FOOTNOTES:

FOOTNOTES:[725]Motley,Rise of the Dutch Republic, 1-vol. ed. 1863, p. 18. For details of the different invasions see David,Manuel de l'histoire de Belgique, 1847, pp. 37, 39, 41, 49. Cp. van Kampen,Geschichte der Niederlande, Ger. ed. i, 82-89. Wenzelburger notes that the "Norsemen" included not only Norwegians and Danes, but Saxons and even Frisians (Geschichte der Niederlande, 1879, i, 61).[726]Dutch writers claim the invention for one of their nation in the fourteenth century (cp. M'Culloch,Treatises, p. 342; Rogers,Holland, pp. 26, 27). There is clear evidence, however, that fish-salting was carried on at Yarmouth as early as 1210, one Peter Chivalier being the patentee (see Torrens M'Cullagh'sIndustrial History of the Free Nations, 1846, ii, 29; Madox,History of the Exchequer, ch. xiii, § 4, p. 326, cited by him; and Macpherson,Annals of Commerce, 1802, i, 384, 385). The practice was very common in antiquity; see Schürer,Jewish People in the Time of Christ, Eng. tr. Div. ii, vol. i, p. 43.[727]It is noteworthy that an English navy practically begins with King John, in whose reign it was that fishing began to flourish at Yarmouth. See Macpherson,Annals of Commerce, i, 374, 378, 384, 532.[728]Originally the name Flanders covered only the territory of the city of Bruges. It was extended with the extension of the domain of the Counts of Flanders (David,Manuel, pp. 48, 49).[729]Motley, p. 20; Grattan, pp. 38-40, 43, 56. At 1286 the Flemish cities were represented side by side with the nobles in the assembly of the provincial states. The same rights were acquired by the Dutch cities in the next century.[730]Dykes existed as early as the Roman period (Blok,Geschiedenis van het Nederlandsche Volk, Groningen, 1892, i, 315; Eng. tr. i, 211; Wenzelburger,Geschichte der Niederlande, 1878, i, 52). In the Middle Ages co-operative bodies took the work out of the Church's hands (Blok, pp. 315-17; tr. p. 212).[731]Cp. Torrens M'Cullagh,Industrial History, ii, 22, 33; Motley, p. 18. The Counts of Holland seem to have led the way in encouraging towns and population. But Baldwin III of Flanders (circa960) seems to have established yearly fairs free of tolls (De Witt,Mémoires, French tr., ed. 1709. part i, ch. viii, p. 34).[732]Compare the so-calledMemoirs of John de Witt, French ed. (3e) 1709, ch. iii, p. 18; Petty,Essays in Political Arithmetic, ed. 1699, p. 178; Torrens M'Cullagh, as cited, ii, 26, 113-15, 270-71; M'Culloch,Treatises, p. 350. English corn was frequently exported to the Low Countries, as against imported textiles, in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries and early in the fifteenth (Macpherson,Annals of Commerce, i, 561, 644).[733]Keymor,Observations on the Dutch Fishing about the year 1601, reprinted inThe Phœnix, 1707, i, 223, 225; Temple,Observations upon the United Provinces, cc. iii, vi (1814 ed. ofWorks, i, 127, 163).[734]Cp. De Witt, pp. 15, 16; Torrens M'Cullagh,Industrial History, ii, 36, 37, 46, 59; Grattan,Netherlands, p. 18; Blok, as above cited.[735]As to the earlier development of the Flemish cities, cp. Blok,Geschiedenis, as cited, ii, 3; Eng. tr. i, 252; A. Wauters,Les libertés communales, Bruxelles, 1878, p. 746 andpassim.[736]Motley,Rise of the Dutch Republic, i, p. 15.[737]See the charter of Middelburg in 1217, quoted by Motley, p. 19, and by Davies, i, 65.[738]Davies,History of Holland, i, 26.[739]Cp. David,Manuel, p. 217; Wauters,Les libertés communales, pp. 36, 287; Van Kampen,Geschichte der Niederlande, i, 141, 142.[740]M'Cullagh, ii, 42.[741]De Witt (i.e.Delacourt), however, gives the priority to Flanders (Mémoires, as cited, pt. i. ch. viii, p. 34).[742]The majority of the serfs seem to have been freed about 1230; and by 1300 the chiefs of the gilds were "more powerful than the nobles" (Grattan, p. 35; cp. p. 38, and Blok, as before cited).[743]Cp. David,Manuel, pp. 78-88.[744]De Witt, as cited, pp. 34, 35; M'Cullagh, p. 66; Grattan, p. 38.[745]David,Manuel, pp. 142, 143; Grattan, p. 38.[746]David, pp. 154-57.[747]De Witt, p. 35; M'Cullagh, p. 67.[748]David,Manuel, p. 158.[749]Id.p. 107.[750]Grattan. p. 43.[751]Earle,Philology of the English Tongue, 3rd ed. pp. 8, 9.[752]On this and previous floods see Blok,Geschiedenis, i, 313, 314; tr. i, 209, 210; Davies, vol. i, note C.[753]Motley, p. 20.[754]Cp. David, pp. 77, 78, 85, 92, 99, 101, 105, 108, 149; Motley, pp. 24, 28, 29; Grattan, pp. 42, 44, 46, 50, 54, 64.[755]The town of Hoorn seems to have been virtually ruined by the punitive exactions of Charles the Bold (Davies, i, 269, 312).[756]David, p. 94.[757]Davies, i, 314.[758]Motley, pp. 28-30.[759]Largely through the union between Spain and England under the Tudor kings (Grattan, p. 66).[760]Robertson,Charles V, b. vi; Motley,Rise. Histor. Introd. § 11.[761]Motley, p. 60, notes that the numbers have been put often at fifty thousand, and sometimes even at a hundred thousand; but this, as he admits, is incredible.[762]And still the rhetorical historian, sworn to maintain the Teutonic character for "liberty," declaims in his elementary manner that that has been seen to be the "master passion" of the race from Cæsar's time to Charles's (Motley, p. 49; compare pp. 25-29).[763]Cited by Puffendorf,Introduction to the History of Europe, Eng. tr. 7th ed. 1711, i, 240.[764]Robertson,Charles V, bk. vi, ed. cited, p. 495; Armstrong, as cited, pp. 78-82.[765]Armstrong, as cited, pp. 83, 84.