Chapter 22

[609]Henry spent 51l.11s.3d.in 1171 on “operationes domorum et turris,” and 30l.6s.in 1174 on “operationes castelli et domorum.”[610]“Episcopus de Rouecestre, pro excambio terræ in qua castellum sedet, tantum de hac terra tenet quod 17 sol. et 4 den. valet.” D. B., i., 2b.[611]See Mr George Payne’s paper onRoman Rochester, inArch. Cantiana, vol. xxi. Mr Hope tells me that parts of all the four sides are left.[612]Thus Egbert of Kent, in 765, gives “terram intra castelli mœnia supra-nominati, id est Hrofescestri, unum viculum cum duobus jugeribus,”Kemble, i., 138; and Offa speaks of the “episcopum castelli quod nominatur Hrofescester,” Earle,Land Charters, p. 60.[613]See an extremely valuable paper onMediæval Rochesterby the Rev. Greville M. Livett,Arch. Cantiana, vol. xxi.[614]See the charter of Cœnulf, King of Mercia, giving to Bishop Beornmod three ploughlands on the southern shore of the city of Rochester, from the highway on the east to the Medway on the west.Textus Roffensis, p. 96.[615]The name Boley may possibly represent the Norman-FrenchBeaulieu, a favourite Norman name for a castle or residence. Professor Hales suggested that Boley Hill was derived from Bailey Hill (cited in Mr Gomme’s paper on Boley Hill,Arch. Cantiana, vol. xvii.). The oldest form of the name is Bullie Hill, as in Edward IV.’s charter, cited below,p. 200.[616]Roman urns and lachrymatories were found in the Boley Hill when it was partially levelled in the 18th century to fill up the castle ditch.History of Rochester, p. 281. At the part now called Watt’s Avenue, Mr George Payne found “the fag-end of an Anglo-Saxon cemetery.”Arch. Cantiana, vol. xxi.[617]“In pulchriore parte civitatis Hrouecestre.”Textus Roffensis, p. 145. Mr Freeman and others have noticed that the special mention of astonecastle makes it probable that the first castle was of wood. Mr Round remarks that the building of Rochester Castle is fixed, by the conjunction of William II. and Lanfranc in its history, to some date between September 1087 and March 1089.Geoffrey de Mandeville, p. 339. Probably, therefore, it was this new castle which Bishop Odo held against Rufus in 1088. Ordericus says that “cum quingentis militibus intra Rofensem urbem se conclusit.” P. 272.[618]It is now attributed to Archbishop William of Corbeuil, to whom Henry I. gave the custody of the castle in the twenty-seventh year of his reign, with permission to make within it a defence or keep, such as he might please.Continuator of Florence, 1126. Gervase of Canterbury also says “idem episcopus turrim egregiam ædificavit.” Both passages are cited by Hartshorne,Arch. Journ., xx., 211. Gundulf’s castle cost 60l.and can scarcely have been more than an enclosing wall with perhaps one mural tower. See Mr Round,Geoffrey de Mandeville, 340, and Mr Livett’s paper, cited above.[619]Two common friends of Rufus and Gundulf advised the king that in return for the grant of the manor of Hedenham and the remission of certain moneys, “episcopus Gundulfus, quia in opere cæmentario plurimum sciens et efficax erat, castrum sibi Hrofenselapideumde suo construeret.”Textus Roffensis, p. 146. There was therefore an exchange of land in this affair also.[620]Arch. Cantiana, vol. xxi.[621]Arch. Cantiana, vol. xxi., p. 49.[622]There are several entries in theClose Rollsrelating to this wall of Henry III. in the year 1225.[623]Mr Beale Poste says that this ancient wall was met with some years since in digging the foundations of the Rev. Mr Conway’s house, standing parallel to the present brick walls and about 2 feet within them. “Ancient Rochester as a Roman Station,”Arch. Cantiana, ii., 71. The Continuator of Gervase of Canterbury tells us (ii., 235) that at the siege of Rochester in 1265, Simon de Montfort captured the outer castle up to the keep (forinsecum castellum usque ad turrim), and Mr Livett thinks this outer castle must have been the Boley Hill.[624]Close Rolls, ii., 98b.[625]Hasted’sKent, iv., 163.[626]“Ymb sætan tha ceastre and worhton other fæsten ymb hie selfe.” Seeante, p. 49,note 120.[627]Mr Hope suggests the east side, as the north was a marsh.[628]History of Rochester(published by Fisher, 1772), p. 285.[629]D. B., i., 56.[630]“Wasta erat quando Rex W. iussit ibi castellum fieri. Modo valet 36 solidos.” D. B., i., 220.[631]“I markid that there is stronge Tower in the Area of the Castelle, and from it over the Dungeon Dike is a drawbridge to the Dungeon Toure.”Itin., i., 14.[632]“In operatione nove turris et nove camere in cast. 126l.18s.6d.”[633]D. B., i., 120.[634]See the plan reproduced in Wise’sRockingham Castle and the Watsons, p. 66.[635]Vol. i., p. 224: cited by Mr Irving in his valuable paper on Old Sarum inArch. Journ., xv., 1859. Sir Richard made a vague reference to an MS. in the Cottonian and Bodleian libraries, for which Mr Irving says he has searched in vain.