49.J. 409, No. 42. Contrat de Mariage. 42bis, Vidimus du Contrat et Acte de la remise d’Asti. Pavia, April 8, 1387. 42ter, Confirmation du Contrat par Clement VII. à Avignon.For further documents on the subject see Carton K. 553.
49.J. 409, No. 42. Contrat de Mariage. 42bis, Vidimus du Contrat et Acte de la remise d’Asti. Pavia, April 8, 1387. 42ter, Confirmation du Contrat par Clement VII. à Avignon.For further documents on the subject see Carton K. 553.
50. Additional MSS., No. 30,669, fo. 215.
50. Additional MSS., No. 30,669, fo. 215.
51. Champollion-Figeac,“Louis et Charles ducs d’Orléans,”p. 253. The will is dated Oct. 17, 1403: Pisa was probably counted in the“autres terres que puis avoir.”
51. Champollion-Figeac,“Louis et Charles ducs d’Orléans,”p. 253. The will is dated Oct. 17, 1403: Pisa was probably counted in the“autres terres que puis avoir.”
52. In the ordinary imperial fiefs, which, even so late as the end of the fourteenth century, still in many cases preserved their original idea of military service granted in return for territorial possessions, a woman could not succeed without direct and especial mention of this fact in the investiture, or in some subsequent privilege. But in a purchased fief daughters were admitted to the succession in default of males. Milan was an imperial fief, derived directly from the emperor, and held by the peculiar sort of tenure known asFahnlehen, from the homage of a banner or standard paid by its possessor to his feudal lord; it was destined, even if not explicitly reserved, for masculine operation only. Giangaleazzo Visconti paid the enormous price of 100,000 florins (about £50,000 sterling) for the title and investiture, but I am not aware whether this is or is not sufficient to grant the fief the looser privileges of afeudum emptum.
52. In the ordinary imperial fiefs, which, even so late as the end of the fourteenth century, still in many cases preserved their original idea of military service granted in return for territorial possessions, a woman could not succeed without direct and especial mention of this fact in the investiture, or in some subsequent privilege. But in a purchased fief daughters were admitted to the succession in default of males. Milan was an imperial fief, derived directly from the emperor, and held by the peculiar sort of tenure known asFahnlehen, from the homage of a banner or standard paid by its possessor to his feudal lord; it was destined, even if not explicitly reserved, for masculine operation only. Giangaleazzo Visconti paid the enormous price of 100,000 florins (about £50,000 sterling) for the title and investiture, but I am not aware whether this is or is not sufficient to grant the fief the looser privileges of afeudum emptum.
53. “Ann. Med.,” in Muratori, “Rer. Ital. Script.” xvi.
53. “Ann. Med.,” in Muratori, “Rer. Ital. Script.” xvi.
54. Dumont, ii. clxxxix.
54. Dumont, ii. clxxxix.
55. He was born 24th of November, 1394. See for the release of Orleans the excellent chapter in the Marquis de Beaucourt’s“Histoire de Charles VII.” t. iii., Paris, 1885.
55. He was born 24th of November, 1394. See for the release of Orleans the excellent chapter in the Marquis de Beaucourt’s“Histoire de Charles VII.” t. iii., Paris, 1885.
56. See M. Leopold Delisle, Collection Bertrand d’Estaing, a long note about F.M. Visconti’s protection of Asti, and secret instruction of Orleans to Cousinot, p. 135-40.
56. See M. Leopold Delisle, Collection Bertrand d’Estaing, a long note about F.M. Visconti’s protection of Asti, and secret instruction of Orleans to Cousinot, p. 135-40.
57. “The Bastard came with this requisition in the year 1442 to Milan, where I, Secundinus Ventura, saw him” (“Memoriale Secundini Venturæ”). Dunois went twice, February, 1441, and in 1451. In spite of Ventura’s line, the date is fixed by a document communicated to me by Count Albert de Circourt(Pièces Originales Fontanieu, dossier 1185,No. 38)No. 38): “Payez 200 écus d’or à nostre comis et féal frère le bastard d’Orléans sur ung voiage qu’il a fait pour nous au pais de Lombardie partant de nostre dicte ville de Blois au dict mois de Fébrier dernier passé.” Blois 22nd Mai 1441.
