ADDENDA

There is yet another point in Australian sociology mostintimately connected with the individual family. I mean the other forms of kinship organization: the exogamy class, the totemic clan, possibly also the other divisions reported by Mr. R. H. Mathews and Mrs. Parker ("blood" and "shed" divisions, etc.). And on this point the present study is obviously incomplete, as it neither clearly fixes the line of demarcation between the individual and the group kinship, nor solves any of the difficulties and contradictions indicated at the outset. A few words must be said here in order to avoid misunderstandings. If in any society there exist two institutions of very close resemblance, as in Australia, the individual family creating individual relationship and the various kinship organizations creating group relationship, the only way to understand their working is by describing minutely the social functions of each of them. This has been done for the individual family in the foregoing pages; it remains to be done for the kinship groups.[966]Social institutions should in the first place be defined by their social functions; if the functions—religious, magical, legal, economic, etc.—of the totemic class, the exogamous class, and other divisions be known and compared with the functions of the individual family, each of these institutions will appear as occupying a definite place in the social organization, and playing a determinate part in the life of the community. And such a knowledge would afford a firm basis for further speculations.In the foregoing investigations we have omitted this side of the problem partly in order to avoid increasing the bulk of the monograph, but above all, that we might develop more clearly the features of the institution described.The individual family was shown to be a unit playing an important part in the social life of the nativesand well defined by a number of moral, customary and legal norms; it is further determined by the sexual division of labour, the aboriginal mode of living, and especially by the intimate relation between the parents and children. The individual relation between husband and wife (marriage) is rooted in the unity of the family. Moreover, it is expressed by a series of facts connected with the modes in which marriage is brought about and in the well-defined, although not always exclusive, sexual right the husband acquires over his wife.ADDENDASeveral points omitted in the body of this book, as well as a few works and passages of special importance, which I noted whilst reading the proofs, may be mentioned shortly in this place. I read the book of Mr. Crawley (Mystic Rose) unfortunately after the foregoing pages were in type; my study would have been more complete had I known it before. Mr. Crawley analyzes the psychology underlying human relations (those of sex in particular) from their religious side. Primitive man is full of apprehension of the mutual danger inherent in social and especially in sexual contact. Hence the different systems oftaboo; the sexual taboo being one of the most important. To establish harmless relations between people of different sexes requires a system ofbreaking the taboo.The ceremonies and rites of marriage are treated in theMystic Rosefrom this point of view (removal of taboo). In my opinion this book is of great sociological importance chiefly because it shows that the sexual act must be treated in its bearing upon social forms, not as a simple physiological fact, but as a phenomenon complex both in its sociological and psychological aspects. For "savages" in particular it is surrounded by a network of magico-religious ideas, apprehensions and emotions, resulting in a system of rites, customs and institutions, which never can be comprehended without reference to the underlying psychology. It follows as an important consequence that everything connected with matters of sex is an object of well-defined rules and laws (compare the passage above,p. 123, where the same has been pointed out with reference to the Australians).Another important result of Mr. Crawley's work is the establishment of the principle that marriage rites, being the breaking of a dangerous taboo, are an essential part of marriage, and therefore their study is essential for the understanding of this institution. The rites, being exclusively intended to break the taboo between two individuals and not between two groups, lead to individual marriage and family, and not to "group marriage" and "group family."Mr. Crawley's book is full of valuable remarks, some of which must be quoted in the following paragraphs. I complete also the information on several points by the addition of statements from Mr. Roth'sNorth Queensland Ethnography(Bull.9sqq.), which I have only recently been able to peruse.Pp. 27-29.Methodic presentation of evidence.As in summing up the evidence the number of statements supporting one view or another has been adduced sometimes by way of illustration, itis necessary to say explicitly what is considered to be aunit of information(or anindividual statement). I consider as independent statements: (1) Observations of different ethnographers. (2) Observations of the same author made on different tribes, provided that the author has pointed out the differences and that they are substantial enough. It seems hardly necessary to emphasize that the numeric treatment of statements has no pretentions to be a "statistic method of presenting evidence." It is meant only as a convenient and clear way of summarizing evidence.P. 35and Chap.VII.passim.Mystic.By this word I understand belonging to the category of magico-religious ideas.P. 42.The marriage ceremonies of the Central and Northern tribes, religious and magical.Compare Crawley (M.R., p. 347).P. 48.Betrothalis prevalent all over the tribes of North Queensland (Roth,Bull.10, pp. 3-7, §§ 6-14). Among the tribes of Pennefather River (§ 6) it is effected during the infancy of the female and it is invariably adhered to. In the hinterland of Princess Charlotte Bay the bridegroom has