[636]General Pitt-Rivers in his Address to the Salisbury meeting of the Archæological Institute in 1887, says that traces of these roads may still be seen. He adds that Old Sarum does not resemble the generality of ancient British fortifications, in that the rampart is of the same height all round, instead of being lower where the ground is steeper; this led him to think that the original fortress had been modernised in later times. Sir Richard Colt Hoare noticed that the ramparts of Sarum were twice as high as those of the fine prehistoric camps with which he was acquainted.Ancient Wiltshire, p. 226.[637]Benson and Hatcher’sOld and New Sarum, p. 604.[638]Cf.Benson and Hatcher, 63, withBeauties of England and Wales, xv., 78.[639]D. B., i., 66. “Idem episcopus tenet Sarisberie.” Part of the land which had been held under the bishop was now held by Edward the Sheriff, the ancestor of the earls of Salisbury. This in itself is a proof that the castle was new. See Freeman,N. C., iv., 797.[640]This policy had been dictated by an œcumenical council.[641]He gives to the canons of the church two hides in the manor, “et ante portam castelli Seriberiensis terram ex utraque parte viæ in ortorum domorumque canonicorum necessitate.”M. A., vi., 1294.[642]Gentleman’s Magazine, 1795.[643]The area of the outer camp is 29½ acres.[644]It is unlikely that this is theturrismentioned in the solitaryPipe Rollof Henry I. “In unum ostium faciendum ad cellarium turris Sarum, 20s.” This entry is of great interest, as entrances from the outside to the basement of keeps were exceptional in the 12th century; but the basement entrance of Colchester keep has every appearance of having been added by Henry I.[645]William of Malmesbury,Hist. Nov., ii., 91.[646]In 1152; the writ is given by Benson and Hatcher, p. 32.[647]“In operatione unius Bretesche in eodem Castro 50s.”Pipe Rolls, 1193-4.[648]“Virgam et mairemium ad hordiandum castrum.”Close Rolls, i., 198b (1215).[649]Benson and Hatcher, p. 704.[650]“Dicunt quod castrum cum burgo Veteris Sarum et dominicus burgus domini Regis pertinent ad coronam cum advocatione cujusdam ecclesiæ quæ modo vacat.”Hundred Rolls, Edward I., cited by Benson and Hatcher, p. 802.[651]Cited by Benson and Hatcher, p. 802.[652]D. B., 66a, 1. The value T. R. E. is not, however, very distinctly stated.[653]“Dicunt Angligenses burgenses de Sciropesberie multum grave sibi esse quod ipsi reddunt totum geldum sicut reddebant T. R. E. quamvis castellum comitis occupaverit 51 masuras et aliæ 50 masuræ sunt wastæ.” D. B., i., 252.[654]Some writers, such as Mr Kerslake and Mr C. S. Taylor, have supposed Sceargate to mean Shrewsbury.[655]Mandatum est vicecomiti Salopie quod veterem palum et veterem bretaschiam de vetere fossato ville Salopie faciat habere probos homines ville Salopie ad novum fossatum ejusdem ville, quod fieri fecerant, efforciandum et emendendum.Close Rolls, 1231, p. 508. The honest men of the city are also to have “palum et closturam” from the king’s wood of Lichewood “ad hirucones circa villam Salopie faciendas ad ipsam villam claudendam.”Ibid.Hiruconesare the same asheritonesorhericias, a defence of stakes on the counterscarp of the ditch.[656]“In op. castelli de Salopbein mota 5l.”Pipe Rolls, 19 Henry II., p. 108.[657]“Dampnum mote castri Salopp’ ad valenciam 60 marcarum, sed non recolligunt totum evenisse propter molendinum abbatis Salopp’, quia 30 annis elapsis mota castri fuit fere deteriorata sicut nunc est.”Hundred Rolls, ii., 80. “Dicunt quod unus magnus turris ligneus (sic) qui ædificatur in castro Salopp’ corruit in terram tempore domini Uriani de S. Petro tunc vicecomitis, et meremium ejus turris tempore suo et temporibus aliorum vicecomitum postea ita consumitur et destruitur quod nihil de illo remansit, in magnum damnum domini Regis et deteriorationem eiusdem castri.”Ibid., p. 105.[658]Pipe Rolls, 11 Henry II., p. 89; 12 Henry II., p. 59; 14 Henry II., p. 93; 15 Henry II., p. 108; 20 Henry II., p. 108.[659]Payment to those who dig stone for the castle of Shrewsbury,Close Rolls, i., 622b. This is in 1224. There is also a payment of 50l.for works at the castle in 1223.Ibid., 533b.[660]Hundred Rolls, ii., 80. Ajarolaor garuillum is a stockade; apparently derived from a Gallic word foroak, and may thus correspond to an oak paling. See Ducange.[661]Owen and Blakeway’sHistory of Shrewsbury, i., 450.[662]Chronicon de Melsa, R. S. See Preface, p. lxxii.[663]Yorks Inquisitions(Yorks Rec. Ser.), i., 83.[664]Rot. Lit. Claus., i., 474b.[665]Poulson’sHistory of Holderness, i., 457.[666]D. B., i., 323b.[667]Ethelwerd, anno 910.