57. “The Bastard came with this requisition in the year 1442 to Milan, where I, Secundinus Ventura, saw him” (“Memoriale Secundini Venturæ”). Dunois went twice, February, 1441, and in 1451. In spite of Ventura’s line, the date is fixed by a document communicated to me by Count Albert de Circourt(Pièces Originales Fontanieu, dossier 1185,No. 38)No. 38): “Payez 200 écus d’or à nostre comis et féal frère le bastard d’Orléans sur ung voiage qu’il a fait pour nous au pais de Lombardie partant de nostre dicte ville de Blois au dict mois de Fébrier dernier passé.” Blois 22nd Mai 1441.
58. Feb. 23 (The Milanese began the year upon Dec. 25). Osio, vol. iii. cccxviii.
58. Feb. 23 (The Milanese began the year upon Dec. 25). Osio, vol. iii. cccxviii.
59. B. de Mandrot. See also MSS. of Bib. Nat., Lat. 17779, fos. 53-56; and for the correspondence of Pope Felix with his son, Duke Louis of Savoy, upon this subject, an exhaustive article by M. Gaullier in the eighth volume of the“Archiv für schweizerische Geschichte.”
59. B. de Mandrot. See also MSS. of Bib. Nat., Lat. 17779, fos. 53-56; and for the correspondence of Pope Felix with his son, Duke Louis of Savoy, upon this subject, an exhaustive article by M. Gaullier in the eighth volume of the“Archiv für schweizerische Geschichte.”
60. Feb. 14, 1447. Reg. 17, fol. 106, Secreta, Venice. This document records the dismay of Florence and Venice upon learning the league of France and Milan. These two cities with Montferrat, Mantua, Angleria, and the other Lombard powers, joined in a solemn convention to oppose the common enemy and to preserve the peace.
60. Feb. 14, 1447. Reg. 17, fol. 106, Secreta, Venice. This document records the dismay of Florence and Venice upon learning the league of France and Milan. These two cities with Montferrat, Mantua, Angleria, and the other Lombard powers, joined in a solemn convention to oppose the common enemy and to preserve the peace.
61. Desjardins,“Nég. dipl. avec la Toscane,”t. i. p. 60.
61. Desjardins,“Nég. dipl. avec la Toscane,”t. i. p. 60.
62. Bibl. Nat. MSS. Ital. 1584, Nos. 21 and 84, quoted by the Marquis de Beaucourt in the“Revue des Questions Historiques”for October, 1887.
62. Bibl. Nat. MSS. Ital. 1584, Nos. 21 and 84, quoted by the Marquis de Beaucourt in the“Revue des Questions Historiques”for October, 1887.
63.“Archivio Storico Lombardo,”Anno iii. fasc. iv.
63.“Archivio Storico Lombardo,”Anno iii. fasc. iv.
64. Osio, ii. note to p. 2. In the hour of his death, on August 14th, the Duke drew a codicil leaving everything to Alfonso. Two days before he had left Alfonsoerede universale, and Biancaerede particolare. Of course in either case she remained mistress of Cremona and Pontremoli.
64. Osio, ii. note to p. 2. In the hour of his death, on August 14th, the Duke drew a codicil leaving everything to Alfonso. Two days before he had left Alfonsoerede universale, and Biancaerede particolare. Of course in either case she remained mistress of Cremona and Pontremoli.
65. Osio quotes this letter, which exists in the Archives of Milan:Fece el Re d’Arragona erede del tutto, non facta mentione veruna di M.B. [Madonna Bianca] ne de la mogliere ne d’altri.... Vegnate pur voi via senza veruna dimora; zonto siate qua lo mezo del giocho e vincto.
65. Osio quotes this letter, which exists in the Archives of Milan:Fece el Re d’Arragona erede del tutto, non facta mentione veruna di M.B. [Madonna Bianca] ne de la mogliere ne d’altri.... Vegnate pur voi via senza veruna dimora; zonto siate qua lo mezo del giocho e vincto.