to visit his fiancée before marriage for several weeks (§ 7). Infant betrothal is rare among the natives of Cape Bedford (§ 8). On the Bloomfield River female children are betrothed at birth (§ 10). Infant betrothal obtains also among the Cape Grafton and Tully River natives (§§ 11, 12). A betrothal ceremony (recalling that of the Euahlayi tribe, see above,p. 40) held when a girl is about three years old is described with reference to the Torilla and Pine Mountain Blacks (§ 13). There are an elaborate ceremonial, taboos and duties connected with betrothal in all these tribes. In the North-West tribes betrothal is generally known (§ 14).Pp. 50-52.Marriage gifts.In the Pennefather River tribes a man is bound to supply his fiancée's parents with gifts (food, arms, etc.) (Bull.10, § 6). Presents form an important feature of the marriage contract among the natives of Princess Charlotte Bay (ibid., § 7). The same is reported about the tribes of Normanby River (§ 9), Bloomfield River (§ 10), Torilla and Pine Mountain (§ 12).P. 52.Publicity of marriage and betrothalis mentioned by Roth among the natives of Pennefather River (Bull.10, § 6) and Bloomfield River (§ 10). There is a public ceremonial sign for marriage ("building of a hut and lighting of a fire" by the girl) common to all tribes (§ 5).P. 52.Marriage ceremonies more prevalent than appears from evidence.To corroborate my supposition that marriage ceremonies are much more frequent in Australia than stated by the authorities I may quote Mr. Crawley's view. He says that "as to those (peoples) who are said to possess no marriage ceremony, it will generally be found that there is some act performed which is too slight or too practical to be marked by an observer as a 'ceremony,' but which when analyzed turns out to be a real marriage rite." And as an example the author quotes two forms of marriage ceremony among the tribes of Central Australia (Mystic Rose, p. 318).Pp. 52,53.Marriage ceremoniesare reported by Roth withreference to all tribes of Northern Queensland (Bull.10, "Marriage Ceremonies," etc., especially §§ 1-19). In § 5 a public ceremonial sign of marriage common to all these tribes is described; in §§ 9, 13 and 15, such ceremonies in different tribes are given with details. Ceremonial sexual intercourse with other men before marriage is mentioned in § 20.Pp. 56-58.Legal aspect of marriage.The different social conditions enumerated by Roth (Bull.10, §§ 1, 2 and 3) are a valuable addition to our knowledge of the legal aspect of marriage. "Essentials of marriage before it can be publicly recognized" are: membership in suitable exogamous groups, absence of intimate consanguinity and a suitable social status. If these conditions are not fulfilled the community either violently break the match, or by ridicule, plots, etc., will take an action "usually quite sufficient to cause a separation" (§1, p. 2).P. 61.Ideas embodied in marriage ceremonies.In the survey of various marriage ceremonies Mr. Crawley first enumerates those in which the aspect ofbreaking the taboo, of securing immunity from danger, dominates (M.R., pp. 322-370); then come those in which the magical and religious elements "actually and materially uniting the man and woman" are prominent (loc. cit., pp. 370-390). This aspect corresponds to what I have expressed above emphasizing that marriage is a "sacrament" (p. 61). Very important is the analogy between marriage rites and love charms which Mr. Crawley points out; the same has been said above (p. 41), where it was pointed out that the Arunta love charm has its legal (=binding) aspect. Mr. Crawley lays emphasis on the fact that all marriage ceremonies and rites possess anindividualisticcharacter (loc. cit., pp. 320sqq.). They refer always to individuals and not to groups, and all their magical, religious (I would addlegal) consequences refer to the two individuals concerned and not to two groups.P. 63.Polygyny.Although this fact had no special theoretical bearing in any of my arguments, still it seems advisable to state it here explicitly and with references for the sake of completeness. Polygyny seems to be restricted to the old and influential men, and to be rather an exception, although it seems to be found in all tribes.Cf.Curr,A.R., i. pp. 106, 107, 110sqq.; Br. Smyth, ii. p. 291; Howitt,T.R.S.V., p. 115; Woods, p. 191 (Meyer), and p. 222 (Schürmann); Angas, ii. p. 222; Curr,Recollections, p. 129; Wilson, p. 143; Macgillivray, i. p. 151.Idem, ii. p. 8; Hodgkinson, p. 230; Bennett, p. 173; Henderson, p. 110; Roth,Bull.10, p. 12; Tom Petrie, p. 61; Brown, p. 450; Salvado, p. 278. Compare besides Westermarck,H.H.M., p. 440, and the references given there.Pp. 63,64.Levirate.Cf.Westermarck,H.H.M., p. 510, for Australian references and for the exposition and criticism of different theories concerning this custom.Pp. 64-66.Divorceis mentioned by Roth (Bull.10, pp. 11, 12). Usually the man repudiates or gives away his wife.Pp. 82-84.Marital affection.Mutual attachment and love between man and wife is stated explicitly by Roth (Bull.10, § 17). It plays an important part in marriage arrangements (marriageby elopement). That love must be prevalent among the Australian savages is shown also by the different love charms they possess. (Compare, for instance, above, p. 41,footnote 9).—Compare Westermarck,H.H.M., p. 359, where Australian references are given, and Chap. XVI. pp. 356sqq., where the problem in general is discussed.Pp. 84-88.Mourning and burial.In Roth,Bull.9, pp. 366, 367, we read that only after the elaborate mourning and burial ceremonies have been finished and the dead man's spirit appeased and got rid of, is the widow allowed to remarry. On pp. 394, 396 and 402, we read that the widow and widower have the greatest share in these ceremonies. P. 381 recounts the severe ordeals that a widow and widower have to undergo. Unfortunately it it impossible to enter here into the many details given by Roth which strongly confirm the views expressed above, inChap. III. From the description of mourning and burial customs among some tribes of New South Wales, given by Mr. R. H. Mathews, it appears that the widow has long and toilsome mourning duties; she is specially adorned, she may not go out hunting, and has to chant customary lamentation for several months (Eth. Notes, pp. 71, 72).P. 93,footnote 4andp. 107.Incest.Roth affirms that incest is absolutely never perpetrated in the North Queensland tribes (Bull.10, pp. 2, 3).Pp. 108-123.Pirrauru not a group marriage.Mr. A. Lang gives an excellent criticism of the view thatPirrauruis a survival of ancient promiscuity. Still less tenable, of course, is the view that it is actual group marriage. Lang,The Secret of the Totem, Chap. III.