[668]“Ipse Henricus tenet Cebbeseio. Ad hoc manerium pertinuit terra de Stadford, in qua rex precepit fieri castellum, quod modo est destructum.” D. B., i., 249a.[669]“Apud Estafort alteram [munitionem] locavit.”Ord. Vit., p. 199.[670]It should be said that Mr Eyton interprets the passage differently, and takes it to mean that the castle was built on land in the borough of Stafford belonging to the manor of Chebsey. But he himself says that “the site of Stafford Castle, within the liberties, though not within the borough of Stafford, would suggest a royal foundation”; and he believes this castle (the one on the motte) to have been the one garrisoned by Henry I. and made a residence by Henry II.Domesday Studies, p. 21.[671]Salt. Arch. Soc. Trans., vol. viii., “The Manor of Castre or Stafford,” by Mr Mazzinghi, a paper abounding in valuable information, to which the present writer is greatly indebted.[672]In the addenda to Mr Eyton’sDomesday of Staffordshire(p. 135) the learned editor says there are two Stafford castles mentioned in Domesday, in two different hundreds. We have carefully searched through the whole Stafford account, and except at Burton and Tutbury, there is no other castle mentioned in Staffordshire but this one at Chebsey.[673]Dugdale conjectures that Robert was sheriff of Staffordshire. He had large estates round the town of Stafford. Eyton,Staffordshire, p. 61.[674]Mazzinghi,Salt Arch. Soc. Trans., viii., 6; Eyton,Domesday Studies, p. 20.[675]Monasticon, vi., 223: “Ecclesiam S. Nicholai in castello de Stafford.”[676]Ordericus, vii., 12. See also vii., 13, p. 220 (ed. Prévost).[677]Mazzinghi,Salt Arch. Soc. Trans., viii., 22.[678]In a charter to Stone Abbey,Salt Collections, vol. ii. That the castle he speaks of was the one outside the town is proved by his references to land “extra burgum.”[679]ThePipe Rollcontains several entries relating to this gaol at Stafford. It is clear from several of the documents given by Mr Mazzinghi that the king’s gaol of Stafford and the king’s gaol of the castle of Stafford are equivalent expressions.[680]Pipe Rolls, 2 John.[681]Close Rolls, i., 69.[682]Constitutional History, i., 272.[683]Cited inSalt Arch. Soc. Trans., vi., pt. i., 258.[684]Patent Rolls, 22 Edward iii., cited by Mazzinghi, p. 80.[685]Salt Arch. Soc. Trans., viii., 122. It was undoubtedly at this time that the oblong stone keep on the motte, which is described in an escheat of Henry VIII.’s reign, was built.[686]Salt Arch. Coll., viii., 14.[687]Speed’sTheatre of Britain; Leland,Itin., vii., 26.[688]The Stafford escheat of Henry VIII.’s reign, which describes the town, also makes no mention of any castle in the town. Mazzinghi, p. 105.[689]Salt Arch. Trans., viii., 231. The mistake may possibly have arisen from the fact that a fine castellated gateway, shown in W. Smith’s map (Description of England), stood on the south-west wall of the town, close to the spot where Speed’s map marks a Castle Hill.[690]There must be some error in the first statement of the Stafford revenue in Domesday, which says that the king and earl have 7l.between them, as it is contradicted by the later statement. D. B., i., 246a and 247b, 2.[691]There were 141mansiones, T. R. E., “et modo totidem sunt præter 5 quæ propter operationem castelli sunt wastæ.” From a passage in theDomesday of Nottinghamit would seem that amansiowas a group of houses.[692]Gervase of Canterbury, i., 156, R. S.[693]Peck’sAntiquarian Annals of Stamford; he gives the charter, p. 17.[694]Cited in Nevinson’s “Notes on the History of Stamford,”Journ. Brit. Arch. Ass., xxxv.[695]“T. R. E. dabat Stanford 15l.; modo dat ad firmam 50l.De omni consuetudine regis modo dat 28l.”[696]“Ibi habet Helgot castellum, et 2 carucas in dominio, et 4 servos, et 3 villanos, et 3 bordarios, et 1 Francigenam cum 3½ carucis. Ibi ecclesia et presbyter. T. R. E. valebat 18 solidos; modo 25 solidos. Wastam invenit.” D. B., i., 258b. There are some fragments of Norman work in the church, which is chiefly Early English, doubtless of the same date as the mural tower of the castle.[697]Stapleton’s Introduction toRot. Scac. Normanniæ, vol. ii.[698]It used to be supposed that herring-bone work was a Saxon sign, and this furnished an additional claim to the Saxon origin of this castle; but it is now known that herring-bone work only occurs in the later Saxon work, and is far more common in Norman. Seenote, p. 136.[699]Seeante,p. 34.[700]Ordericus, xi., ch. iii.[701]There are three entries for the works of theturrisat Tickhill in thePipe Rollsof 1178 and 1179, amounting to £123, 12s. 5d.[702]Pipe Roll, 31 Henry I., 33, 36. Expenses for work at the wall of the castle are mentioned. Ordericus says that Robert Belesme fortified the castle of Blythe at the time of his rebellion in 1101, but he also says that it had belonged to Roger de Busli.Hist. Ecc., iv., 33; xi., 3.