[766]Motley,Rise, p. 138.[767]Id.pp. 138, 139; Grattan, p. 87.[768]Ullmann,Reformers before the Reformation, Eng. tr. 1855, ii, 14-17, 172-77.[769]Cp. Hooker,Ecclesiastical Polity, Pref. ch. viii, § 12.[770]Motley,Rise, p. 36.[771]See it analysed in Motley, pp. 134, 135.[772]Asked by his viceregent Margaret of Parma to introduce the Spanish Inquisition, he pointed out that already "the Inquisition of the Netherlands is much more pitiless than that of Spain" (Motley, p. 174; cp. p. 81).[773]It was an old source of income (Davies, i, 617; cp. Motley, p. 78).[774]"The aristocracy of the Netherlands was excessively extravagant, dissipated, and already considerably embarrassed in circumstances" (Motley, p. 129; cp. pp. 125, 130, 131).[775]Cp. Grattan, p. 106; Motley, as last cited.[776]See the admissions of Motley, p. 131.[777]Motley, p. 125.[778]See Davies, ii, 149, 150, for a criticism of William's development, worth considering as against the unmixed panegyric of Motley.[779]Cp. M'Cullagh, p. 211.[780]Motley, pp. 462-67, 506, 527, 829.[781]Van Kampen, i, 512. Camden (Hist. of Elizabeth, trans. 3rd ed. 1635, p. 369) states that Parma was unready to sail when called upon, but adds that the Dutch ships of war lay so placed that he "could not put from shore."[782]While Charles V spoke all the languages of his empire, Philip spoke only Spanish. Motley, p. 74. See the notes for a sample of his cast of mind.[783]Davies, ii, 199.[784]M'Culloch (Treatises, p. 347) states that even in its prosperous period Antwerp had little shipping of its own. He refers to Guicciardini'sDescrizzione, but I cannot trace the testimony; and Guicciardini, while speaking of the multitudes of foreigners always at Antwerp (French tr. ed. 1625, fol. p. 114), mentions that the population included a great number of mariners (p. 95).[785]Grattan, pp. 232, 233, 237; Davies, ii, 452-65, etc.; Motley,United Netherlands, ed. 1867, iv, 537.[786]Van Kampen, ii, 35.[787]Id.p. 37.[788]Id.p. 36.[789]Motley,Rise, p. 149; Prescott,Philip II, ed. cited, p. 659.[790]Davies, ii, 304; Watson,Hist. of Reign of Philip II, ed. 1839, p. 527, citing Grotius, lib. v. In 1600, however, Philip III seems to have either acknowledged the debt to Genoa or borrowed anew to a large amount; and at his death he is said to have doubled the debt (Howell,Epistolæ Ho-elianæ, ed. Bennett, 1891, i, 138).[791]Davies, ii, 32, 33. Cp. G. Brandt,History of the Reformation in the Low Countries, Eng. tr. 1720, folio, bk. xi, i, 310.[792]Cp. Motley,Rise, pp. 581, 646;United Netherlands, iv, 558; M'Cullagh, p. 206 (where the chronology is inaccurate).[793]See Motley,Rise, pp. 37, 38, as to the curtailment of clerical wealth in the Netherlands from the thirteenth to the fifteenth centuries by the feudal superiors, who, unlike their over-lords, did not need to look to the Church for support.[794]Grattan, p. 69; Davies, i, 294.[795]Cp. theMémoires de Jean De Witt, as cited, p. 101, ptie. ii, ch. 2.[796]Grattan, p. 71.[797]Davies, ii, 636. Already at the death of Charles V the debt of the entire Netherlands was five or six million florins. At the armistice of 1609 the debt of the province of Holland alone was twenty-six millions. By 1648 the war was reckoned to have cost Spain in all fifteen hundred millions. M'Cullagh, ii, 330, 331.[798]Davies, ii, 290.[799]Of 250 Dutchmen who sailed, however, only 90 returned.[800]Description des Pays Bas, ed. 1625, p. 319.[801]Davies, ii, 328.[802]Mémoires de Jean De Witt, as cited, p. 21.[803]Davies, ii, 407. The clergy were of the war party.[804]Mémoirescited, p. 194.[805]M'Culloch, p. 353; Macpherson,Annals of Commerce, 1804, ii, 596; Petty,Essays, ed. 1699, p. 165; Keymor,Observations made upon the Dutch Fishing about 1601, rep. inThe Phœnix, 1707, i, 223.[806]Mémoirescited, pp. 48, 50.[807]Davies, iii, 556.[808]Cp. Tucker,Essay on Trade, 4th ed. p. 57.[809]Latterly the regulations failed to check fraud, and even hampered trade (M'Culloch,Treatises, p. 371). But for a long time the effect was to sustain the business credit of the Dutch.[810]Cp.Mémoires of Jean De Witt, p. 103, as to exceptions.[811]Keymor, as cited, p. 224. Hamburg about the same period, as Keymor notes, enacted that foreigners should not be allowed to sell herrings in the port until its own boats had come in and sold theirs.[812]Essays in Political Arithmetic, ed. 1699, p. 170. Cp. p. 181.[813]New Discourse on Trade, 4th ed. p. 61.[814]For the years 1605-10, an average of 36 per cent; for 1616, 62½ per cent.[815]M'Culloch,Treatises, pp. 366-67, and refs. It is told in theMémoires de Jean De Witt(as cited, p. 52,note, ptie. i, ch. xi) that cargoes of pepper were wilfully sunk near port.[816]Mémoirescited, pp. 24, 51, 52.[817]M'Culloch, pp. 368-69. The Dutch ideal being almost necessarily one of small consumption and accumulation of nominal or money capital, there was no improvement in the popular standard of comfort.[818]Mémoirescited, ptie. i, ch. x, xi, pp. 47, 48, 50.[819]Motley,United Netherlands, iv, 561, 562.[820]As to the stress of party spirit in Holland about this period, see Davies, ii, 725, 726.[821]See hereinafter, pt. vi, ch. ii, § 5.[822]Davies, ii, 721; Van Kampen, ii, 149. Cp. Temple,Essay upon the Advancement of Trade in Ireland, Works, iii, 15, 16.