—A similar view has been expounded by Mr. Crawley,loc. cit., pp. 475-483.Pp. 168sqq.Necessity of adapting sociological concepts to the social and psychological conditions of the given society."It is only in early modes of thought that we can find the explanation of ceremonies and systems which originated in primitive society; and, if ceremony and system are the concrete forms in which human relations are expressed, an examination, ethnological and psychological, of human relations is indispensable for inquiry into human institutions." And, speaking of some previous inquiries into human kinship, the same author adds: "They have interpreted primitive custom by ideas which are far from primitive, which, in fact, are relatively late and belong to the legal stage of human culture. The attribution of legal conceptions to primitive thought has had the usual effect ofa prioritheory, and has checked inquiry" (Crawley,loc. cit., p. 1). The second phrase covers in particular the views expounded above,pp. 185sqq.P. 170.Social factors of kinship."Habitual proximity and contact is the strongest and most ordinary tie, and is earlier in thought than the tie of blood" (Crawley,loc. cit., p. 452).P. 175.Collective mind.This expression does not postulate the existence of any metaphysical entity—any mysterious spiritual medium, independent of any human brains. Of course every psychological process takes place in an individual mind. This term is an abbreviation for denoting theensembleof "collectiveideas" and "collective feelings." And by these are expressed such mental facts as are peculiar to a certain society, and at the same time embodied in and expressed by its institutions. For sociological purposes psychological facts must be treated from a special point of view, and, to emphasizethat, the adjective "collective" seems appropriate. Compare p. 192,footnote 1.Pp. 179-182.Absence of social consanguinity in primitive societies."The strong conception of the tie of blood, best seen in feudal and semi-civilized societies, is by no means so strong in primitive culture" (Crawley,loc. cit., p. 451).P. 183.The meaning of "kinship" ought not to be restricted to any special set of ideas."'Kinship' in primitive thought is a vaguer term than in later culture ... because the tie of blood had not attained prominence over looser ties of contact" (Crawley,loc. cit., p. 451).Pp. 183,184.Couvade.An extensive bibliography on this subject is forthcoming inZeitschr. f. Ethnol.Band 43. Heft iii. and iv., pp. 560-63. Berlin, 1911.Pp. 260-262.Young females monopolized by old men.Besides the statements set forth in the text, I find three more collected by Prof. Webster referring to the Queenslanders (Lumholtz), to the West Australians (Frogatt), and to the Australians in general (J. Matthew) (loc. cit., pp. 70, 71). Among the tribes of Northern Queensland infant betrothal widely prevails; "the old men usually getting the pick" (Roth,Bull.10, pp. 3-7).Pp. 262sqq.Thebachelors' campis mentioned by Roth (Bull.10, p. 4).Pp. 272,273.Relations between brothers and sisters.Mr. Crawley has shown that avoidance between brother and sister, rooted in apprehensions of mutual danger is the rule among savages. This iscorroboratedby the scanty Australian evidence we possess. (SeeM.R.,passim; for references see Index under "Brother and Sister").Pp. 283-286.Communism in food.An interesting statement of an old explorer concerning the aboriginal communism in food may be adduced here. It refers to the North-Western blacks. "Be it little or much that they get, every one has his part, as well the young and tender as the old and feeble, who are not able to go abroad, as the strong and lusty" (Dampier,loc. cit., p. 103).BIBLIOGRAPHYI.List of Books used as Ethnographical Sources, referring to the Australian Aborigines.Angas, G. F.:Savage Life and Scenes in Australia and New Zealand. 2 vols. London, 1847.Barrington, G.:The History of New South Wales, including Botany Bay, Port Jackson, Parramatta, Sidney and all its Dependencies. London, 1802.Basedow, Herbert: "Anthropological Notes on the Western Coastal Tribes of the Northern Territory of South Australia"; inTransactions of the R. Soc. of S. Australia, vol. xxxi. Adelaide, 1907.Bates, Mrs. D. M.: Article inVictorian Geographical Journal, vols. xxiii-xxiv. 1905-1906.Bennett, G.:Wanderings in New South Wales, etc. 2 vols. London, 1834.Beveridge, P.:The Aborigines of Victoria and Riverina. 1 vol. 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G.:The Melanesians of British New Guinea.Cambridge, 1910.Steinmetz, S. R.: "Das Verhältnis zwischen Eltern und Kindern bei den Naturvölkern"; inZeitschr. f.Sozialwissensch., vol. i. Berlin, 1898.—— "Die neueren Forschungen zur Geschichte der menschlichen Familie"; inZeitschr. f.Sozialwissensch., vol. ii. Berlin, 1899.——Ethnologische Studien zur ersten Entwickelung der Strafe.2 vols. Leiden and Leipsic, 1894.Thomas,N. W.:Kinship Organisations and Group Marriage in Australia.Cambridge, 1906.Webster, Hutton:Primitive Secret Societies.New York, 1908.Westermarck, Edward A.:The History of Human Marriage.London, 1901.