam turrim de Hasting 6l.Idem 13l.12s.Vol. xviii., p. 130. The work must have been extensive, as it is spoken of as “operatio castelli novi Hasting.” 1181-1182. Though the sum given is not sufficient for a great stone keep, it may have been supplemented from other sources.[471]See Mr Sands’ paper on Hasting’s Castle, inTrans. of the South-Eastern Union of Scientific Societies, 1908.[472]This bailey has been supposed to be a British or Roman earthwork, but no evidence has been brought forward to prove it, except the fact that discoveries made in one of the banks point to a flint workshop on the site.[473]Totum manerium valebat T. R. E. 20 libras, et postea wastum fuit. Modo 18 libras 10 solidos. D. B., i., 18a, 2.Since the above was written, Mr Chas. Dawson’s large and important work on Hastings Castle has appeared, and to this the reader is referred for many important particulars, especially the passages from thePipe Rolls, i., 56, and the repeated destructions by the sea, ii., 498-9. The reproduction of Herbert’s plan of 1824 (ii., 512) seems to show more than one bailey outside the inner ward. The evidence for a great outer ditch, enclosing all these works, and supposed to be prehistoric, is given on p. 515, vol. ii.[474]SeeAnglo-Saxon Chronicle, 1048 (Peterborough) and 1052 (Worcester), and compare withFlorence of Worcester.[475]N. C., ii., 394.[476]Pipe Rolls, 11 Henry II., p. 100, and 15 Henry II., p. 140. Stephen granted to Miles of Gloucester “motam Hereford cum toto castello.” Charter cited by Mr Round,Geoffrey de Mandeville, Appendix O,p. 329.[477]Cited by Grose,Antiquities, ii., 18. Stukeley saw the motte, and mentions the well in it lined with stone.Itin. Curiosum, i., 71. See also Duncombe’sHistory of Hereford, i., 229.[478]In custamento prosternandi partem muri castri nostri de Hereford, et preparatione rogi ad reficiendum predictum murum, 26s. 6d.Pipe Rolls, 1181-1182.[479]In operatione 5 bretaschiarum in castro de Hereford, £15, 3s. 9d.Pipe Rolls, 1173-1174.[480]Close Rolls, i., 134a.[481]Hubertus Cantuariensis Archiepiscopus et totius Angliæ summus Justiciarius, fuit in Gwalia apud Hereford, et recepit in manu sua castellum de Hereford, et castellum de Briges, et castellum de Ludelaue, expulsis inde custodibus qui ea diu custodierant, et tradidit ea aliis custodibus, custodienda ad opus regis.Roger of Howden, iv., 35, R. S.[482]D. B., i., 179.[483]“In loco castri fuerunt 20 mansiones, quæ modo absunt.” D. B., i., 203.[484]Ordericus, ii., 185.

[367]Victoria History of Lancashire, ii., 523.

[368]See Farrer,Lancashire Pipe Rolls, i., 260.

[369]Printed by Mr Round inEssex Arch. Society’s Transactions, vii., Part ii. The charter is dated 1101.

[370]See Maitland,Domesday Book and Beyond, p. 22.

[371]History of Colchester Castle, p. 141.

[372]It has been much debated whether these tiles are Roman or Norman; the conclusion seems to be that they are mixed. See Round’sHistory of Colchester, p. 78.

[373]The singlePipe Rollof Henry I. shows that he spent £33, 15s. on repairs of the castle and borough in 1130.

[374]In operatione unius Rogi (a kiln), £13, 18s. In reparatione muri castelli, £16, 3s. 2d. The projection of the buttresses (averaging 1 ft. 3 ins.) is about the same as that found in castles of Henry I. or Henry II.’s time.

[375]Ad faciendum Ballium circa castellum, £50.Pipe Rolls, xix., 13. This is followed by another entry of £18, 13s. 7d. “in operatione castelli,” which may refer to the same work.

[376]Round’sHistory of Colchester.

