VIII.THE REIGN OF ANARCHY.
At last Congress and the executive departments awoke. The act for an increase of the army, asked for two months before, was hastily passed. It was even amended so as to give the President power to call out a hundred thousand volunteers from the natural militia of the States, if such a measure should in his judgment become necessary. But the action, which might possibly have been useful in the early summer, came too late at the end of August.
The war which had broken forth was such a combat as had never before been waged. There have been civil wars in other times and other countries, but theyalways have been more or less sectional. Whether eventually successful or not, there always has been a part of the land involved in which the friends of existing government were in the majority, and which could be relied upon as a base for operations against insurgents. But this revolt was at every man’s door. Except in a few rural and sparsely populated districts, all forms of government were disrupted or blocked. The law-abiding citizens found themselves suddenly without organization and at the mercy of predatory bands, which fell upon them one after another. The anarchists, by a strange paradox, were the best disciplined and the best organized.
Here and there hasty levies were made among the friends of good order; but they did not know whom to trust. A man’s nearest neighbor, who never had been suspected of sympathy with the socialists, was not unlikely to prove their agent and propagandist in secret, and in communicationwith them, revealing the intentions of their opponents. Volunteers, who under other circumstances and to repel any other form of attack would have flocked to the Government’s service from the smaller villages and country towns, dared hardly stir out of their own fields, from fear of attacks on their homes.
In the midst of this panic, and uncertainty, and lack of organization, the telegraph lines between the chief centres of communication were cut. It was made impossible for the authorities to transmit information or to perfect arrangements. Despatches from the National Government to the governors of different States or to its own subordinates were stopped by agents of the revolutionists and reported to their own chiefs. These leaders in some instances acted upon the intelligence thus secured in defeating the Government’s plans. In other cases they sent back misleading answers, purporting to come from the officialsaddressed; thus doubly confusing the Government’s operations.
In many cities and towns the very officers whose duty it was to preserve order and repress riots felt themselves dependent upon the votes of the mob for their positions, and dared not do any active work against it. Wherever it was possible to call out the local militia, the citizen soldiery were found true, except in a few of the larger cities where the socialistic contagion was rankest. But the panic which had fallen on other citizens had not failed to affect these young men, many of whom had entered the militia for amusement rather than any more serious purpose, and who were nicknamed by their opponents “holiday soldiers.” Nowhere were they called into service till it was too late for anything but overwhelming force to prevail,—such overwhelming force as they could not muster. Nowhere were the civil magistrates willing to apply heroic treatmenttill more pacific measures had been tried. The revolutionists, drunk with fanatic frenzy and elated with the success of their first days of destruction and pillage, rushed on the militia, whenever a collision became inevitable, with reckless bravery and desperation. The result was that a score of regiments in as many different States were actually cut to pieces by raging mobs, while pallid-lipped mayors or aldermen were reading the riot act or expostulating with them in the hope of inducing them to disperse. It would have been as sensible to harangue a jungle full of hungry tigers, or to read the riot act against an inundation of the lower Mississippi.
In a few of the smaller places, especially those near which detachments of the regular army were stationed, a sort of precarious order was restored. In all the larger cities the revolutionists soon held complete power. City and State governments wereoverthrown. The leaders among the rioters established themselves in the offices of public administration. “Universal liberty” was proclaimed, and the abrogation of all law. “Property is robbery” had been the cry of the socialists from the beginning. The residences of such citizens as had been known for their wealth were taken possession of as the barracks of first one and then another band of marauders. Such storehouses and shops as had escaped the pillage of the first days were thrown open, and every one bidden to help himself from their contents to that which he needed. The poorer people were generally unmolested. If they had nothing worth stealing they were advised to remain in their homes, and told that the revolution was for them. There should be no more wealth; consequently, argued the socialists, there could be no more poverty. All men were declared equal in point of rights, of duties, and of possessions. Nothing belonged toany one, for everything was the common property of all. But it was observed that the socialist leaders did not fail to secure possession of all the silver and gold upon which they could lay their hands,—“to be used in the public defence, if needed,” they said.