——The Origin and Development of the Moral Ideas.2 vols. London, 1908.Wheeler, G. C.:The Tribe, and Intertribal Relations in Australia.With a prefatory note by E. A. Westermarck. London, 1910.INDEXAbduction, considered as a crime,38,39,41,55Adoption, alternative for infanticide,247Adultery, punishment of,92-97,99,103,124Affection:Between husband and wife,68,70-74,82-84,307Parental,191-197,238-257,269-272,299Aggregation, social, its influences,132-134Alatunja:Head of local group,143Position hereditary among the Arunta,225-226Alcheringa ancestors, reincarnation belief,214,215,218,221Allotment of females, its consequences,60.See alsoInfant BetrothalAltjira, term explained,215Ancestors, reincarnation beliefs discussed,212-233Angas, G. F., on—marriage customs,261;maternal love,239;mode of living,138;relations between husband and wife,70;women's work,276Animism, fatherhood as determined by animistic ideas,227-229Anjea, supernatural being,228Annihilation, aboriginal belief in, asserted,215-216Anula, tribe:Marriage customs,42,51Reincarnation and kinship ideas,220Aralkililima ceremony,85Arunta nation:Camping rules,265Ceremonial licence,106Division of labour,278Hereditary position of Alatunja,225-226Infanticide and motive for,236Marriage customs,41-42Mourning ceremonies,85-86Procreation and reincarnation beliefs,209,212,216,220-221Relations of husband and wife,72Treatment of children,244-245Tribal government,13Atninga, avenging party,13Authority:Marital,67,68-74,76,77-79,302Parental,254-256See alsoLawAvebury, Lord, on primitive law,10Bachelors' camp,164,262-269Bahumul, form of betrothal,40Bangerang tribe:Camping rules,263Marriage customs,37,258,260Mode of living,137,154,155,156,159Relations between husband and wife,69Treatment of children,238-239,248-249Banks Islanders, determination of paternity,180Barrington, George, on marriage customs,40;on mode of living,162Bates, Mrs. D. M., on—infanticide,236;procreation beliefs,227;sexual aspect of marriage,99;tribal divisions and ownership of land,147-148Bennett, G., on—infanticide,235;treatment of children,241Betrothal:Evidence in favour of a ceremony,52-53,61-62Individual appropriation affirmed by,296Legal aspect,57,60Prevalence of custom,48,66,306Statements of authorities,36-48Beveridge,P., on—mode of living,161;sexual relations,93Bidwelli tribe, no initiation ceremonies,262Binbinga tribe:Marriage customs,42,43,50,51Reincarnation and kinship ideas,220Birth.SeeProcreationBlood relationship.SeeConsanguinityBonney, T., on—parental affection,270;relations between husband and wife,70Boundaries, tribal,136-157Brother and sister, relations between,272-273,309Browne, J., on sexual division of labour,281Buckley, William, treatment by the natives,222,271Bulmer, J., on marriage customs,36Burial ceremonies:Description of and deductions from,84-88Duties and behaviour of relatives,271-272,308Cameron, H. L. P., on sexual aspect of marriage,95Campbell, Major, on tribal divisions,146Camps:Bachelor, statements and remarks,164,262-269Customs regulating,158-167,298Unmarried females,104,266Capture, marriage by,40,41,53-55,58Celibacy, female,104,266Ceremonies:Betrothal, individual appropriation affirmed by,296;legal aspect of,57,60;statements of authorities and deductions from,37,38,42,43-44,48-50,52-53,61-62,66,306Initiation, age of commencement and duration,259,262-269;education of boys begun at,256-257;sexual promiscuity in connection with,97-99,104,105-106,129Licence practised at,105-107,123Marriage, a breaking of the taboo,305;ideas embodied in,61,307;individual appropriation affirmed by,296;statements of authors and deductions from,42-44,52-53,61-62,306-307Mourning and burial, description of, and their meaning,84-88,271-272,308;proof of strength of marriage tie,296;scars self-inflicted by women,72Chastity, how regarded,104-105,125,178Chauncy, Ph., on treatment of children,246Chepara tribe:Communism in food,284Mourning customs,271Children.SeeParent and childChoi, term explained,145Class taboo, theory of origin,288-289Collective feelings,191-192,197-198Collective ideas,192-198Collective mind, explanation of term,175,308-309Collins, D., on—authority of husbands,71;infanticide,236;land ownership,141;mode of living,161-162Communism:Food,283-286,289-290,300,309In mode of living, instances,160Suckling and rearing children, remarks on,234,236-237Consanguinity:Absence (in the sociological sense) of tie in primitive societies,179-182,209,217,232,309Analysis of concepts of,176-185,204-207Claim to kinship on basis of, in certain tribes,231Definition,182Coombangree tribe, tribal divisions,142-143Corroborees, licence at,106-107Cotertie, marriage custom,46Councils, tribal, authority exercised by,12-13Couvade custom,183-184,309;similar customs in Australia,225,226Crawley, on religious side of human relations,305-309Curr,E. M., on—camping rules,263;economics of family life,275-276;kinship,3,5;marriage customs,4,258,259;mode of living,137-138,159-160;parental affection,269;relations between husband and wife,69,82;sexual aspect of marriage,92-93;treatment of children,238-239Dargun, Prof. L., on kinship,188-189Dawson, J., on—camping rules,264;communism in food,284;economics of family life,275;relations between husband and wife,69-70,78;sexual aspect of marriage,93Dawson, R., on—mode of living,160,163;parental affection,195,269;relations between husband and wife,72;treatment of children,242Defloration of girls at initiation ceremonies,42-43,98,104,105-106,129Dieri tribe:Chiefs,12Ignorance of physiological fatherhood inferred,128Infanticide and motive for,236Marriage customs,41,261Mode of living,154,156Mourning ceremonies,88Parental affection,195-196Pinya party of,13Pirrauru custom,108-109,117-118Sexual aspect of marriage,96,105Treatment of children,238Tribal divisions,143Division of labour.See underLabourDivorce, mention of,62,64-66,69,78,307Durkheim, Émile, on—importance of social regulations,300-301;kinship,204;primitive law,10;sexual division of labour,289Dwellings, statements and deductions from,158-167Economics of family life,274-291,299-300Education:At bachelor camps,263-264,267Initiation the beginning of,256-257Parental, discussed,241,242-243,245,246,256-257Elopement:Individual appropriation affirmed by,295Punishment for,36-46,55-58,66,92,103,295Sexual love denoted by,83Statements of authors and deductions from,36,41-47,55-58,66Emotional side of kinship.SeeAffectionEuahlayi