[377]Close Rolls, i., 389. Mandamus to the bishop of London to choose two lawful and discreet men of Colchester, “et per visum eorum erigi faceatis palicium castri nostri Colecestrie, quod nuper prostratum fuit per tempestatem.”

[378]Round’sHistory of Colchester, pp. 135, 136.

[379]Tota civitas ex omnibus debitis reddebat T. R. E., £15, 5s. 4d., in unoquoque anno. Modo reddit £160. D. B., ii., 107.

[380]Eyton,Key to Domesday, p. 43. This passage was kindly pointed out to me by Dr Round. The castle is not mentioned in Domesday under Wareham, but under Kingston. “De manerio Chingestone habet rex unam hidam, in qua fecit castellum Warham, et pro ea dedit S. Mariæ [of Shaftesbury] ecclesiam de Gelingeham cum appendiciis suis.” D. B., i., 78b, 2.

[381]“Advocatio ecclesie de Gillingeham data fuit abbati [sic] de S. Edwardo in escambium pro terra ubi castellum de Corf positum est.”Testa de Nevill, 164b.

[382]It is by no means certain that Corfe was the scene of Edward’s murder, as we learn from a charter of Cnut (Mon. Ang., iii., 55) that there was a Corfe Geat not far from Portisham, probably the place now called Coryates.

[383]Called by Asser acastellum; but it has already been pointed out thatcastellumin early writers means a walled town and not a castle. (Seep. 25.) Wareham is a town fortified by an earthen vallum and ditch, and is one of the boroughs of theBurghal Hidage. (See Ch. II,p. 28.) A Norman castle was built there after the Conquest, and its motte still remains. D. B. says seventy-three houses were utterly destroyed from the time of Hugh the Sheriff. I., 75.

[384]Edred granted “to the religious woman, Elfthryth,” supposed to be the Abbess of Shaftesbury, “pars telluris Purbeckinga,” which would include Corfe.Mon. Ang., ii., 478.

[385]Both these kings spent large sums on Corfe Castle. See the citations from thePipe Rollsin Hutchins’Dorset, vol. i., and in Mr Bond’sHistory of Corfe Castle.

[386]See Professor Baldwin Brown’s paper in theJournal of the Institute of British Architects, Third Series, ii., 488, and Mr Micklethwaite’s inArch. Journ., liii., 338; also Professor Baldwin Brown’s remarks on Corfe Castle inThe Arts in Early England, ii., 71.

[387]There are other instances in which the chapel is the oldest piece of mason-work about the castle, as, for example, at Pontefract.

[388]Cited in Hutchins’Dorset, i., 488, from theClose Rolls.

[389]Close Rolls, i., 178b.

[390]Hutchins’Dorset, i., 488.

[391]Castrum Doveram, studio atque sumptu suo communitum. P. 108. Eadmer makes Harold promise to William “Castellum Dofris cum puteo aquæ ad opus meum tefacturum.”Hist. Novorum, i., d. The castle is not mentioned in Domesday Book.

[392]Norman Conquest, iii., 217.

[393]In 1580 an earthquake threw down a portion of the cliff on which the castle stands, and part of the walls. Statham’sHistory of Dover, p. 287.

[394]“Wendon him tha up to thære burge-weard, and ofslogen ægther ge withinnan ge withutan, ma thanne 20 manna.” Another MS. adds “tha burh-menn ofslogen 19 men on othre healfe, and ma gewundode, and Eustatius atbærst mid feawum mannum.”

[395]Seeante,pp. 17-19.

[396]His description is worth quoting:Est ibi mons altus, strictum mare, litus opacum,Hinc hostes citius Anglica regna petunt;Sed castrum Doveræ, pendens a vertice montis,Hostes rejiciens, littora tuta facit.Clavibus acceptis, rex intrans mœnia castriPræcepit Angligenis evacuare domos;Hos introduxit per quos sibi regna subegit,Unumquemque suum misit ad hospitium.“Carmen de Bello Hastingensi,” inMonumenta Britannica, p. 603.