66. This letter is quoted in M. Gaullieur’s interesting collection of documents from the correspondence of Duke Louis of Savoy, published in the eighth volume of the“Archiv für schweizerische Geschichte.”Also in M. de Beaucourt’s “History,”op. cit.
66. This letter is quoted in M. Gaullieur’s interesting collection of documents from the correspondence of Duke Louis of Savoy, published in the eighth volume of the“Archiv für schweizerische Geschichte.”Also in M. de Beaucourt’s “History,”op. cit.
67. Secreta, Reg. 17, fol. 171, tergo.
67. Secreta, Reg. 17, fol. 171, tergo.
68.Sed si in colloquiis fieret mentio per ipsos oratores de serenissimo Rege Francorum, et de Januense, qui occupassent de locis que fuerant quondam ducis, in hoc casu, praticatores ipsi iustificare debeant, in modesta et convenienti forma verborum, factum præfati Regis, et Januensis; videlicet, quod per nos, contra eos, honeste et convenienter fieri non possit.
68.Sed si in colloquiis fieret mentio per ipsos oratores de serenissimo Rege Francorum, et de Januense, qui occupassent de locis que fuerant quondam ducis, in hoc casu, praticatores ipsi iustificare debeant, in modesta et convenienti forma verborum, factum præfati Regis, et Januensis; videlicet, quod per nos, contra eos, honeste et convenienter fieri non possit.
69. Reg. 17, fol. 194, tergo. Dec. 30, 1447.
69. Reg. 17, fol. 194, tergo. Dec. 30, 1447.
70. Reg. 17, fol. 221, tergo.
70. Reg. 17, fol. 221, tergo.
71. Reg. 17, fol. 220. Secreta del Senato, MS.
71. Reg. 17, fol. 220. Secreta del Senato, MS.
72. Reg. 18, fol. 3, Secreta del Senato, MS.
72. Reg. 18, fol. 3, Secreta del Senato, MS.
73. Viollet-le-Duc,“Mobilier Français,”iv. 454.
73. Viollet-le-Duc,“Mobilier Français,”iv. 454.
74. Olivier de la Marche,“Mémoires,”livre i. chap. 17.
74. Olivier de la Marche,“Mémoires,”livre i. chap. 17.
75. Secreta del Senato, Reg. 18, fol. 106, MS.
75. Secreta del Senato, Reg. 18, fol. 106, MS.
76. Lamansky,“Secrets d’Etat de Venise,”p. 160.
76. Lamansky,“Secrets d’Etat de Venise,”p. 160.
77. Gaullieur,op. cit.
77. Gaullieur,op. cit.
78. Reg. 18, fol. 83. April 21, 1449. Secreta del Senato, MS.
78. Reg. 18, fol. 83. April 21, 1449. Secreta del Senato, MS.
79. Secreta del Senato, MS. Reg. 10, fol. 93. July 3. 1449.
79. Secreta del Senato, MS. Reg. 10, fol. 93. July 3. 1449.
80. These four letters are quoted by M. Maurice Faucon from the Milanese Archive in his report of his two missions in Italy in the years 1879 and 1880, pp. 35-37.
80. These four letters are quoted by M. Maurice Faucon from the Milanese Archive in his report of his two missions in Italy in the years 1879 and 1880, pp. 35-37.
81. Archives of Genoa. Materie Politiche, mazzo 12, 3. See also Charavay’s “Report on the Italian Letters of Louis XI.,” 1881.
81. Archives of Genoa. Materie Politiche, mazzo 12, 3. See also Charavay’s “Report on the Italian Letters of Louis XI.,” 1881.
82. See the documents in Lamansky,“Secrets d’Etat de Venise,”161, 14, &c.
82. See the documents in Lamansky,“Secrets d’Etat de Venise,”161, 14, &c.
83. Ghinzone, in the“Archivio Storico Lombardo,”Anno ix, Fasc. 2, 1882, quotes the original documents from the Milanese Archives, Reg. Miss. N. 12, foglio 40. The letters are all of the greatest interest.