[823]Mémoires de Jean De Witt, ptie. ii, ch. ii, iii (iii, iv). It is there noted (ch. ii, p. 113) that when in time of war the States-General gave letters of marque to privateers there were always bitter complaints that the Dutch privateers took Dutch goods as well as the enemy's. Again it is asked (p. 163), "What plunder is there for us to gain at sea when we are almost the only traffickers?"[824]It is to be noted that De Witt diverged fatally from the doctrine of his friend Delacourt in thus leaning to foreign alliances, which Delacourt altogether opposed. See Lefèvre Pontalis,Jean De Witt, 1884, i, 317-18, where an interesting account of theMémoiresis given.[825]Davies, iii, 68, 69; Rogers,Holland, p. 266. Temple was of course the unconscious instrument of the treachery of Charles. Cp. Lefèvre Pontalis,Jean De Witt, i, 451-55.[826]See the Declaration and the Dutch reply, printed in 1674, reprinted inThe Phœnix, 1707, i, 271sq.[827]Cp. Child,New Discourse of Trade, 4th ed. pref. pp. xx-xxv; Tucker,Essay on Trade, 4th ed. pp. 28, 47-57.[828]Cp. Grattan, p. 75.[829]"Never any country traded so much and consumed so little; they buy infinitely, but it is to sell again." "They furnish infinite luxury, which they never practise, and traffic in pleasures which they never taste" (Temple,Observations, 1814 ed. ofWorks, i, 176). Cp. Motley,United Netherlands, iv, 559. Sometimes the citizens were taxed fifty per cent on their incomes.[830]M'Culloch's dictum that the low rate of interest in Holland was wholly due to heavy taxation is an evident fallacy, framed in the interest oflaissez-faire.[831]It was a common saying at Amsterdam in the seventeenth century that every dish of fish was paid for once to the fisherman and six times to the State. As early as 1619 taxes on goods were nearly equal to their wholesale price (Howell, letter of May 1, 1619, inEpistolæ Ho-elianæ, Bennett's ed. 1891, vol. i, 27). SeeLa Richesse de Hollande, 1778, ii, 21-42, for details of the extraordinary multiplication of Dutch taxes from the war-period onwards. In Temple's time a common fish-sauce paid thirty different duties (Observations, inWorks, i, 187). And still taxes increased. Cp. Smith,Wealth of Nations, M'Culloch's ed. 1839, pp. 396, 397, 411.[832]So Seeley,Expansion of England, p. 132.[833]See the Dissertation drawn up on this occasion (1750), Eng. tr. 1751. It is largely quoted from by M'Culloch,Treatises, pp. 354-62.[834]Wenzelburger,Geschichte der Niederlande, i, 51.[835]Laing,Notes of a Traveller, 1842, p. 15.[836]Rogers,Holland, pp. 362, 363.[837]Rogers, p. 365.[838]See Smith,Wealth of Nations, bk. iv, ch. v, as to the British encouragement of fisheries in the eighteenth century.[839]Crawford,Eastern Archipelago, iii, 388; (cited by M'Culloch, p. 365); Temminck,Possessions Néerlandaises dans l'Inde Archipelagique, 1847-49, iii, 202-11.[840]M'Culloch, p. 363.[841]Wealth of Nations, bk. ii, ch. v,end.[842]Keymor,Observations on the Dutch Fishing, inThe Phœnix, as cited, p. 231.[843]Epistolæ Ho-elianæ, Bennett's ed. 1891, i, 25.[844]Child,New Discourses of Trade, 4th ed. p. 88. Cp. Menzel,Gesch. der Deutschen, cap. 491,note, citing Browne's work of 1668.[845]Notes of a Traveller, p. 10.[846]As to these see Motley,Rise, pp. 46-48. He admits that they were set up by French culture-contacts. But cp. Grattan, p. 75.[847]Hallam,Literature of Europe, ed. 1872, iii, 249.[848]Id.iv, 1.[849]Cp. Biedermann, as cited in the author'sBuckle and his Critics, pp. 169-73.[850]Van Kampen, i, 608, 609.[851]Her works were issued in 1528, 1540, and 1567.[852]Cp. Mr. Gosse's article on Dutch literature, inEncy. Brit.10th ed. vol. xii.[853]As to this see Cerisier, vi, 267.[854]Van Kampen, i, 607, 608; ii, 106; Motley,United Netherlands, iv, 570.[855]Wenzelburger, i, 54.[856]Motley,United Netherlands, iv, 556.[857]At 1829 it was only 2,613,487.[858]Some of course were destroyed by various causes. Rubens's "Descent from the Cross" at Antwerp, though repeatedly retouched, was ruined when Reynolds saw it; but the number of good pictures preserved in the Low Countries is immense.[859]In 1833 there were 2,270,959 hectares of land = 8,768 square miles. In 1877 there were 3,297,268 hectares = 12,731 square miles—the result of systematic reclamation from sea and river.[860]Population in 1897 slightly over 5,000,000; at the end of 1910, 5,945,155.[861]Compare, however, the verdict of Laing, cited above, p. 325.[862]An increase of some seven millions since 1900.[863]Chief crops rye, oats, potatoes.[864]The clear exports are chiefly margarine, butter, cheese, sugar, leather, paper, manufactured woollen and cotton cloths, flax, vegetables, potato-flour, oxen, and sheep. In 1891 Great Britain imported from the Netherlands £3,093,595 worth of margarine and £770,460 worth of butter; in 1909, £2,782,636 worth and £843,318 worth respectively; while sugar stood at £2,043,724. Oil seed rose from £345,210 in 1909 to £721,266 in 1910; and condensed milk in the latter year stood at £795,937.[865]Increases of 5,000 men and 1,300 boats since 1900.[866]An increase of 143 since 1900.[867]An increase of 2,206 (over 100 per cent.) since 1891.[868]This source of wealth, as we have seen, was much curtailed in the eighteenth century by British competition. Laing (Notes, pp. 7, 8) shows how small it had become at his time, but is quite mistaken in assuming that it had never been great.[869]About 60 per cent. of the revenue is from Government produce and monopolies.[870]The communes make provision only where charity does not; there is no poor-rate.