[396]His description is worth quoting:

Est ibi mons altus, strictum mare, litus opacum,Hinc hostes citius Anglica regna petunt;Sed castrum Doveræ, pendens a vertice montis,Hostes rejiciens, littora tuta facit.Clavibus acceptis, rex intrans mœnia castriPræcepit Angligenis evacuare domos;Hos introduxit per quos sibi regna subegit,Unumquemque suum misit ad hospitium.

Est ibi mons altus, strictum mare, litus opacum,

Hinc hostes citius Anglica regna petunt;

Sed castrum Doveræ, pendens a vertice montis,

Hostes rejiciens, littora tuta facit.

Clavibus acceptis, rex intrans mœnia castri

Præcepit Angligenis evacuare domos;

Hos introduxit per quos sibi regna subegit,

Unumquemque suum misit ad hospitium.

“Carmen de Bello Hastingensi,” inMonumenta Britannica, p. 603.

[397]William’s description is also of great interest: “Deinde dux contendit Doueram, ubi multus populus congregatus erat, pro inexpugnabile, ut sibi videtur, munitione; quia id castellum situm est in rupe mari contigua, quæ naturaliter acuta undique ad hoc ferramentis elaborate incisa, in speciem muri directissima altitudine, quantum sagittæ jactus permetiri potest, consurgit, quo in latere unda marina alluitur.” P. 140.

[398]The following entries in thePipe Rollsrefer to this:—1194-5.Three hundred planks of oak for the works of the castle£2 0 01196-7.Repair of the wall of the castle76 3 01208-9.Timber for walling the castles of Dover and Rochester, also rods and [wooden] hurdles and other needful things76 13 41210-11.Payment for the carpenters working the timber24 9 51212-13.For the carriage of timber and other things48 16 71214-15.For the carriage of timber for the castle works2 0 01214-15.For timber and brushwood for the works, and for cutting down wood to make hurdles, and sending themsum not given,but £100 entered same year for the works of the castle. There is no mention of stone for the castle during these two reigns, but after the death of John we find that works are going on at Dover for which kilns are required. (Close Rolls, i., 352, 1218.) This entry is followed by a very large expenditure on Dover Castle (amounting to at least £6000), sufficient to cover the cost of a stone wall and towers round the outer circuit. The orders of planks for joists must be for the towers, and the large quantities of lead, for roofing them. The order for timber “ad palum et alia facienda” in 1225mayrefer to a stockade on the advanced work called the Spur, which is said to be Hubert’s work. (Close Rolls, ii., 14.)

[398]The following entries in thePipe Rollsrefer to this:—

but £100 entered same year for the works of the castle. There is no mention of stone for the castle during these two reigns, but after the death of John we find that works are going on at Dover for which kilns are required. (Close Rolls, i., 352, 1218.) This entry is followed by a very large expenditure on Dover Castle (amounting to at least £6000), sufficient to cover the cost of a stone wall and towers round the outer circuit. The orders of planks for joists must be for the towers, and the large quantities of lead, for roofing them. The order for timber “ad palum et alia facienda” in 1225mayrefer to a stockade on the advanced work called the Spur, which is said to be Hubert’s work. (Close Rolls, ii., 14.)

[399]Cited by Statham,History of Dover, pp. 265, 313.

[400]Commune of London, pp. 278-81.

[401]The ninth name, Maminot, is attached to three towers on the curtain of the keep ward.

[402]“Recepto castro, quæ minus erant per dies octo addidit firmamenta.” P. 140.

[403]Lyon says: “The keep [hill] was formed of chalk dug out of the interior hill.” Cited by Statham, p. 245.

[404]“Per præceptum regis facta est apud Doveram turris fortissima.” II. 8, R. S., anno 1187. TheHistoria Fundationisof St Martin’s Abbey says that Henry II. built the high tower in the castle, and enclosed the donjon with new walls: “fit le haut tour en le chastel, et enclost le dongon de nouelx murs.”M. A., iv., 533.