[703]Vicar’sParliamentary Chronicle, quoted by Hunter,South Yorks, ii., 235.[704]D. B., i., 319a.[705]A.-S. C.inanno.[706]D. B., i., 76.[707]M. A., iv., 630.[708]Leland is responsible for this last statement.[709]D. B., i., 108b.[710]“Egressus Lundoniæ rexdies aliquotin propinquo loco Bercingio morabatur, dum firmamenta quædam in urbe contra mobilitatem ingentis et feri populi perficerentur.” P. 165. Ordericus is quoting from William of Poitiers. There was formerly a Roman camp at Barking, and the motte which William hastily threw up on its rampart to defend his sojourn still remains. SeeVictoria History of Essex.[711]Mr Harold Sands suggests to me that the first fortification may simply have been a bank and palisade across the angle of the Roman wall, with perhaps a wooden keep, and that the great fire in London in 1077 determined William to build a stone keep.[712]Hearne’sTextus Roffensis, 212. “Idem Gundulfus, ex precepto Regis Willielmi Magni, præesset operi magnæ turris Londoniæ.”[713]The building of stone keeps was generally spread over several years, as we learn from thePipe Rolls. Richard I. built his celebrated keep of Chateau Gaillard in one year, but he himself regarded this as an architectural feat. “Estne bella, filia mea de uno anno,” he said in delight.[714]A.-S. C.inanno.[715]Round’sHistory of Colchester, ch. iv.[716]The keep of Norwich Castle measures 100 × 95 feet; Middleham, 100 × 80; Dover, 95 × 90. These are the largest existing keeps in England, next to the Tower and Colchester. The destroyed keep of Duffield measured 99 × 93 feet; that of Bristol is believed to have been 110 × 95.[717]The reader will find little help for the structural history of the Tower in most of the works which call themselves Histories of the Tower of London. The plan of these works generally is to skim over the structural history as quickly as possible, perhaps with the help of a few passages from Clark, and to get on to the history of the prisoners in the Tower. For the description in the text, the writer is greatly indebted to Mr Harold Sands, F.S.A., who has made a careful study of the Tower, and whose monograph upon it, it is hoped, will shortly appear.[718]Ante,p. 89.[719]Many of the larger keeps contain rooms quite spacious enough to have served as banqueting halls, and it is a point of some difficulty whether they were built to be used as such. But as late as the 14th century, Piers Ploughman rebukes the new custom which was growing up of the noble and his family taking their meals in private, and leaving the hall to their retainers. Every castle seems to have had a hall in the bailey.[720]Mr Sands says the main floors are not of too great a span to carry any ordinary weight.[721]The keep of Pevensey Castle, the basement of which has been recently uncovered, has no less than four apsidal projections, one of which rests on the solid base of a Roman mural tower. But this keep is quite an exceptional building. SeeExcavations at Pevensey, Second Report, by H. Sands.[722]Mr Sands has conjectured that the third floor may be an addition, and that the second storey was originally open up to the roof and not communicating with the mural passage except by stairs. This was actually the case at Bamborough keep, and at Newcastle and Rochester the mural gallery opens into the upper part of the second storey by inner windows.[723]Until the end of the 12th century the roofs of keeps were gabled and not flat, but probably there was usually a parapet walk for sentinels or archers.[724]Parts of these walls, running N. and S. have been found very near the E. side of the Tower. No trace of the Roman wall has been found S. of the Tower, but in Lower Thames Street lines have been found which, if produced, would lead straight to the S. wall of the inner bailey. Communicated by Mr Harold Sands.[725]I have to thank Mr Harold Sands for kindly revising this account of the Tower.[726]“Ibi habet comes unum castrum et mercatum, reddentes 101s.” D. B., i., 122.[727]It must be remembered that round arches, in castle architecture, are by no means a certain sign of date. Of course the first castle on this motte must have been of wood.[728]Ord. Vit., ii., 222 (Prévost).[729]“Henricus de Ferrers habet castellum de Toteberie. In burgo circa castellum sunt 42 homines de mercato suo tantum viventes.” D. B., i., 248b.[730]Shaw’sHistory of Staffordshire, i., 49.[731]Quoted inBeauties of England and Wales, Staffordshire, p. 1129.[732]Diceto, i., 384. The castle was then besieged on Henry’s behalf by the vassal prince of South Wales, the Lord Rhys.[733]The foundation charter is inMon. Ang., iii., 393.[734]A.-S. C.[735]William of Poitiers calls it anoppidum,p. 141.