83. Ghinzone, in the“Archivio Storico Lombardo,”Anno ix, Fasc. 2, 1882, quotes the original documents from the Milanese Archives, Reg. Miss. N. 12, foglio 40. The letters are all of the greatest interest.
84. Reg. 20, fol. 1. Secreta del Senato, MS. January 3, 1454.
84. Reg. 20, fol. 1. Secreta del Senato, MS. January 3, 1454.
85. Reg. 19, fol. 232. Secreta del Senato, MS. December 11, 1453.
85. Reg. 19, fol. 232. Secreta del Senato, MS. December 11, 1453.
86.“Secreta,”tome (sicReg?) xix. fol. 211, under date August 31, 1453, quoted M. Étienne Charavay in his“Rapport sur les Lettres de Louis XI. conservées dans les Archives d’Italie.”The following documents from the Venetian Archives—as yet, I believe, unpublished—form the natural sequel to this interesting letter:“Senato”I., Reg. 19, fol. 232, under date December 11, 1453.—The Venetians send Venier to ask Savoy to join with them in requesting the Dauphin to invade Italy: “Venier must ascertain the views of the Duke of Savoy as to Sforza, since King René comes into Italy. Let him clearly understand that Sforza is a most ambitious man, and that if he continue to prosper as he does he will certainly turn his thoughts towards Savoy. Venice not only intends to secure her own estate, but for the sake of her friends and allies will as much and as resolutely as possible repress the said Count Francesco Sforza, who may become the Common Enemy. And to this end Venice has determined to request the aid of France, and among others the aid of the Dauphin, asking the said Dauphin for the common good to invade Italy with a force of from 8,000 to 10,000 men. And we of Venice entreat Savoy to send a suitable ambassador along with ours to persuade the said Dauphin to this undertaking. And our intention is to grant the said Dauphin a suitable subvention in money and whatsoever he may conquer from Adda to Ticino, and from Padua to Piacenza, except the domains of Savoy and Montferrat.... Let Venier then discover how many men and of what sort and when Savoy could supply to the field.... And if my Lord Dauphin stand out for the consent of his father, you shall offer on our part to implore it and procure it for him. And if he wish you to go to the King you shall go, and, as best you can, procure his consent.... And if the said King or Dauphin say to you this undertaking regards the Duke of Orleans, say it is true that on the death of Filippo Maria he sent to us notifying his claims (and fain would we see a prince of the house of France on the throne of Milan!), and saying he expected supplies from France, and we assured him of our delight and pleasure; and if indeed the King or the Dauphin, at your instance, will supply the said Lord Duke with an army of from viii. thousand to x. thousand men, we will aid and assist him upon the same terms and conditions as my Lord the Dauphin. And go then to the Duke of Orleans and persuade him to the enterprize.”Reg. 20, fol. 26, July 23, 1454.—This document concerns a League meant to secure Italian peace by means of an offensive and defensive alliance, against all breakers of the peace, to be made between Venice, Milan, Florence, and Naples. Florence desires an exception in favour of the house of France. At this Milan, much alarmed, desires Venice by a secret and separate agreement to sign the First Clause at least with him. Venice sends ambassadors to Florence and to Milan, pointing out that the First Clause is absolutely necessary, since, without it, there is no reason why the King of Arragon should enter the League. Indeed if an exception be made in favour of France, it will only and justly irritate him, and thus the alliance would bring rather discord than peace into the Peninsula. No specific mention need be made of the house of France, to which Venice entertains the most friendly feelings. But if the First Clause were signed and Arragon induced to enter the League Italy might look forward to many years of peace and tranquillity.Reg. 20, fol. 103, October 8, 1456.—The Marquis of Varese, ambassador to the Duke of Milan, informs the Venetians that the Doge of Genoa—notwithstanding his open alliance with France and apparent subjection to her—has made a second and secret alliance with Arragon and Milan, in which Venice is prayed to join, against the French. The Venetians reply that, owing to the mutability and diversity of Genoese affairs, it is impossible to give any solid advice.Reg. 21, fol. 21, October 10, 1465.—The descendants of Valentine Visconti—i.e., the Dukes of Orleans and Brittany and the Count of Angoulême—sent secret ambassadors to Venice to treat concerning the recovery of the Duchy of Milan from the hands of Count Francesco Sforza. Venice replies with compliments, but expresses herself desirous to keep the peace.Reg. 22, fol. 176, July 28, 1466.—French ambassadors have been received at Venice from Louis XI., King of France. Venice assures him of her excellent disposition towards the new Duke of Milan as well as of her“antiqua benivolentia”towards his father. Venice believes a resumption of the Italian League is not at that moment necessary, extols King Louis for his intention to proceed against the Turk, and congratulates him on the quiet of his realm.The Latin originals of these documents will be included in the volume of“Pièces Justificatives,”for my History of the French in Italy, 1378-1530.