[405]Puckle’sChurch and Fortress of Dover Castle, p. 57.

[406]Pipe Rolls, 1178-80. “In operatione muri circa castellum de Doura, £165, 13s. 4d. The same, £94, 7s. 1d.”

[407]Mr Statham thinks the port of Dover, though a Roman station, was unwalled till the 13th century, and gives evidence.History of Dover, p. 56.

[408]See Professor Baldwin Brown, “Statistics of Saxon Churches” in theBuilder, 20th October 1900; and inThe Arts in Early England, ii., 338.

[409]D. B., i., 1.

[410]“Istedem Willelmus tenet Dudelei, et ibi est castellum ejus. T. R. E. valebat 4 libras, modo 3 libras.” D. B., i., 177.

[411]M. M. A., i., 24.

[412]“Circa dies istos castellum de Huntinduna, de Waletuna, de Legecestria, et Grobi, de Stutesbers [Tutbury], de Dudeleia, de Tresc, et alia plura pariter corruerunt, in ultionem injuriarum quas domini castellorum regi patri frequenter intulerunt.”Diceto, i., 404, R. S.

[413]Close Rolls, i., 380.

[414]Parker’sHistory of Domestic Architecture, Licenses to Crenellate, 13th century, Part ii., p. 402. Godwin, “Notice of the Castle at Dudley,”Arch. Journ., xv., 47.

[415]D. B., i., 95b.

[416]Narrow terraces of this kind are found in several mottes, such as Mere, in Wilts. They are probably natural, and may have been utilised as part of the plan. The more regular terraces winding round the motte are generally found where the motte has become part of a pleasure-ground in later times.

[417]This is the only case in which I have had to trust to Mr Clark for the description of a castle.M. M. A., ii., 24.

[418]Mentioned inClose Rolls, i., 518a.

[419]D. B., i., 95b.

[420]Symeon of Durham, 1072. “Eodem tempore, scilicet quo rex reversus de Scotia fuerat, in Dunelmo castellumcondidit, ubi se cum suis episcopus tute ab incursantibus habere potuisset.”

[421]This chapel is an instance of the honour so frequently done to the chapel, which was in many cases built of stone when the rest of the castle was only of timber, and was always the part most lavishly decorated.

[422]The bailey was twice enlarged by Bishops Flambard and Pudsey.

[423]Surtees, Durham, iv., 33.

[424]Surtees Society, xx., 11-13.

[425]Evidently the southern wing wall up the motte; but we need not supposemurusto mean a stone wall.

[426]Domus, a word always used for ahabitationin mediæval documents, and often applied to a tower, which it evidently means here.

[427]This is the only indication which Lawrence gives that the keep was of wood.

[428]“Cingitur et pulchra paries sibi quilibet ala,Omnis et in muro desinit ala fero.”The translation is conjectural, butgalleryseems to make the best sense, and the allusion probably is to the wooden galleries, orhourdes, which defended the walls.

[428]

“Cingitur et pulchra paries sibi quilibet ala,Omnis et in muro desinit ala fero.”

“Cingitur et pulchra paries sibi quilibet ala,

Omnis et in muro desinit ala fero.”

The translation is conjectural, butgalleryseems to make the best sense, and the allusion probably is to the wooden galleries, orhourdes, which defended the walls.

[429]Evidently the northern wing wall.

[430]This is the bailey; the two vast palaces must mean the hall and the lodgings of the men-at-arms, who did not share the bishop’s dwelling in the keep. These were probably all of wood, as the buildings of Durham Castle were burnt at the beginning of Pudsey’s episcopate (1153) and restored by him. Surtees Society, ix., 12.

[431]“Hujus in egressu pons sternitur.” This seems a probable allusion to a drawbridge, but if so, it is an early one.

[432]This describes the addition to the bailey made by Flambard. The part of the peninsula to the S. of the church was afterwards walled in by Pudsey, and called the South Bailey.