[609]Henry spent 51l.11s.3d.in 1171 on “operationes domorum et turris,” and 30l.6s.in 1174 on “operationes castelli et domorum.”

[610]“Episcopus de Rouecestre, pro excambio terræ in qua castellum sedet, tantum de hac terra tenet quod 17 sol. et 4 den. valet.” D. B., i., 2b.

[611]See Mr George Payne’s paper onRoman Rochester, inArch. Cantiana, vol. xxi. Mr Hope tells me that parts of all the four sides are left.

[612]Thus Egbert of Kent, in 765, gives “terram intra castelli mœnia supra-nominati, id est Hrofescestri, unum viculum cum duobus jugeribus,”Kemble, i., 138; and Offa speaks of the “episcopum castelli quod nominatur Hrofescester,” Earle,Land Charters, p. 60.

[613]See an extremely valuable paper onMediæval Rochesterby the Rev. Greville M. Livett,Arch. Cantiana, vol. xxi.

[614]See the charter of Cœnulf, King of Mercia, giving to Bishop Beornmod three ploughlands on the southern shore of the city of Rochester, from the highway on the east to the Medway on the west.Textus Roffensis, p. 96.

[615]The name Boley may possibly represent the Norman-FrenchBeaulieu, a favourite Norman name for a castle or residence. Professor Hales suggested that Boley Hill was derived from Bailey Hill (cited in Mr Gomme’s paper on Boley Hill,Arch. Cantiana, vol. xvii.). The oldest form of the name is Bullie Hill, as in Edward IV.’s charter, cited below,p. 200.

[616]Roman urns and lachrymatories were found in the Boley Hill when it was partially levelled in the 18th century to fill up the castle ditch.History of Rochester, p. 281. At the part now called Watt’s Avenue, Mr George Payne found “the fag-end of an Anglo-Saxon cemetery.”Arch. Cantiana, vol. xxi.

[617]“In pulchriore parte civitatis Hrouecestre.”Textus Roffensis, p. 145. Mr Freeman and others have noticed that the special mention of astonecastle makes it probable that the first castle was of wood. Mr Round remarks that the building of Rochester Castle is fixed, by the conjunction of William II. and Lanfranc in its history, to some date between September 1087 and March 1089.Geoffrey de Mandeville, p. 339. Probably, therefore, it was this new castle which Bishop Odo held against Rufus in 1088. Ordericus says that “cum quingentis militibus intra Rofensem urbem se conclusit.” P. 272.

[618]It is now attributed to Archbishop William of Corbeuil, to whom Henry I. gave the custody of the castle in the twenty-seventh year of his reign, with permission to make within it a defence or keep, such as he might please.Continuator of Florence, 1126. Gervase of Canterbury also says “idem episcopus turrim egregiam ædificavit.” Both passages are cited by Hartshorne,Arch. Journ., xx., 211. Gundulf’s castle cost 60l.and can scarcely have been more than an enclosing wall with perhaps one mural tower. See Mr Round,Geoffrey de Mandeville, 340, and Mr Livett’s paper, cited above.

[619]Two common friends of Rufus and Gundulf advised the king that in return for the grant of the manor of Hedenham and the remission of certain moneys, “episcopus Gundulfus, quia in opere cæmentario plurimum sciens et efficax erat, castrum sibi Hrofenselapideumde suo construeret.”Textus Roffensis, p. 146. There was therefore an exchange of land in this affair also.

[620]Arch. Cantiana, vol. xxi.

[621]Arch. Cantiana, vol. xxi., p. 49.

[622]There are several entries in theClose Rollsrelating to this wall of Henry III. in the year 1225.

[623]Mr Beale Poste says that this ancient wall was met with some years since in digging the foundations of the Rev. Mr Conway’s house, standing parallel to the present brick walls and about 2 feet within them. “Ancient Rochester as a Roman Station,”Arch. Cantiana, ii., 71. The Continuator of Gervase of Canterbury tells us (ii., 235) that at the siege of Rochester in 1265, Simon de Montfort captured the outer castle up to the keep (forinsecum castellum usque ad turrim), and Mr Livett thinks this outer castle must have been the Boley Hill.

[624]Close Rolls, ii., 98b.

[625]Hasted’sKent, iv., 163.

[626]“Ymb sætan tha ceastre and worhton other fæsten ymb hie selfe.” Seeante, p. 49,note 120.

[627]Mr Hope suggests the east side, as the north was a marsh.

[628]History of Rochester(published by Fisher, 1772), p. 285.

[629]D. B., i., 56.

[630]“Wasta erat quando Rex W. iussit ibi castellum fieri. Modo valet 36 solidos.” D. B., i., 220.

[631]“I markid that there is stronge Tower in the Area of the Castelle, and from it over the Dungeon Dike is a drawbridge to the Dungeon Toure.”Itin., i., 14.

[632]“In operatione nove turris et nove camere in cast. 126l.18s.6d.”

[633]D. B., i., 120.

[634]See the plan reproduced in Wise’sRockingham Castle and the Watsons, p. 66.

[635]Vol. i., p. 224: cited by Mr Irving in his valuable paper on Old Sarum inArch. Journ., xv., 1859. Sir Richard made a vague reference to an MS. in the Cottonian and Bodleian libraries, for which Mr Irving says he has searched in vain.