86.“Secreta,”tome (sicReg?) xix. fol. 211, under date August 31, 1453, quoted M. Étienne Charavay in his“Rapport sur les Lettres de Louis XI. conservées dans les Archives d’Italie.”The following documents from the Venetian Archives—as yet, I believe, unpublished—form the natural sequel to this interesting letter:
“Senato”I., Reg. 19, fol. 232, under date December 11, 1453.—The Venetians send Venier to ask Savoy to join with them in requesting the Dauphin to invade Italy: “Venier must ascertain the views of the Duke of Savoy as to Sforza, since King René comes into Italy. Let him clearly understand that Sforza is a most ambitious man, and that if he continue to prosper as he does he will certainly turn his thoughts towards Savoy. Venice not only intends to secure her own estate, but for the sake of her friends and allies will as much and as resolutely as possible repress the said Count Francesco Sforza, who may become the Common Enemy. And to this end Venice has determined to request the aid of France, and among others the aid of the Dauphin, asking the said Dauphin for the common good to invade Italy with a force of from 8,000 to 10,000 men. And we of Venice entreat Savoy to send a suitable ambassador along with ours to persuade the said Dauphin to this undertaking. And our intention is to grant the said Dauphin a suitable subvention in money and whatsoever he may conquer from Adda to Ticino, and from Padua to Piacenza, except the domains of Savoy and Montferrat.... Let Venier then discover how many men and of what sort and when Savoy could supply to the field.... And if my Lord Dauphin stand out for the consent of his father, you shall offer on our part to implore it and procure it for him. And if he wish you to go to the King you shall go, and, as best you can, procure his consent.... And if the said King or Dauphin say to you this undertaking regards the Duke of Orleans, say it is true that on the death of Filippo Maria he sent to us notifying his claims (and fain would we see a prince of the house of France on the throne of Milan!), and saying he expected supplies from France, and we assured him of our delight and pleasure; and if indeed the King or the Dauphin, at your instance, will supply the said Lord Duke with an army of from viii. thousand to x. thousand men, we will aid and assist him upon the same terms and conditions as my Lord the Dauphin. And go then to the Duke of Orleans and persuade him to the enterprize.”
Reg. 20, fol. 26, July 23, 1454.—This document concerns a League meant to secure Italian peace by means of an offensive and defensive alliance, against all breakers of the peace, to be made between Venice, Milan, Florence, and Naples. Florence desires an exception in favour of the house of France. At this Milan, much alarmed, desires Venice by a secret and separate agreement to sign the First Clause at least with him. Venice sends ambassadors to Florence and to Milan, pointing out that the First Clause is absolutely necessary, since, without it, there is no reason why the King of Arragon should enter the League. Indeed if an exception be made in favour of France, it will only and justly irritate him, and thus the alliance would bring rather discord than peace into the Peninsula. No specific mention need be made of the house of France, to which Venice entertains the most friendly feelings. But if the First Clause were signed and Arragon induced to enter the League Italy might look forward to many years of peace and tranquillity.
Reg. 20, fol. 103, October 8, 1456.—The Marquis of Varese, ambassador to the Duke of Milan, informs the Venetians that the Doge of Genoa—notwithstanding his open alliance with France and apparent subjection to her—has made a second and secret alliance with Arragon and Milan, in which Venice is prayed to join, against the French. The Venetians reply that, owing to the mutability and diversity of Genoese affairs, it is impossible to give any solid advice.