[725]Motley,Rise of the Dutch Republic, 1-vol. ed. 1863, p. 18. For details of the different invasions see David,Manuel de l'histoire de Belgique, 1847, pp. 37, 39, 41, 49. Cp. van Kampen,Geschichte der Niederlande, Ger. ed. i, 82-89. Wenzelburger notes that the "Norsemen" included not only Norwegians and Danes, but Saxons and even Frisians (Geschichte der Niederlande, 1879, i, 61).

[726]Dutch writers claim the invention for one of their nation in the fourteenth century (cp. M'Culloch,Treatises, p. 342; Rogers,Holland, pp. 26, 27). There is clear evidence, however, that fish-salting was carried on at Yarmouth as early as 1210, one Peter Chivalier being the patentee (see Torrens M'Cullagh'sIndustrial History of the Free Nations, 1846, ii, 29; Madox,History of the Exchequer, ch. xiii, § 4, p. 326, cited by him; and Macpherson,Annals of Commerce, 1802, i, 384, 385). The practice was very common in antiquity; see Schürer,Jewish People in the Time of Christ, Eng. tr. Div. ii, vol. i, p. 43.

[727]It is noteworthy that an English navy practically begins with King John, in whose reign it was that fishing began to flourish at Yarmouth. See Macpherson,Annals of Commerce, i, 374, 378, 384, 532.

[728]Originally the name Flanders covered only the territory of the city of Bruges. It was extended with the extension of the domain of the Counts of Flanders (David,Manuel, pp. 48, 49).

[729]Motley, p. 20; Grattan, pp. 38-40, 43, 56. At 1286 the Flemish cities were represented side by side with the nobles in the assembly of the provincial states. The same rights were acquired by the Dutch cities in the next century.

[730]Dykes existed as early as the Roman period (Blok,Geschiedenis van het Nederlandsche Volk, Groningen, 1892, i, 315; Eng. tr. i, 211; Wenzelburger,Geschichte der Niederlande, 1878, i, 52). In the Middle Ages co-operative bodies took the work out of the Church's hands (Blok, pp. 315-17; tr. p. 212).

[731]Cp. Torrens M'Cullagh,Industrial History, ii, 22, 33; Motley, p. 18. The Counts of Holland seem to have led the way in encouraging towns and population. But Baldwin III of Flanders (circa960) seems to have established yearly fairs free of tolls (De Witt,Mémoires, French tr., ed. 1709. part i, ch. viii, p. 34).

[732]Compare the so-calledMemoirs of John de Witt, French ed. (3e) 1709, ch. iii, p. 18; Petty,Essays in Political Arithmetic, ed. 1699, p. 178; Torrens M'Cullagh, as cited, ii, 26, 113-15, 270-71; M'Culloch,Treatises, p. 350. English corn was frequently exported to the Low Countries, as against imported textiles, in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries and early in the fifteenth (Macpherson,Annals of Commerce, i, 561, 644).

[733]Keymor,Observations on the Dutch Fishing about the year 1601, reprinted inThe Phœnix, 1707, i, 223, 225; Temple,Observations upon the United Provinces, cc. iii, vi (1814 ed. ofWorks, i, 127, 163).

[734]Cp. De Witt, pp. 15, 16; Torrens M'Cullagh,Industrial History, ii, 36, 37, 46, 59; Grattan,Netherlands, p. 18; Blok, as above cited.