[433]Liber Eliensis, ii., 245 (Anglia Christiana). The part cited was written early in the 12th century: seePreface.

[434]Stowe’sAnnals, 145, 1.

[435]D. B., ii., 192.

[436]“Alured de Merleberge tenet castellum de Ewias de Willelmo rege. Ipse rex enim concessit ei terras quas Willelmus comes ei dederat, qui hoc castellum refirmaverat, hoc est, 5 carucatas terræ ibidem.... Hoc castellum valet 10l.” D. B., i., 186a. As there is no statement of the value in King Edward’s day, we cannot tell whether it had risen or fallen.

[437]Feudal England, p. 324. The present writer was led independently to the same conclusion. Pentecost was the nickname of Osbern, son of Richard Scrob, one of Edward’s Norman favourites, to whom he had given estates in Herefordshire. Osbern fled to Scotland in 1052, but he seems to have returned, and was still holding lands in “the castelry of Ewias” at the time of the Survey, though his nephew Alured held the castle. See Freeman,N. C., ii., 345, andFlorence of Worcester, 1052.

[438]“Locum vero intra mœnia ad extruendum castellum delegit, ibique Baldwinum de Molis, filium Gisleberti comitis, aliosque milites præcipuos reliquit, qui necessarium opus conficerent, præsidioque manerunt.” Ordericus, ii., 181.

[439]Exeter is one of the few cities where a tradition has been preserved of the site of the Saxon royal residence, which places it in what is now Paul Street, far away from the present castle. Shorrt’sSylva Antiqua Iscana, p. 7.

[440]“In hac civitate vastatæ sunt 48 domi postquam rex venit in Angliam.” D. B., i., 100.

[441]Norman Conquest, iv., 162.

[442]The outer ditch may have been of Roman origin, but in that case it must have been carried all round the city, and we are unable to find whether this was the case or not. The banks on the north and east sides must also have been of Roman origin, and if we rightly understand the statements of local antiquaries, the Roman city wall stood upon them, and has actually been foundin situ, cased with mediæval rubble.Report of Devon Association, 1895.

[443]This resemblance to a pit may be seen in every motte which still retains its ancient earthen breast-work, as at Castle Levington, Burton in Lonsdale, and Castlehaugh, Gisburne. Perhaps this is the reason that we so frequently read in thePipe Rollsof “the housesinthe motte” (domos in Mota) instead ofonthe motte. Devizes Castle is another and still more striking instance.

[444]Professor Baldwin Brown,The Arts in Early England, ii., 82.

[445]“In custamento gaiole in ballia castelli, £16, 15s. 8d.”

[446]Cited by Dr Oliver, “The Castle of Exeter,” inArch. Journ., vii., 128.

[447]The whole of this passage is worth quoting: “Castellum in ea situm, editissimo aggere sublatum, muro inexpugnabile obseptum, turribus Cæsarianis inseissili calce confectis firmatum. Agmine peditum instructissime armato exterius promurale, quod ad castellum muniendum aggere cumulatissimo in altum sustollebatur, expulsis constanter hostibus suscepit, pontemque interiorem, quo ad urbem de castello incessus protendebatur, viriliter infregit, lignorumque ingentia artificia, quibus de muro pugnare intentibus resisteretur, mire et artificiose exaltavit. Die etiam et noctu graviter et intente obsidionem clausis inferre; nunc cum armatis aggerem incessu quadrupede conscendentibus rixam pugnacem secum committere; nunc cum innumeris fundatoribus, qui e diverso conducti fuerunt, intolerabile eos lapidum grandine infestare; aliquando autem ascitis eis, qui massæ subterranæ cautius norunt venus incidere, ad murum diruendum viscera terræ scutari præcipere: nonnunquam etiam machinas diversi generis, alias in altum sublatis, alias humo tenus depressas, istas ad inspiciendam quidnam rerum in castello gereretur, illas ad murum quassandum vel obruendum aptare.”Gesta Stephani, R. S., 23.