Reg. 21, fol. 21, October 10, 1465.—The descendants of Valentine Visconti—i.e., the Dukes of Orleans and Brittany and the Count of Angoulême—sent secret ambassadors to Venice to treat concerning the recovery of the Duchy of Milan from the hands of Count Francesco Sforza. Venice replies with compliments, but expresses herself desirous to keep the peace.
Reg. 22, fol. 176, July 28, 1466.—French ambassadors have been received at Venice from Louis XI., King of France. Venice assures him of her excellent disposition towards the new Duke of Milan as well as of her“antiqua benivolentia”towards his father. Venice believes a resumption of the Italian League is not at that moment necessary, extols King Louis for his intention to proceed against the Turk, and congratulates him on the quiet of his realm.
The Latin originals of these documents will be included in the volume of“Pièces Justificatives,”for my History of the French in Italy, 1378-1530.
87. Reg. 20, fol. 17, April 26, 1454.—“Ordre à Francesco Veniero de prévenir le dauphin, avec tous les ménagements possible, qu’ils ont faiz la paix avec Francesco Sforza et qu’ils n’ont plus besoin de ses services”(Charavay,loc. cit.).
87. Reg. 20, fol. 17, April 26, 1454.—“Ordre à Francesco Veniero de prévenir le dauphin, avec tous les ménagements possible, qu’ils ont faiz la paix avec Francesco Sforza et qu’ils n’ont plus besoin de ses services”(Charavay,loc. cit.).
88. Quoted by the Marquis de Beaucourt, iv. p. 244, from the“Procès de Mariette.”
88. Quoted by the Marquis de Beaucourt, iv. p. 244, from the“Procès de Mariette.”
89.“Procès de Mariette”in the Preuves de Matthieu d’Escouchy, p. 290. See Marquis de Beaucourt,“Histoire de Charles VII.,”pp. 207et seq.
89.“Procès de Mariette”in the Preuves de Matthieu d’Escouchy, p. 290. See Marquis de Beaucourt,“Histoire de Charles VII.,”pp. 207et seq.
90. March 14, 1451, Amédée of Savoy had promised toassistassistthe Dauphin against all, “even against the King of France” (Charavay,l. c.p. 34). This had a different aspect after Louis’ coronation.
90. March 14, 1451, Amédée of Savoy had promised toassistassistthe Dauphin against all, “even against the King of France” (Charavay,l. c.p. 34). This had a different aspect after Louis’ coronation.
91. Dumont, iii. ccxxviii.
91. Dumont, iii. ccxxviii.
92. Secreta del Senato, MS. Reg. 21, folio 21.
92. Secreta del Senato, MS. Reg. 21, folio 21.
93. MSS. Secreta del Senato, Reg. 31, fol. 123, tergo.
93. MSS. Secreta del Senato, Reg. 31, fol. 123, tergo.
94. Many reasons have been given for the assumption of this surname. As a fact it appears to have been a baptismal name. In February, 1461, Bianca Maria Sforza sent to the shrine of the Santo at Padua the silver image of a child,ex votofor the recovery of her fourth son, Ludovicus Maurus,filius quartus masculus, aged five years. (“Archivio Storico Lombardo,”Anno xiii; Caffi on B.M. Sforza.)
94. Many reasons have been given for the assumption of this surname. As a fact it appears to have been a baptismal name. In February, 1461, Bianca Maria Sforza sent to the shrine of the Santo at Padua the silver image of a child,ex votofor the recovery of her fourth son, Ludovicus Maurus,filius quartus masculus, aged five years. (“Archivio Storico Lombardo,”Anno xiii; Caffi on B.M. Sforza.)
95. Reg. 31, fol. 131, tergo.
95. Reg. 31, fol. 131, tergo.
96. Reg. 32, fol. 87.
96. Reg. 32, fol. 87.
97. The messenger left Florence Oct. 3, 1494. See for further details of these schemes the first vol. of Desjardins’“Nég. dip. dans la Toscane.”
97. The messenger left Florence Oct. 3, 1494. See for further details of these schemes the first vol. of Desjardins’“Nég. dip. dans la Toscane.”