[636]General Pitt-Rivers in his Address to the Salisbury meeting of the Archæological Institute in 1887, says that traces of these roads may still be seen. He adds that Old Sarum does not resemble the generality of ancient British fortifications, in that the rampart is of the same height all round, instead of being lower where the ground is steeper; this led him to think that the original fortress had been modernised in later times. Sir Richard Colt Hoare noticed that the ramparts of Sarum were twice as high as those of the fine prehistoric camps with which he was acquainted.Ancient Wiltshire, p. 226.

[637]Benson and Hatcher’sOld and New Sarum, p. 604.

[638]Cf.Benson and Hatcher, 63, withBeauties of England and Wales, xv., 78.

[639]D. B., i., 66. “Idem episcopus tenet Sarisberie.” Part of the land which had been held under the bishop was now held by Edward the Sheriff, the ancestor of the earls of Salisbury. This in itself is a proof that the castle was new. See Freeman,N. C., iv., 797.

[640]This policy had been dictated by an œcumenical council.

[641]He gives to the canons of the church two hides in the manor, “et ante portam castelli Seriberiensis terram ex utraque parte viæ in ortorum domorumque canonicorum necessitate.”M. A., vi., 1294.

[642]Gentleman’s Magazine, 1795.

[643]The area of the outer camp is 29½ acres.

[644]It is unlikely that this is theturrismentioned in the solitaryPipe Rollof Henry I. “In unum ostium faciendum ad cellarium turris Sarum, 20s.” This entry is of great interest, as entrances from the outside to the basement of keeps were exceptional in the 12th century; but the basement entrance of Colchester keep has every appearance of having been added by Henry I.

[645]William of Malmesbury,Hist. Nov., ii., 91.

[646]In 1152; the writ is given by Benson and Hatcher, p. 32.

[647]“In operatione unius Bretesche in eodem Castro 50s.”Pipe Rolls, 1193-4.

[648]“Virgam et mairemium ad hordiandum castrum.”Close Rolls, i., 198b (1215).

[649]Benson and Hatcher, p. 704.

[650]“Dicunt quod castrum cum burgo Veteris Sarum et dominicus burgus domini Regis pertinent ad coronam cum advocatione cujusdam ecclesiæ quæ modo vacat.”Hundred Rolls, Edward I., cited by Benson and Hatcher, p. 802.

[651]Cited by Benson and Hatcher, p. 802.

[652]D. B., 66a, 1. The value T. R. E. is not, however, very distinctly stated.

[653]“Dicunt Angligenses burgenses de Sciropesberie multum grave sibi esse quod ipsi reddunt totum geldum sicut reddebant T. R. E. quamvis castellum comitis occupaverit 51 masuras et aliæ 50 masuræ sunt wastæ.” D. B., i., 252.

[654]Some writers, such as Mr Kerslake and Mr C. S. Taylor, have supposed Sceargate to mean Shrewsbury.

[655]Mandatum est vicecomiti Salopie quod veterem palum et veterem bretaschiam de vetere fossato ville Salopie faciat habere probos homines ville Salopie ad novum fossatum ejusdem ville, quod fieri fecerant, efforciandum et emendendum.Close Rolls, 1231, p. 508. The honest men of the city are also to have “palum et closturam” from the king’s wood of Lichewood “ad hirucones circa villam Salopie faciendas ad ipsam villam claudendam.”Ibid.Hiruconesare the same asheritonesorhericias, a defence of stakes on the counterscarp of the ditch.

[656]“In op. castelli de Salopbein mota 5l.”Pipe Rolls, 19 Henry II., p. 108.

[657]“Dampnum mote castri Salopp’ ad valenciam 60 marcarum, sed non recolligunt totum evenisse propter molendinum abbatis Salopp’, quia 30 annis elapsis mota castri fuit fere deteriorata sicut nunc est.”Hundred Rolls, ii., 80. “Dicunt quod unus magnus turris ligneus (sic) qui ædificatur in castro Salopp’ corruit in terram tempore domini Uriani de S. Petro tunc vicecomitis, et meremium ejus turris tempore suo et temporibus aliorum vicecomitum postea ita consumitur et destruitur quod nihil de illo remansit, in magnum damnum domini Regis et deteriorationem eiusdem castri.”Ibid., p. 105.

[658]Pipe Rolls, 11 Henry II., p. 89; 12 Henry II., p. 59; 14 Henry II., p. 93; 15 Henry II., p. 108; 20 Henry II., p. 108.

[659]Payment to those who dig stone for the castle of Shrewsbury,Close Rolls, i., 622b. This is in 1224. There is also a payment of 50l.for works at the castle in 1223.Ibid., 533b.

[660]Hundred Rolls, ii., 80. Ajarolaor garuillum is a stockade; apparently derived from a Gallic word foroak, and may thus correspond to an oak paling. See Ducange.

[661]Owen and Blakeway’sHistory of Shrewsbury, i., 450.

[662]Chronicon de Melsa, R. S. See Preface, p. lxxii.