[448]Pipe Rolls, 1169-1186.

[449]The difficulty about this, however, is that passages branch off from the central cave in every direction.

[450]Oliver’sHistory of Exeter, p. 186.

[451][Willelmus Malet] fecit suum castellum ad Eiam. D. B., ii., 379. For Malet, see Freeman,N. C., 466, note 4.

[452]“In operatione castelli de Eya et reparatione veterarum bretascharum et 2 novarum bretascharum et fossatorum et pro carriagio et petra et aliis minutis operationibus 20l.18s.4d.”Pipe Rolls, xix., 19 Henry II. The small quantity of stone referred to here can only be for some auxiliary work. Thebretaschesin this case will be mural towers of wood. “In emendatione palicii et 1 exclusæ vivarii et domorum castelli 20s.” 28 Henry II.

[453]D. B., ii., 319, 320.

[454]D. B., i., 162. “Sedecim domus erant ubi sedet castellum, quæ modo desunt, et in burgo civitatis sunt wastatæ 14 domus.”

[455]Rudge,History of Gloucester, p. 7. Haverfield,Romanisation of Britain, p. 204.

[456]It is, however, possible that by theburgusmay be meant a later quarter which had been added to the city.

[457]Fosbroke’sHistory of Gloucester, pp. 125, 126. Stukeley, writing in 1721, says: “There is a large old gatehouse standing, and near it the castle, with a very high artificial mount or keep nigh the river.”Itin. Cur., i., 69.

[458]“Of al partes of yt the hy towerin media areais most strongest and auncient.” Leland,Itin., iii., 64.

[459]“In excambium pro placea ubi nunc turris stat Gloucestriæ, ubi quondam fuit ortus monachorum.”Mon. Ang., i., 544. The document is not earlier than Henry II.’s reign.

[460]Round,Studies in Domesday, p. 123.

[461]“In operatione frame turris de Glouec, 20l.”Pipe Rolls, i., 27. In the singlePipe Rollof Henry I. there is an entry “In operationibus turris de Glouec,” 7l.6s.2d., whichmaybe one of a series of sums spent on the new stone keep.

[462]Pipe Rolls, 1177, 1180, 1181, 1184.

[463]Close Rolls, ii., 88b.

[464]“In reparatione murorum et bretaschiarum,” 20l. 7s.11d.Pipe Rolls, 1193.

[465]“Jussit ut foderetur castellum ad Hestengaceastra.”

[466]D. B., i., 18a, 2. “Rex Willelmus dedit comiti [of Eu] castellariam de Hastinges.”

[467]“Dux ibidem [at Pevensey] non diu moratus, haud longe situm, qui Hastinges vocatur, cum suis adiit portum, ibique opportunum nactus locum, ligneum agiliter castellum statuens, provide munivit.”Chron. Monast. de Bello, p. 3, ed. 1846. There is also the evidence of Ordericus, who says that Humphrey de Tilleul received the custody of Hastings Castle “from the first day it was built.” iv., 4.

[468]Par conseil firent esgarderBoen lieu a fort chastel fermer.Donc ont des nes mairrien iete,A la terre l’ont traine,Que le quens d’Ou i out porteTrestot percie e tot dole.Les cheuilles totes doleesOrent en granz bariz portees.Ainz que il fust avespreEn ont un chastelet ferme;Environ firent une fosse,Si i ont fait grant fermete.—Andresen’s edition, p. 289.

[468]

Par conseil firent esgarderBoen lieu a fort chastel fermer.Donc ont des nes mairrien iete,A la terre l’ont traine,Que le quens d’Ou i out porteTrestot percie e tot dole.Les cheuilles totes doleesOrent en granz bariz portees.Ainz que il fust avespreEn ont un chastelet ferme;Environ firent une fosse,Si i ont fait grant fermete.—Andresen’s edition, p. 289.

Par conseil firent esgarder

Boen lieu a fort chastel fermer.