98. The copy is to be found in Corio, 457-59. I do not know where to find the original document, but MSS. copies, evidently from the Archives of Pavia, are to be found among the British Museum documents, Additional MSS., 30, 675. Giovio mentions a report that after the death of Francesco Sforza II., Count Massimiliano Sforza found the deed and restored it to the Emperor. Lodovico il Moro ever insisted that he received Milan, not by succession, but direct from the Emperor. He called himself the fourth, and not the seventh, duke.
98. The copy is to be found in Corio, 457-59. I do not know where to find the original document, but MSS. copies, evidently from the Archives of Pavia, are to be found among the British Museum documents, Additional MSS., 30, 675. Giovio mentions a report that after the death of Francesco Sforza II., Count Massimiliano Sforza found the deed and restored it to the Emperor. Lodovico il Moro ever insisted that he received Milan, not by succession, but direct from the Emperor. He called himself the fourth, and not the seventh, duke.
99.“Era molto odiato dai popoli a cagione dei denari.”—“Bello Gallico,” i. p. 176.
99.“Era molto odiato dai popoli a cagione dei denari.”—“Bello Gallico,” i. p. 176.
100. For this letter, and for the letters of Orleans to Bourbon, quoted from the Library of St. Petersburg,videvol. ii. of Cherrier’s“Histoire de Charles VIII.,”p. 184,et seq.
100. For this letter, and for the letters of Orleans to Bourbon, quoted from the Library of St. Petersburg,videvol. ii. of Cherrier’s“Histoire de Charles VIII.,”p. 184,et seq.
101. This is the Venetian estimate. Guicciardini says, 300 lances, 3,000 Swiss, and 3,000 Gascons.
101. This is the Venetian estimate. Guicciardini says, 300 lances, 3,000 Swiss, and 3,000 Gascons.
102. This is the Venetian estimate. For the figures of Giovio and Corio, see Cherrier, ii. 197.
102. This is the Venetian estimate. For the figures of Giovio and Corio, see Cherrier, ii. 197.
103. Luenig, sectio ii. classis i.:“De Ducato Mediolanesi,”xliv.
103. Luenig, sectio ii. classis i.:“De Ducato Mediolanesi,”xliv.
104. See in Luenig, June 14, 1509, No. xlv., and also, with some unimportant variations of text, Bib. Nat. Paris, MS. 2950, Ancien Fonds Français.
104. See in Luenig, June 14, 1509, No. xlv., and also, with some unimportant variations of text, Bib. Nat. Paris, MS. 2950, Ancien Fonds Français.
105.Præfatus rex ex ducibus Mediolani originem trahit, medio illustris quondam dominæ Valentinæ aviæ suæ, filiæ quondam illustris Johannis Galeatii Mediolani ducis.
105.Præfatus rex ex ducibus Mediolani originem trahit, medio illustris quondam dominæ Valentinæ aviæ suæ, filiæ quondam illustris Johannis Galeatii Mediolani ducis.
106. See for example“Protestations de François 1er,” Bib. Nat. MS. 2846.
106. See for example“Protestations de François 1er,” Bib. Nat. MS. 2846.
107. Bib. Nat. MS. 2846, No. 57:Instruction baillée au Seigneur d’Espercieu après la mort du duc de Milan, Sforce, &c.
107. Bib. Nat. MS. 2846, No. 57:Instruction baillée au Seigneur d’Espercieu après la mort du duc de Milan, Sforce, &c.
108. Ibid.:Les Vénitiens ont practiqué bien avant cette mattière et laissent, ce semble, le dict Sieur de Granvelle entendre qu’ils parlent autrement que le roy, par aventure, ne pense; l’ambassadeur parle assez publiquement de diviser le dict estat en plusieurs pièces.
108. Ibid.:Les Vénitiens ont practiqué bien avant cette mattière et laissent, ce semble, le dict Sieur de Granvelle entendre qu’ils parlent autrement que le roy, par aventure, ne pense; l’ambassadeur parle assez publiquement de diviser le dict estat en plusieurs pièces.
109. Ibid.
109. Ibid.