tribe:Authority of grandparents,270Camping rules,265Communism in food,285Marriage customs,40,61,261Sexual aspect of marriage,95-96,102,103Treatment of wives,72Exchange, mode of obtaining wives:Effect on treatment of wives,81-82Form of marriage by purchase,50-52,58-59Individual appropriation affirmed by,296Prevalence of custom,48-49Statements of authors,36-38,41-44,47Eyre, E. J., on—marriage customs,261;mode of living,139,160-161;relations between husband and wife,70Family:Analysis of family life a necessity,6-9,206Customs regulating social life,158-167Economic facts connected with,274-291Evidence, method of dealing with,17-33Husband and wife,67-88Importance in marriage contracts,49-50,57Individual appropriation proved,295-304Kinship, discussion of,168-233Legal aspect,300-302Modeof living,132-167Mode of obtaining wives,33-66Parents and children,234-273Scope of work and difficulties,1-17,292-294Sexual aspect of marriage,89-131Social units discussed,132-135,136-167Fatherhood.SeePaternityFire-sticks, carrying of, by women,275,276,278,279Fison, L., on—kinship,203;marriage,3Folk-lore, kinship ideas suggested by,207-233Food:Acceptance by a woman from a man belief,229-230Bachelor camp rules,263,267Communism in,283-286,289-290,309Customs regulating the taking of meals,159,163-164,166Distribution among the family,288-289Division of labour in providing,275-290Taboos,15,279Forrest, John, on—marriage customs,44-45;sexual division of labour,280Fraser, Dr. John, on—mode of living,142;parental affection,270;relations between brothers,272;relations between husband and wife,72;sexual division of labour,277-278;treatment of children,242-243Frazer, Prof. J. G., on—kinship,189-190;procreation beliefs,226;social life of the aborigines,156;totemic conception,211Frodsham, Dr., on procreation beliefs,226Game, statements on division of,285-286Gason, S., on—infanticide,236;Pirrauru custom,117-118;relation between brother and sister,272;treatment of children,243Geawe Gal tribe:Marriage customs,39,261Sexual aspect of marriage,95Gennep, A. van, on folk-lore,208;on kinship,204Giddings, F. H., on mode of living,132-133Gifts at marriage,50-52Gillen, F.SeeSpencer, Baldwin, and GillenGnanji tribe:Marriage customs,43Reincarnation beliefs,218-219Gomme, Sir Laurence, on kinship,182,202,205-206Gournditch Mara tribe:Chiefs,12Communism in food,284Marriage customs,36Mode of living,159Government, tribal:Existence of,11-17Intervention between husband and wife,79Marriage contracts supervised by,57-58Pirrauru relation authorised by,110Grey, Sir G., on—camping rules,266;marriage customs,64,65;mode of living,164;relation between brother and sister,273;sexual aspect of marriage,99;treatment of children,249;tribal divisions and ownership of land,146-147Gribble, Rev. J. B., on communism in food,285Grosse, E., criticism of Howitt's statements,4Group marriage:Existence in Australia discussed,30,89,113-115Relation of the Pirrauru custom to,108-123,308Hartland, E. S., on kinship,201-202;on paternity,181,208Headmen, authority exercised by,12-13Henderson, John, on mode of living,162Hereditary positions,225-226Hodgkinson, Cl., on relations between husband and wife,72;on tribal divisions,142Hodgson, C. P., on relations between husband and wife,71Howitt, A. W., on—economic side of family life,275;group marriage,4-5,30,109,113-114,121;kinship,1-2,203;marriage customs,261,262-263;mode of living,136-137;parental affection,195;Pirrauru custom,108-112,117,120;relations between husband and wife,68,81;sexual relations,92,101;treatment of children,238,241Husband and wife:Affection between, existence of,82-84Authority of husband,76,77-79,302Bond created by affection for children,253-254,299Division of labour,274-291Individual relationship between, proved,295-298Mourning and burial ceremonies and their meaning,84-88Obligations of husband,62-65Parental aspect.SeeParent and childSexual aspect of marriage,89-131Statements of authors onrelationsbetween,67-76Treatment of wife,76,79-84See alsoWivesandWomenHuts.SeeDwellingsIliaura tribes, ceremonial licence,106Illapurinja party,13Infant betrothal:Legal aspect,57,60Prevalence of custom,48,66Statements of authorities,37-40,44-47Infanticide:Adoption of child an exceptional alternative,247Reasons assigned for,216,235-236Inheritance, instances of, and discussion on,136,137,290-291,301Initiation ceremonies:Age of commencement and duration,259,262-269Beginning of education of boys,256-257Girls, of.SeeDefloration of GirlsSexual promiscuity at,97-99,104,105-106,129Jajaurung tribe, marriage customs,38Jealousy, sexual:Existence discussed,92-100,102,124-131,297-298Isolation of the family caused by,159,163,164Kabi tribe:Infanticide and motive for,236Marriage customs,262Relations of husband and wife,73Sexual aspect of marriage,98Treatment of children,245Tribal divisions and mode of living,144,154,155,163Kafirs, ideas on procreation,180Kaitish tribe:Ceremonial licence,106Mourning ceremonies,86Reincarnation belief,216Kamilaroi tribe, sexual aspect of marriage,95,103Karamundi tribes, communism in food,284Kinship:Aboriginal collective ideas,171,183,207-233,309Affection of parents,191-197Contradictions in authorities,1-7Definition aimed at,8Legal aspect,185-191Meaning generally attached to term,170-178Organisations creating group relationship, not dealt with,303Protection of wives by their relatives,78,79Relatives' part in mourning ceremonies,88Social factors,170,308Sociologists' application of concept,200-206Theoretical analysis,168-207Kohler, J., on primitive law,10Kühn, Rev. J., on customs of Turra tribe,264Kuinmurbura tribe, marriage customs,43,52Kulin tribe:Chiefs,12Procreation ideas,231Kurdaitcha party,13Kurnai tribe:Authority of grandparents,270Camping rules,262-263Communismin food,283-284Economics of family life,275Magic and its effect on sexual relations,129Marriage customs,36,47,51,55,56,258Mode of living,136,154,155,158-159,162Relations between husband and wife,68Sexual aspect of marriage,92,101,103,105Treatment of children by their parents,238Labour, sexual division of,274-290,299Land ownership:Conclusions