Donc ont des nes mairrien iete,

A la terre l’ont traine,

Que le quens d’Ou i out porte

Trestot percie e tot dole.

Les cheuilles totes dolees

Orent en granz bariz portees.

Ainz que il fust avespre

En ont un chastelet ferme;

Environ firent une fosse,

Si i ont fait grant fermete.—Andresen’s edition, p. 289.

[469]The north curtain is of ruder work than the other masonry.

[470]In attractu petre et calcis ad faciendam turrim de Hasting 6l.Idem 13l.12s.Vol. xviii., p. 130. The work must have been extensive, as it is spoken of as “operatio castelli novi Hasting.” 1181-1182. Though the sum given is not sufficient for a great stone keep, it may have been supplemented from other sources.

[471]See Mr Sands’ paper on Hasting’s Castle, inTrans. of the South-Eastern Union of Scientific Societies, 1908.

[472]This bailey has been supposed to be a British or Roman earthwork, but no evidence has been brought forward to prove it, except the fact that discoveries made in one of the banks point to a flint workshop on the site.

[473]Totum manerium valebat T. R. E. 20 libras, et postea wastum fuit. Modo 18 libras 10 solidos. D. B., i., 18a, 2.Since the above was written, Mr Chas. Dawson’s large and important work on Hastings Castle has appeared, and to this the reader is referred for many important particulars, especially the passages from thePipe Rolls, i., 56, and the repeated destructions by the sea, ii., 498-9. The reproduction of Herbert’s plan of 1824 (ii., 512) seems to show more than one bailey outside the inner ward. The evidence for a great outer ditch, enclosing all these works, and supposed to be prehistoric, is given on p. 515, vol. ii.

[473]Totum manerium valebat T. R. E. 20 libras, et postea wastum fuit. Modo 18 libras 10 solidos. D. B., i., 18a, 2.

Since the above was written, Mr Chas. Dawson’s large and important work on Hastings Castle has appeared, and to this the reader is referred for many important particulars, especially the passages from thePipe Rolls, i., 56, and the repeated destructions by the sea, ii., 498-9. The reproduction of Herbert’s plan of 1824 (ii., 512) seems to show more than one bailey outside the inner ward. The evidence for a great outer ditch, enclosing all these works, and supposed to be prehistoric, is given on p. 515, vol. ii.

[474]SeeAnglo-Saxon Chronicle, 1048 (Peterborough) and 1052 (Worcester), and compare withFlorence of Worcester.

[475]N. C., ii., 394.

[476]Pipe Rolls, 11 Henry II., p. 100, and 15 Henry II., p. 140. Stephen granted to Miles of Gloucester “motam Hereford cum toto castello.” Charter cited by Mr Round,Geoffrey de Mandeville, Appendix O,p. 329.

[477]Cited by Grose,Antiquities, ii., 18. Stukeley saw the motte, and mentions the well in it lined with stone.Itin. Curiosum, i., 71. See also Duncombe’sHistory of Hereford, i., 229.

[478]In custamento prosternandi partem muri castri nostri de Hereford, et preparatione rogi ad reficiendum predictum murum, 26s. 6d.Pipe Rolls, 1181-1182.

[479]In operatione 5 bretaschiarum in castro de Hereford, £15, 3s. 9d.Pipe Rolls, 1173-1174.

[480]Close Rolls, i., 134a.

[481]Hubertus Cantuariensis Archiepiscopus et totius Angliæ summus Justiciarius, fuit in Gwalia apud Hereford, et recepit in manu sua castellum de Hereford, et castellum de Briges, et castellum de Ludelaue, expulsis inde custodibus qui ea diu custodierant, et tradidit ea aliis custodibus, custodienda ad opus regis.Roger of Howden, iv., 35, R. S.

[482]D. B., i., 179.

[483]“In loco castri fuerunt 20 mansiones, quæ modo absunt.” D. B., i., 203.

[484]Ordericus, ii., 185.

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