[735]As to the earlier development of the Flemish cities, cp. Blok,Geschiedenis, as cited, ii, 3; Eng. tr. i, 252; A. Wauters,Les libertés communales, Bruxelles, 1878, p. 746 andpassim.

[736]Motley,Rise of the Dutch Republic, i, p. 15.

[737]See the charter of Middelburg in 1217, quoted by Motley, p. 19, and by Davies, i, 65.

[738]Davies,History of Holland, i, 26.

[739]Cp. David,Manuel, p. 217; Wauters,Les libertés communales, pp. 36, 287; Van Kampen,Geschichte der Niederlande, i, 141, 142.

[740]M'Cullagh, ii, 42.

[741]De Witt (i.e.Delacourt), however, gives the priority to Flanders (Mémoires, as cited, pt. i. ch. viii, p. 34).

[742]The majority of the serfs seem to have been freed about 1230; and by 1300 the chiefs of the gilds were "more powerful than the nobles" (Grattan, p. 35; cp. p. 38, and Blok, as before cited).

[743]Cp. David,Manuel, pp. 78-88.

[744]De Witt, as cited, pp. 34, 35; M'Cullagh, p. 66; Grattan, p. 38.

[745]David,Manuel, pp. 142, 143; Grattan, p. 38.

[746]David, pp. 154-57.

[747]De Witt, p. 35; M'Cullagh, p. 67.

[748]David,Manuel, p. 158.

[749]Id.p. 107.

[750]Grattan. p. 43.

[751]Earle,Philology of the English Tongue, 3rd ed. pp. 8, 9.

[752]On this and previous floods see Blok,Geschiedenis, i, 313, 314; tr. i, 209, 210; Davies, vol. i, note C.

[753]Motley, p. 20.

[754]Cp. David, pp. 77, 78, 85, 92, 99, 101, 105, 108, 149; Motley, pp. 24, 28, 29; Grattan, pp. 42, 44, 46, 50, 54, 64.

[755]The town of Hoorn seems to have been virtually ruined by the punitive exactions of Charles the Bold (Davies, i, 269, 312).

[756]David, p. 94.

[757]Davies, i, 314.

[758]Motley, pp. 28-30.

[759]Largely through the union between Spain and England under the Tudor kings (Grattan, p. 66).

[760]Robertson,Charles V, b. vi; Motley,Rise. Histor. Introd. § 11.

[761]Motley, p. 60, notes that the numbers have been put often at fifty thousand, and sometimes even at a hundred thousand; but this, as he admits, is incredible.

[762]And still the rhetorical historian, sworn to maintain the Teutonic character for "liberty," declaims in his elementary manner that that has been seen to be the "master passion" of the race from Cæsar's time to Charles's (Motley, p. 49; compare pp. 25-29).

[763]Cited by Puffendorf,Introduction to the History of Europe, Eng. tr. 7th ed. 1711, i, 240.

[764]Robertson,Charles V, bk. vi, ed. cited, p. 495; Armstrong, as cited, pp. 78-82.

[765]Armstrong, as cited, pp. 83, 84.

[766]Motley,Rise, p. 138.

[767]Id.pp. 138, 139; Grattan, p. 87.

[768]Ullmann,Reformers before the Reformation, Eng. tr. 1855, ii, 14-17, 172-77.

[769]Cp. Hooker,Ecclesiastical Polity, Pref. ch. viii, § 12.

[770]Motley,Rise, p. 36.

[771]See it analysed in Motley, pp. 134, 135.

[772]Asked by his viceregent Margaret of Parma to introduce the Spanish Inquisition, he pointed out that already "the Inquisition of the Netherlands is much more pitiless than that of Spain" (Motley, p. 174; cp. p. 81).

[773]It was an old source of income (Davies, i, 617; cp. Motley, p. 78).

[774]"The aristocracy of the Netherlands was excessively extravagant, dissipated, and already considerably embarrassed in circumstances" (Motley, p. 129; cp. pp. 125, 130, 131).

[775]Cp. Grattan, p. 106; Motley, as last cited.

[776]See the admissions of Motley, p. 131.

[777]Motley, p. 125.

[778]See Davies, ii, 149, 150, for a criticism of William's development, worth considering as against the unmixed panegyric of Motley.

[779]Cp. M'Cullagh, p. 211.

[780]Motley, pp. 462-67, 506, 527, 829.

[781]Van Kampen, i, 512. Camden (Hist. of Elizabeth, trans. 3rd ed. 1635, p. 369) states that Parma was unready to sail when called upon, but adds that the Dutch ships of war lay so placed that he "could not put from shore."

[782]While Charles V spoke all the languages of his empire, Philip spoke only Spanish. Motley, p. 74. See the notes for a sample of his cast of mind.

[783]Davies, ii, 199.

[784]M'Culloch (Treatises, p. 347) states that even in its prosperous period Antwerp had little shipping of its own. He refers to Guicciardini'sDescrizzione, but I cannot trace the testimony; and Guicciardini, while speaking of the multitudes of foreigners always at Antwerp (French tr. ed. 1625, fol. p. 114), mentions that the population included a great number of mariners (p. 95).

[785]Grattan, pp. 232, 233, 237; Davies, ii, 452-65, etc.; Motley,United Netherlands, ed. 1867, iv, 537.

[786]Van Kampen, ii, 35.

[787]Id.p. 37.

[788]Id.p. 36.

[789]Motley,Rise, p. 149; Prescott,Philip II, ed. cited, p. 659.