from,300Form of,150-157Inheritance discussed,290-291Statements of authorities,135,136-149Use of term defined,135Lang, Andrew, on kinship,3,7Lang, G. S., on treatment of children,242Lang, J. D., on sexual aspect of marriage,98Larrekiya tribe, procreation ideas,230Law, primitive:Authority of husband over his wife,76-79,297,302Definition of concept,9-17Family governed by social rules,300-301Marriage and its social sanction,35-36,56-66,307Paternal authority discussed,185-191,254-256Leonhardi,Frhr.von, on folk-lore,208,212-213Levirate, prevalence of, and conclusions drawn from,38,46,49,63-64,104,307Lévy-Bruhl, M., on folk-lore,214Licence, sexual.See underSexual LifeLocal group:Description as a tribal division,143-144Land ownership,136-157Mode of living,158-167Social unit,136-157Use of term defined,135Lumholtz, C., on—marriage customs,64-65;relations of husband and wife,73;sexual division of labour,279MacLennan, J. F., on kinship,200-201Magic:Mode of obtaining wives,14,41,55,58,62,97Punishment by means of,10,13Sexual intercourse influenced by belief in,129-130Mara tribe:Marriage customs,42,43,51Reincarnation and kinship ideas,220Marriage:Affection in,82-84Age of girls,257-259Breaking the taboo necessary,305Contradictions of authorities,2-3,3-5Definition,34-35Defloration ceremony,42-43,98,104,105-106,129Disparity of age,259-262Duration, length of,64-66Ideas embodied in ceremonies,61-62,307Individual appropriation proved by evidence,59,295-298Legal aspect,8,35,56-66,307Modes of obtaining wives,35-66Mourning rites of widows,84-88Pirrauru relation distinguished from,109-123Prevalence of ceremonies, statements,52-53,61-62,306-307Sexual aspect,89-131See alsoHusband and wife,Parent and child,Purchase marriagesMaternity:Definition of individual motherhood,173Relative unimportance of physiological motherhood,230-232See alsoParent and ChildMathew, Rev. J., on—marriage,4;mode of living,163;sexual division of labour,278-279Mathews, R. H., on—Communism in food,285;hereditary offices,225;reincarnation beliefs,212;tribal divisions,144Meyer, H. E. A., on sexual division of labour,277Mitchell, Major T. L., on—relationsbetween husband and wife,70;treatment of children,240;women's work,276-277Moore, G. F., on—marriage customs,46;on sexual division of labour,280Moore-Davies, J., on mode of living,161;on sexual licence,94Morgan, John, on—kinship,200;use of terms kinship and consanguinity,171Mourning ceremonies:Description of, and deductions from,84-88,308Duties of relatives,271-272Proof of strength of marriage ties,296Scars self-inflicted by women,72Mukjarawaint tribe:Authority of grandparents,254-255,270Communism in food,284Murring tribe:Communism in food,284Mode of living,136,154,159,162Sexual life,92Treatment of children,241Murrumbidgee tribes, treatment of children,241Nanarree, form of betrothal,40Narran-ga tribe, communism in food,284Narrinyeri tribe:Communism in food,285Marriage customs,38,52Mode of living,139-140,155Relation between husband and wife,70-71Sexual aspect of marriage,94,105Naudowessies, ideas on procreation,180Ngarigo tribe, camping rules,263Ngura-mundu custom,96Nieboer, H. J., on relation between husband and wife,75-76Nind, Scott, on sexual aspect of marriage,100;on tribal divisions,148-149Oldfield, A., on—relation between brother and sister,272-273;sexual aspect of marriage,99;treatment of children,246Orphans, adoption of,242Palmer, E., on—relation of husband and wife,73;treatment of children,245-246;tribal boundaries,145Parent and child:Aboriginal ideas of procreation and their influence,128-129,176-183,206,208-233Affection and its effect on their relations,191-197,269-272,299Authority of father,254-256Characteristic features of relationship,299Early separation from parental control,257-269,299Jealousy on question of paternity discussed,127-129Kinship, discussion,171-233Mode of living impresses relation to actual parent,167Pirrauru relationship,117-118Suckling and rearing children, bond created by,234-237Treatment of children,238-257Parkengee tribe, marriage customs,38Parker, Mrs., on—marriage customs,261;procreation beliefs,227Paternity:Aboriginal ideas on procreation and kinship discussed,128,179-183,208-233Bond established by rearing of children,237Definition of term,173See alsoParent and ChildPatria potestas:Definition,254Not applicable to conditions of Australian aborigines, 186,187-191Pinnaru, Council of,13Pinya party,13Piraungaru custom,96,115Pirrauru custom:Account of, and its relation to individual marriage,96,108-123,298Not a group marriage,108-123,308Pointing the bone, form of punishment,10Polygyny, prevalence of,63,307Post, A. H., on primitive law,10Potestas.SeePatria potestasProcreation, aboriginal ideas discussed,175,176-183,206,208-233Property in land.SeeLand ownershipPuberty:Boys' initiation at.SeeInitiation CeremoniesMarriage of girls at,257-259Rites undergone by girls at,105-106Punishment:Abduction,38,39,41,55Adultery,92-97,99,103,124Elopement,36,38,39,41-46,55-58,66,92,103,295Magic as a means of,10,13Marriage of men under thirty,259,262Various modes of punishment,14-15Purchase marriages:Marriage by exchange, a form of,50-52Proof of individual marriage,59Reincarnation of ancestors, aboriginal ideas and beliefs discussed,212-233Relationship.SeeKinshipRepudiation of wives.SeeDivorceRivers, W. H. R., on kinship,6-7,202-203Roth, W. E., on—camping rules,266;folk-lore,227;food taboos,279;kinship,225;marriage customs,306-309;mode of living,163;mourning ceremonies,88;origin of class taboo,288-289;relation between husband and wife,73-74;tribal divisions,145Rusden, G. W., on relations between husband and wife,72Salvado, R., on—affection for parents,271;camping rules,266;marriage customs,45,64,65,259;mode of living,164;relation between husband and wife,74;sexual aspect of marriage,99-100;treatment of children,246-247;tribal divisions and ownership of land,147Schultze, L., on marriage customs,41Schürmann, C. W., on—mode of living,162;sexual aspect of marriage,94Scott Nind.SeeNindSeparation of husband and wife,69.See alsoDivorceSexual life:Aboriginal ideas on procreation