[663]Yorks Inquisitions(Yorks Rec. Ser.), i., 83.

[664]Rot. Lit. Claus., i., 474b.

[665]Poulson’sHistory of Holderness, i., 457.

[666]D. B., i., 323b.

[667]Ethelwerd, anno 910.

[668]“Ipse Henricus tenet Cebbeseio. Ad hoc manerium pertinuit terra de Stadford, in qua rex precepit fieri castellum, quod modo est destructum.” D. B., i., 249a.

[669]“Apud Estafort alteram [munitionem] locavit.”Ord. Vit., p. 199.

[670]It should be said that Mr Eyton interprets the passage differently, and takes it to mean that the castle was built on land in the borough of Stafford belonging to the manor of Chebsey. But he himself says that “the site of Stafford Castle, within the liberties, though not within the borough of Stafford, would suggest a royal foundation”; and he believes this castle (the one on the motte) to have been the one garrisoned by Henry I. and made a residence by Henry II.Domesday Studies, p. 21.

[671]Salt. Arch. Soc. Trans., vol. viii., “The Manor of Castre or Stafford,” by Mr Mazzinghi, a paper abounding in valuable information, to which the present writer is greatly indebted.

[672]In the addenda to Mr Eyton’sDomesday of Staffordshire(p. 135) the learned editor says there are two Stafford castles mentioned in Domesday, in two different hundreds. We have carefully searched through the whole Stafford account, and except at Burton and Tutbury, there is no other castle mentioned in Staffordshire but this one at Chebsey.

[673]Dugdale conjectures that Robert was sheriff of Staffordshire. He had large estates round the town of Stafford. Eyton,Staffordshire, p. 61.

[674]Mazzinghi,Salt Arch. Soc. Trans., viii., 6; Eyton,Domesday Studies, p. 20.

[675]Monasticon, vi., 223: “Ecclesiam S. Nicholai in castello de Stafford.”

[676]Ordericus, vii., 12. See also vii., 13, p. 220 (ed. Prévost).

[677]Mazzinghi,Salt Arch. Soc. Trans., viii., 22.

[678]In a charter to Stone Abbey,Salt Collections, vol. ii. That the castle he speaks of was the one outside the town is proved by his references to land “extra burgum.”

[679]ThePipe Rollcontains several entries relating to this gaol at Stafford. It is clear from several of the documents given by Mr Mazzinghi that the king’s gaol of Stafford and the king’s gaol of the castle of Stafford are equivalent expressions.

[680]Pipe Rolls, 2 John.

[681]Close Rolls, i., 69.

[682]Constitutional History, i., 272.

[683]Cited inSalt Arch. Soc. Trans., vi., pt. i., 258.

[684]Patent Rolls, 22 Edward iii., cited by Mazzinghi, p. 80.

[685]Salt Arch. Soc. Trans., viii., 122. It was undoubtedly at this time that the oblong stone keep on the motte, which is described in an escheat of Henry VIII.’s reign, was built.

[686]Salt Arch. Coll., viii., 14.

[687]Speed’sTheatre of Britain; Leland,Itin., vii., 26.

[688]The Stafford escheat of Henry VIII.’s reign, which describes the town, also makes no mention of any castle in the town. Mazzinghi, p. 105.

[689]Salt Arch. Trans., viii., 231. The mistake may possibly have arisen from the fact that a fine castellated gateway, shown in W. Smith’s map (Description of England), stood on the south-west wall of the town, close to the spot where Speed’s map marks a Castle Hill.

[690]There must be some error in the first statement of the Stafford revenue in Domesday, which says that the king and earl have 7l.between them, as it is contradicted by the later statement. D. B., i., 246a and 247b, 2.

[691]There were 141mansiones, T. R. E., “et modo totidem sunt præter 5 quæ propter operationem castelli sunt wastæ.” From a passage in theDomesday of Nottinghamit would seem that amansiowas a group of houses.

[692]Gervase of Canterbury, i., 156, R. S.

[693]Peck’sAntiquarian Annals of Stamford; he gives the charter, p. 17.

[694]Cited in Nevinson’s “Notes on the History of Stamford,”Journ. Brit. Arch. Ass., xxxv.

[695]“T. R. E. dabat Stanford 15l.; modo dat ad firmam 50l.De omni consuetudine regis modo dat 28l.”

[696]“Ibi habet Helgot castellum, et 2 carucas in dominio, et 4 servos, et 3 villanos, et 3 bordarios, et 1 Francigenam cum 3½ carucis. Ibi ecclesia et presbyter. T. R. E. valebat 18 solidos; modo 25 solidos. Wastam invenit.” D. B., i., 258b. There are some fragments of Norman work in the church, which is chiefly Early English, doubtless of the same date as the mural tower of the castle.

[697]Stapleton’s Introduction toRot. Scac. Normanniæ, vol. ii.

[698]It used to be supposed that herring-bone work was a Saxon sign, and this furnished an additional claim to the Saxon origin of this castle; but it is now known that herring-bone work only occurs in the later Saxon work, and is far more common in Norman. Seenote, p. 136.

[699]Seeante,p. 34.