[790]Davies, ii, 304; Watson,Hist. of Reign of Philip II, ed. 1839, p. 527, citing Grotius, lib. v. In 1600, however, Philip III seems to have either acknowledged the debt to Genoa or borrowed anew to a large amount; and at his death he is said to have doubled the debt (Howell,Epistolæ Ho-elianæ, ed. Bennett, 1891, i, 138).

[791]Davies, ii, 32, 33. Cp. G. Brandt,History of the Reformation in the Low Countries, Eng. tr. 1720, folio, bk. xi, i, 310.

[792]Cp. Motley,Rise, pp. 581, 646;United Netherlands, iv, 558; M'Cullagh, p. 206 (where the chronology is inaccurate).

[793]See Motley,Rise, pp. 37, 38, as to the curtailment of clerical wealth in the Netherlands from the thirteenth to the fifteenth centuries by the feudal superiors, who, unlike their over-lords, did not need to look to the Church for support.

[794]Grattan, p. 69; Davies, i, 294.

[795]Cp. theMémoires de Jean De Witt, as cited, p. 101, ptie. ii, ch. 2.

[796]Grattan, p. 71.

[797]Davies, ii, 636. Already at the death of Charles V the debt of the entire Netherlands was five or six million florins. At the armistice of 1609 the debt of the province of Holland alone was twenty-six millions. By 1648 the war was reckoned to have cost Spain in all fifteen hundred millions. M'Cullagh, ii, 330, 331.

[798]Davies, ii, 290.

[799]Of 250 Dutchmen who sailed, however, only 90 returned.

[800]Description des Pays Bas, ed. 1625, p. 319.

[801]Davies, ii, 328.

[802]Mémoires de Jean De Witt, as cited, p. 21.

[803]Davies, ii, 407. The clergy were of the war party.

[804]Mémoirescited, p. 194.

[805]M'Culloch, p. 353; Macpherson,Annals of Commerce, 1804, ii, 596; Petty,Essays, ed. 1699, p. 165; Keymor,Observations made upon the Dutch Fishing about 1601, rep. inThe Phœnix, 1707, i, 223.

[806]Mémoirescited, pp. 48, 50.

[807]Davies, iii, 556.

[808]Cp. Tucker,Essay on Trade, 4th ed. p. 57.

[809]Latterly the regulations failed to check fraud, and even hampered trade (M'Culloch,Treatises, p. 371). But for a long time the effect was to sustain the business credit of the Dutch.

[810]Cp.Mémoires of Jean De Witt, p. 103, as to exceptions.

[811]Keymor, as cited, p. 224. Hamburg about the same period, as Keymor notes, enacted that foreigners should not be allowed to sell herrings in the port until its own boats had come in and sold theirs.

[812]Essays in Political Arithmetic, ed. 1699, p. 170. Cp. p. 181.

[813]New Discourse on Trade, 4th ed. p. 61.

[814]For the years 1605-10, an average of 36 per cent; for 1616, 62½ per cent.

[815]M'Culloch,Treatises, pp. 366-67, and refs. It is told in theMémoires de Jean De Witt(as cited, p. 52,note, ptie. i, ch. xi) that cargoes of pepper were wilfully sunk near port.

[816]Mémoirescited, pp. 24, 51, 52.

[817]M'Culloch, pp. 368-69. The Dutch ideal being almost necessarily one of small consumption and accumulation of nominal or money capital, there was no improvement in the popular standard of comfort.

[818]Mémoirescited, ptie. i, ch. x, xi, pp. 47, 48, 50.

[819]Motley,United Netherlands, iv, 561, 562.

[820]As to the stress of party spirit in Holland about this period, see Davies, ii, 725, 726.

[821]See hereinafter, pt. vi, ch. ii, § 5.

[822]Davies, ii, 721; Van Kampen, ii, 149. Cp. Temple,Essay upon the Advancement of Trade in Ireland, Works, iii, 15, 16.

[823]Mémoires de Jean De Witt, ptie. ii, ch. ii, iii (iii, iv). It is there noted (ch. ii, p. 113) that when in time of war the States-General gave letters of marque to privateers there were always bitter complaints that the Dutch privateers took Dutch goods as well as the enemy's. Again it is asked (p. 163), "What plunder is there for us to gain at sea when we are almost the only traffickers?"

[824]It is to be noted that De Witt diverged fatally from the doctrine of his friend Delacourt in thus leaning to foreign alliances, which Delacourt altogether opposed. See Lefèvre Pontalis,Jean De Witt, 1884, i, 317-18, where an interesting account of theMémoiresis given.

[825]Davies, iii, 68, 69; Rogers,Holland, p. 266. Temple was of course the unconscious instrument of the treachery of Charles. Cp. Lefèvre Pontalis,Jean De Witt, i, 451-55.

[826]See the Declaration and the Dutch reply, printed in 1674, reprinted inThe Phœnix, 1707, i, 271sq.

[827]Cp. Child,New Discourse of Trade, 4th ed. pref. pp. xx-xxv; Tucker,Essay on Trade, 4th ed. pp. 28, 47-57.

[828]Cp. Grattan, p. 75.

[829]"Never any country traded so much and consumed so little; they buy infinitely, but it is to sell again." "They furnish infinite luxury, which they never practise, and traffic in pleasures which they never taste" (Temple,Observations, 1814 ed. ofWorks, i, 176). Cp. Motley,United Netherlands, iv, 559. Sometimes the citizens were taxed fifty per cent on their incomes.

[830]M'Culloch's dictum that the low rate of interest in Holland was wholly due to heavy taxation is an evident fallacy, framed in the interest oflaissez-faire.