discussed,175,176-183,206,208-233Ceremonial licence,105-107,123Chastity, how regarded,104-105,125,178Elopement a proof of sexual love,83-84Jealousy, existence discussed,124-131Pirrauru custom,108-123Relative unimportance for unity of family,299-300Rights and restrictions of the husband,101-103,112,126-127,297-298,300Statements of authorities,89-101Subject to rules,123,305Young females monopolized by old men,260-262,309Sister and brother.SeeBrother and SisterSmyth, R. Brough, on mode of living,161;on treatment of children,239-240Society, primitive:Collective mind, explanation of term,175,308-309Early modes of thought the only manner of explanation,168-169,308Kinship as affected by social conditions,175-207Manner of influencing an institution,300-301Unit of aboriginal society, problem discussed,1-17Spencer, Baldwin, and Gillen, F., on—folk-lore,208,211,212,216,220,225,226;food customs,285;kinship,2,3,5;marriage customs,41-43;mode of living,163;mourning ceremonies,85-88,272;Pirrauru custom,108,115,117,120;relation between brother and sister,273;treatment of children,243-244;tribal divisions,143Stanbridge, W. E., on marriage customs,38Strehlow,Herr C., on folk-lore,208,210-215Suckling of children, bond established by,234-237Taboo:Breaking of, necessary for marriage,305Class, theory of origin,288-289Food,15,279Paternal, during pregnancy of wife,225Taplin, G., on relation between husband and wife,70Tench, W., on—marriage customs,40;relation between husband and wife,71;sexual division of labour,277;sexual licence,95Theddora tribe, chiefs,12Thomas, N. W., on—kinship,7,187;marriage,91;Pirrauru custom,119Tippa Malku marriage,41,96,110Tjinjilli tribe, marriage customs,43Todas, determination of paternity,180Tongaranka tribe:Chief,12Mourning customs,271Torres Straits Islanders, kinship of,203Totems:Ideas on conception and birth connected with,208-233Totemic centres, statements on,146,153Tribal government.SeeGovernment, TribalTribe:Local group as subdivision of.SeeLocal GroupSocial divisions of,136-157,298Use of term defined,134Tualcha Mura marriage custom,41,42,50,261Turnbull, John, on—marriage customs,39;mode of living,141;relation between husband and wife,71;sexual aspect of marriage,95;treatment of children,242Turra tribe:Marriage customs,264Mode of living,162Sexual aspect of marriage,94,101,103,105Turrubul tribe, customs,285-286Umbaia tribe, reincarnation beliefs,218-219Unmatjera tribe:Mourning ceremonies,86Reincarnation belief,216Urabunna tribe:Ignorance of physiological fatherhood,128Pirrauru custom,108,115,118Reincarnation belief,212,216Sexual aspect of marriage,96Treatment of children,243-244Wakelbura tribe, marriage customs,44,56Wakka tribe:Infanticide and motive for,236Marriage customs,262Relations between husband and wife,73Sexual aspect of marriage,98Treatment of children,245Tribal divisions and mode of living,144,154,155,163Warramunga tribe:Ceremonial licence,106-107Marriage customs,42,43Mourning ceremonies,85,86Reincarnation belief,212,217Watchandee tribe:Communism in food,286Marriage customs,45Westermarck, Prof. E. A., on—chastity among uncivilized people,178;kinship,205;marriage,3-4,34-35;sexual jealousy,125;study of family life,134Wheeler, G. C., on sociology of aborigines,133White men, believed to be ghosts of relatives,222-224Wife.SeeWives,belowWiimbaio tribe:Chiefs,12Mourning customs,271Wilhelmi, C., on sexual aspect of marriage,94Wilkes, Charles, on sexual aspect of marriage,95Willshire, W. H., on sexual aspect of marriage,97Wiradjuri tribe:Chiefs,12Communism in food,284Marriage customs,41Procreation ideas,230Women's work,277Withnell,J. G., on tribal divisions,146Wives:Economic functions,67Exchange of, statements,92-95,98,101,102-103Modes of obtaining,35-66,295Obligations of the husbands,62-65See alsoHusband and WifeandWomenWoeworung tribe, marriage customs,37,52Wogait tribe, procreation ideas,230Wolgal tribe:Camping rules,263Communism in food,284Marriage customs,261Procreation ideas,231Women:Condition of drudgery and servitude,274-290Licence among the unmarried,266-267Scars self-inflicted at mourning ceremonies,72,86See alsoHusband and WifeandWivesWotjobaluk tribe:Communism in food,284Marriage customs,37-38,50Sexual aspect of marriage,93,101,103,105Wurrunjeri tribe:Communism in food,284Mode of living,137,159Wuurn, term explained,160Wyatt, W., on treatment of children,241Yantruwunta tribe, Pirrauru custom,108Yerkla-Mining tribe:Communism in food,285Sexual aspect of marriage,94-95,102Yuin tribe:Chiefs,12Marriage customs,36,50,52,56Procreation ideas,231

There is yet another point in Australian sociology mostintimately connected with the individual family. I mean the other forms of kinship organization: the exogamy class, the totemic clan, possibly also the other divisions reported by Mr. R. H. Mathews and Mrs. Parker ("blood" and "shed" divisions, etc.). And on this point the present study is obviously incomplete, as it neither clearly fixes the line of demarcation between the individual and the group kinship, nor solves any of the difficulties and contradictions indicated at the outset. A few words must be said here in order to avoid misunderstandings. If in any society there exist two institutions of very close resemblance, as in Australia, the individual family creating individual relationship and the various kinship organizations creating group relationship, the only way to understand their working is by describing minutely the social functions of each of them. This has been done for the individual family in the foregoing pages; it remains to be done for the kinship groups.[966]

Social institutions should in the first place be defined by their social functions; if the functions—religious, magical, legal, economic, etc.—of the totemic class, the exogamous class, and other divisions be known and compared with the functions of the individual family, each of these institutions will appear as occupying a definite place in the social organization, and playing a determinate part in the life of the community. And such a knowledge would afford a firm basis for further speculations.