[700]Ordericus, xi., ch. iii.

[701]There are three entries for the works of theturrisat Tickhill in thePipe Rollsof 1178 and 1179, amounting to £123, 12s. 5d.

[702]Pipe Roll, 31 Henry I., 33, 36. Expenses for work at the wall of the castle are mentioned. Ordericus says that Robert Belesme fortified the castle of Blythe at the time of his rebellion in 1101, but he also says that it had belonged to Roger de Busli.Hist. Ecc., iv., 33; xi., 3.

[703]Vicar’sParliamentary Chronicle, quoted by Hunter,South Yorks, ii., 235.

[704]D. B., i., 319a.

[705]A.-S. C.inanno.

[706]D. B., i., 76.

[707]M. A., iv., 630.

[708]Leland is responsible for this last statement.

[709]D. B., i., 108b.

[710]“Egressus Lundoniæ rexdies aliquotin propinquo loco Bercingio morabatur, dum firmamenta quædam in urbe contra mobilitatem ingentis et feri populi perficerentur.” P. 165. Ordericus is quoting from William of Poitiers. There was formerly a Roman camp at Barking, and the motte which William hastily threw up on its rampart to defend his sojourn still remains. SeeVictoria History of Essex.

[711]Mr Harold Sands suggests to me that the first fortification may simply have been a bank and palisade across the angle of the Roman wall, with perhaps a wooden keep, and that the great fire in London in 1077 determined William to build a stone keep.

[712]Hearne’sTextus Roffensis, 212. “Idem Gundulfus, ex precepto Regis Willielmi Magni, præesset operi magnæ turris Londoniæ.”

[713]The building of stone keeps was generally spread over several years, as we learn from thePipe Rolls. Richard I. built his celebrated keep of Chateau Gaillard in one year, but he himself regarded this as an architectural feat. “Estne bella, filia mea de uno anno,” he said in delight.

[714]A.-S. C.inanno.

[715]Round’sHistory of Colchester, ch. iv.

[716]The keep of Norwich Castle measures 100 × 95 feet; Middleham, 100 × 80; Dover, 95 × 90. These are the largest existing keeps in England, next to the Tower and Colchester. The destroyed keep of Duffield measured 99 × 93 feet; that of Bristol is believed to have been 110 × 95.

[717]The reader will find little help for the structural history of the Tower in most of the works which call themselves Histories of the Tower of London. The plan of these works generally is to skim over the structural history as quickly as possible, perhaps with the help of a few passages from Clark, and to get on to the history of the prisoners in the Tower. For the description in the text, the writer is greatly indebted to Mr Harold Sands, F.S.A., who has made a careful study of the Tower, and whose monograph upon it, it is hoped, will shortly appear.

[718]Ante,p. 89.

[719]Many of the larger keeps contain rooms quite spacious enough to have served as banqueting halls, and it is a point of some difficulty whether they were built to be used as such. But as late as the 14th century, Piers Ploughman rebukes the new custom which was growing up of the noble and his family taking their meals in private, and leaving the hall to their retainers. Every castle seems to have had a hall in the bailey.

[720]Mr Sands says the main floors are not of too great a span to carry any ordinary weight.

[721]The keep of Pevensey Castle, the basement of which has been recently uncovered, has no less than four apsidal projections, one of which rests on the solid base of a Roman mural tower. But this keep is quite an exceptional building. SeeExcavations at Pevensey, Second Report, by H. Sands.

[722]Mr Sands has conjectured that the third floor may be an addition, and that the second storey was originally open up to the roof and not communicating with the mural passage except by stairs. This was actually the case at Bamborough keep, and at Newcastle and Rochester the mural gallery opens into the upper part of the second storey by inner windows.

[723]Until the end of the 12th century the roofs of keeps were gabled and not flat, but probably there was usually a parapet walk for sentinels or archers.

[724]Parts of these walls, running N. and S. have been found very near the E. side of the Tower. No trace of the Roman wall has been found S. of the Tower, but in Lower Thames Street lines have been found which, if produced, would lead straight to the S. wall of the inner bailey. Communicated by Mr Harold Sands.

[725]I have to thank Mr Harold Sands for kindly revising this account of the Tower.

[726]“Ibi habet comes unum castrum et mercatum, reddentes 101s.” D. B., i., 122.

[727]It must be remembered that round arches, in castle architecture, are by no means a certain sign of date. Of course the first castle on this motte must have been of wood.

[728]Ord. Vit., ii., 222 (Prévost).

[729]“Henricus de Ferrers habet castellum de Toteberie. In burgo circa castellum sunt 42 homines de mercato suo tantum viventes.” D. B., i., 248b.

[730]Shaw’sHistory of Staffordshire, i., 49.

[731]Quoted inBeauties of England and Wales, Staffordshire, p. 1129.

[732]Diceto, i., 384. The castle was then besieged on Henry’s behalf by the vassal prince of South Wales, the Lord Rhys.

[733]The foundation charter is inMon. Ang., iii., 393.

[734]A.-S. C.

[735]William of Poitiers calls it anoppidum,p. 141.

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