[831]It was a common saying at Amsterdam in the seventeenth century that every dish of fish was paid for once to the fisherman and six times to the State. As early as 1619 taxes on goods were nearly equal to their wholesale price (Howell, letter of May 1, 1619, inEpistolæ Ho-elianæ, Bennett's ed. 1891, vol. i, 27). SeeLa Richesse de Hollande, 1778, ii, 21-42, for details of the extraordinary multiplication of Dutch taxes from the war-period onwards. In Temple's time a common fish-sauce paid thirty different duties (Observations, inWorks, i, 187). And still taxes increased. Cp. Smith,Wealth of Nations, M'Culloch's ed. 1839, pp. 396, 397, 411.

[832]So Seeley,Expansion of England, p. 132.

[833]See the Dissertation drawn up on this occasion (1750), Eng. tr. 1751. It is largely quoted from by M'Culloch,Treatises, pp. 354-62.

[834]Wenzelburger,Geschichte der Niederlande, i, 51.

[835]Laing,Notes of a Traveller, 1842, p. 15.

[836]Rogers,Holland, pp. 362, 363.

[837]Rogers, p. 365.

[838]See Smith,Wealth of Nations, bk. iv, ch. v, as to the British encouragement of fisheries in the eighteenth century.

[839]Crawford,Eastern Archipelago, iii, 388; (cited by M'Culloch, p. 365); Temminck,Possessions Néerlandaises dans l'Inde Archipelagique, 1847-49, iii, 202-11.

[840]M'Culloch, p. 363.

[841]Wealth of Nations, bk. ii, ch. v,end.

[842]Keymor,Observations on the Dutch Fishing, inThe Phœnix, as cited, p. 231.

[843]Epistolæ Ho-elianæ, Bennett's ed. 1891, i, 25.

[844]Child,New Discourses of Trade, 4th ed. p. 88. Cp. Menzel,Gesch. der Deutschen, cap. 491,note, citing Browne's work of 1668.

[845]Notes of a Traveller, p. 10.

[846]As to these see Motley,Rise, pp. 46-48. He admits that they were set up by French culture-contacts. But cp. Grattan, p. 75.

[847]Hallam,Literature of Europe, ed. 1872, iii, 249.

[848]Id.iv, 1.

[849]Cp. Biedermann, as cited in the author'sBuckle and his Critics, pp. 169-73.

[850]Van Kampen, i, 608, 609.

[851]Her works were issued in 1528, 1540, and 1567.

[852]Cp. Mr. Gosse's article on Dutch literature, inEncy. Brit.10th ed. vol. xii.

[853]As to this see Cerisier, vi, 267.

[854]Van Kampen, i, 607, 608; ii, 106; Motley,United Netherlands, iv, 570.

[855]Wenzelburger, i, 54.

[856]Motley,United Netherlands, iv, 556.

[857]At 1829 it was only 2,613,487.

[858]Some of course were destroyed by various causes. Rubens's "Descent from the Cross" at Antwerp, though repeatedly retouched, was ruined when Reynolds saw it; but the number of good pictures preserved in the Low Countries is immense.

[859]In 1833 there were 2,270,959 hectares of land = 8,768 square miles. In 1877 there were 3,297,268 hectares = 12,731 square miles—the result of systematic reclamation from sea and river.

[860]Population in 1897 slightly over 5,000,000; at the end of 1910, 5,945,155.

[861]Compare, however, the verdict of Laing, cited above, p. 325.

[862]An increase of some seven millions since 1900.

[863]Chief crops rye, oats, potatoes.

[864]The clear exports are chiefly margarine, butter, cheese, sugar, leather, paper, manufactured woollen and cotton cloths, flax, vegetables, potato-flour, oxen, and sheep. In 1891 Great Britain imported from the Netherlands £3,093,595 worth of margarine and £770,460 worth of butter; in 1909, £2,782,636 worth and £843,318 worth respectively; while sugar stood at £2,043,724. Oil seed rose from £345,210 in 1909 to £721,266 in 1910; and condensed milk in the latter year stood at £795,937.

[865]Increases of 5,000 men and 1,300 boats since 1900.

[866]An increase of 143 since 1900.

[867]An increase of 2,206 (over 100 per cent.) since 1891.

[868]This source of wealth, as we have seen, was much curtailed in the eighteenth century by British competition. Laing (Notes, pp. 7, 8) shows how small it had become at his time, but is quite mistaken in assuming that it had never been great.

[869]About 60 per cent. of the revenue is from Government produce and monopolies.

[870]The communes make provision only where charity does not; there is no poor-rate.

SWITZERLAND

The best general history of Switzerland available in English is Mr. E. Salisbury's translation (1899) of theShort Historyof Prof. Dändliker. It has little merit as literature, but is abreast of critical research at all points. For the Reformation period, the older history of Vieusseux (Library of Useful Knowledge, 1840) is fuller and better, though now superseded as to early times. The work of Sir F.O. Adams and C.D. Cunningham onThe Swiss Confederation, 1880 (translated and added to in French by M. Loumyer, 1890), is an excellent conspectus, especially for contemporary Swiss institutions. As regards the first half of the last century, Grote'sSeven Letters concerning the Politics of Switzerland(1847, rep. 1876) are most illuminating.Of fuller histories there are several in French and German. The longerGeschichte der Schweizof Prof. Dändliker (1884-87) is good and instructive, though somewhat commonplace in its thinking. Dierauer'sGeschichte der schweizerischen Eidgenossenschaft(1887), which stops before the Reformation period, is excellent so far as it goes, and gives abundant references, which Dändliker's does not; though hisShort Historygives good bibliographies.Zschokke's compendiousDes Schweizerlands Geschichte(9te Aufgabe, 1853) is lucid and very readable, but is quite uncritical as to the medieval period. That is critically and decisively dealt with in Rilliet'sLes Origines de la Confédération Suisse, 1868, and in Dierauer.

Of fuller histories there are several in French and German. The longerGeschichte der Schweizof Prof. Dändliker (1884-87) is good and instructive, though somewhat commonplace in its thinking. Dierauer'sGeschichte der schweizerischen Eidgenossenschaft(1887), which stops before the Reformation period, is excellent so far as it goes, and gives abundant references, which Dändliker's does not; though hisShort Historygives good bibliographies.

Zschokke's compendiousDes Schweizerlands Geschichte(9te Aufgabe, 1853) is lucid and very readable, but is quite uncritical as to the medieval period. That is critically and decisively dealt with in Rilliet'sLes Origines de la Confédération Suisse, 1868, and in Dierauer.

In more than one respect, the political evolution of Switzerland is the most interesting in the whole historic field. The physical basis, the determinations set up by it, the reactions, the gradual control of bias, the creation of stability out of centrifugal forces—all go to form the completest of all political cases.[871]Happier than those of Greece, if less renowned, the little clans of Switzerland have passed through the storms of outer and inner strife to a state of something like assured republican federation. And where oldGreece and Renaissance Italy and Scandinavia have failed to attain to this even on the basis of a common language and "race," the Swiss Cantons have attained it in despite of a maximum diversity of speech and stock. As does Japan for Asia, they disprove for Europe a whole code of false generalisations.

The primary fact in the case, as in that of Greece, is the physical basis. Like Hellas, the Swiss land is "born divided"; and the first question that forces itself is as to how the Cantons, while retaining their home rule, have contrived to escape utterly ruinous inter-tribal strife, and to attain federal union. The answer, it speedily appears, begins with noting the fact that Swiss federation is a growth or aggregation, as it were, from a primary "cell-form." From the early confederation of the three Forest Cantons of Schwytz, Uri, and Unterwalden, a set of specially congruous units, led to alliance by their original isolation from the rest of Helvetia and their common intercourse through the Lake of Lucerne, came the example and norm for the whole. The primary influence of mere land-division is proved by the persistence of the cantonal spirit and methods to this day;[872]but the history of Switzerland is the history of the social union gradually forced on the Cantons by varying pressures from outside. That it is due to no quality of "race" is sufficiently proved by the fact that three or four languages, and more stocks, are represented in the Republic at this moment.

§ 1.The Beginnings of Union

In the union of the Forest Cantons, as in the rooting of several Swiss cities and the cultivation of remote valleys, the Church has been held to have played a constructive part. At the outset, according to some historians,[873]Schwytz and Uri and Unterwalden had but one church among them; hence a habit of congregation. But the actual records yield no evidence for this view, any more than for the other early dicta as to the racial distinctness of the people of the Forest Cantons, and their immemorial freedom. Broadly speaking, the early Swiss were for the most part serfs with customary rights. The first documentary trace of them is in the grant by Louis of Germany to the convent at Zurich, in the year853, of hispagellus Uroniae, with its churches, houses, serfs, lands, and revenues.[874]This did not constitute the whole of the Canton; but it seems clear that the bulk of the population were in status serfs, though when attached to a royal convent they would have such privileges as would induce even freemen to accept the same state of dependence.[875]In the Canton of Schwytz, again, the people—there in larger part freemen—seem to have been always more or less at strife with the great monastery of Einsiedeln, founded about 946 by Kaiser Otto, and largely filled by men of aristocratic birth seeking a quiet life,[876]who held by the usual interests of their class as well as their corporation.[877]It was a question of ownership of pastures, the main economic basis in that region; and the descendants of the early settlers were fighting for their subsistence. Unterwalden, finally (then known only as the higher and lower valleys,StanzorStannesandSarnenorSarnon), was led in its development by Uri and Schwytz, each of which possessed some communal property, the former in respect of its beginnings as a royal domain, the latter in respect of the association of its freemen.

Whatever earlier combinations there may have been,[878]it is in the year 1291[879]that the first recorded pact was made between the three Cantons; and it arose out of their making a stand for their customary local rights as against the House of Hapsburg.[880]Uri had in 1231 been granted by King Henry VII of Germany, son of the emperor Frederick II, the cherished privilege of enrolment as an imperial fief, an act which in theory withdrew it from its former feudal subordination to the Count of Hapsburg; and in 1240 Frederick himself gave the same privilege to Schwytz.[881]On the unhinging of the imperial system after Frederick's death, the Hapsburgs, who even in his life had treated the Cantons as contumacious vassals, fought for their own claims; whereupon in due course was formed the Pact of 1291. Thus the Swiss Confederation broadly began in the special strife which arose between the new order of higher feudal princes and the civic or rural communes on the disintegration of theGermanic empire in the thirteenth century.[882]The familiar story of William Tell and the oath-taking at Rütli or Grütli in 1308 appears to be pure myth. There is no historic mention till over a hundred years later of any such acts by the Austrian bailiff as that story turns upon, or of any strife whatever in 1308. A pact of confederation had actually been made seventeen years earlier than that date; and a new and rather more definite pact was made on the same general grounds in 1315; but the romance of 1308 remains entirely unattested, and it bears the plainest marks of myth.

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