In the foregoing investigations we have omitted this side of the problem partly in order to avoid increasing the bulk of the monograph, but above all, that we might develop more clearly the features of the institution described.

The individual family was shown to be a unit playing an important part in the social life of the nativesand well defined by a number of moral, customary and legal norms; it is further determined by the sexual division of labour, the aboriginal mode of living, and especially by the intimate relation between the parents and children. The individual relation between husband and wife (marriage) is rooted in the unity of the family. Moreover, it is expressed by a series of facts connected with the modes in which marriage is brought about and in the well-defined, although not always exclusive, sexual right the husband acquires over his wife.

Several points omitted in the body of this book, as well as a few works and passages of special importance, which I noted whilst reading the proofs, may be mentioned shortly in this place. I read the book of Mr. Crawley (Mystic Rose) unfortunately after the foregoing pages were in type; my study would have been more complete had I known it before. Mr. Crawley analyzes the psychology underlying human relations (those of sex in particular) from their religious side. Primitive man is full of apprehension of the mutual danger inherent in social and especially in sexual contact. Hence the different systems oftaboo; the sexual taboo being one of the most important. To establish harmless relations between people of different sexes requires a system ofbreaking the taboo.The ceremonies and rites of marriage are treated in theMystic Rosefrom this point of view (removal of taboo). In my opinion this book is of great sociological importance chiefly because it shows that the sexual act must be treated in its bearing upon social forms, not as a simple physiological fact, but as a phenomenon complex both in its sociological and psychological aspects. For "savages" in particular it is surrounded by a network of magico-religious ideas, apprehensions and emotions, resulting in a system of rites, customs and institutions, which never can be comprehended without reference to the underlying psychology. It follows as an important consequence that everything connected with matters of sex is an object of well-defined rules and laws (compare the passage above,p. 123, where the same has been pointed out with reference to the Australians).Another important result of Mr. Crawley's work is the establishment of the principle that marriage rites, being the breaking of a dangerous taboo, are an essential part of marriage, and therefore their study is essential for the understanding of this institution. The rites, being exclusively intended to break the taboo between two individuals and not between two groups, lead to individual marriage and family, and not to "group marriage" and "group family."Mr. Crawley's book is full of valuable remarks, some of which must be quoted in the following paragraphs. I complete also the information on several points by the addition of statements from Mr. Roth'sNorth Queensland Ethnography(Bull.9sqq.), which I have only recently been able to peruse.Pp. 27-29.Methodic presentation of evidence.As in summing up the evidence the number of statements supporting one view or another has been adduced sometimes by way of illustration, itis necessary to say explicitly what is considered to be aunit of information(or anindividual statement). I consider as independent statements: (1) Observations of different ethnographers. (2) Observations of the same author made on different tribes, provided that the author has pointed out the differences and that they are substantial enough. It seems hardly necessary to emphasize that the numeric treatment of statements has no pretentions to be a "statistic method of presenting evidence." It is meant only as a convenient and clear way of summarizing evidence.P. 35and Chap.VII.passim.Mystic.By this word I understand belonging to the category of magico-religious ideas.P. 42.The marriage ceremonies of the Central and Northern tribes, religious and magical.Compare Crawley (M.R., p. 347).P. 48.Betrothalis prevalent all over the tribes of North Queensland (Roth,Bull.10, pp. 3-7, §§ 6-14). Among the tribes of Pennefather River (§ 6) it is effected during the infancy of the female and it is invariably adhered to. In the hinterland of Princess Charlotte Bay the bridegroom has to visit his fiancée before marriage for several weeks (§ 7). Infant betrothal is rare among the natives of Cape Bedford (§ 8). On the Bloomfield River female children are betrothed at birth (§ 10). Infant betrothal obtains also among the Cape Grafton and Tully River natives (§§ 11, 12). A betrothal ceremony (recalling that of the Euahlayi tribe, see above,p. 40) held when a girl is about three years old is described with reference to the Torilla and Pine Mountain Blacks (§ 13). There are an elaborate ceremonial, taboos and duties connected with betrothal in all these tribes. In the North-West tribes betrothal is generally known (§ 14).Pp. 50-52.Marriage gifts.In the Pennefather River tribes a man is bound to supply his fiancée's parents with gifts (food, arms, etc.) (Bull.10, § 6). Presents form an important feature of the marriage contract among the natives of Princess Charlotte Bay (ibid., § 7). The same is reported about the tribes of Normanby River (§ 9), Bloomfield River (§ 10), Torilla and Pine Mountain (§ 12).P. 52.Publicity of marriage and betrothalis mentioned by Roth among the natives of Pennefather River (Bull.10, § 6) and Bloomfield River (§ 10). There is a public ceremonial sign for marriage ("building of a hut and lighting of a fire" by the girl) common to all tribes (§ 5).P. 52.Marriage ceremonies more prevalent than appears from evidence.To corroborate my supposition that marriage ceremonies are much more frequent in Australia than stated by the authorities I may quote Mr. Crawley's view. He says that "as to those (peoples) who are said to possess no marriage ceremony, it will generally be found that there is some act performed which is too slight or too practical to be marked by an observer as a 'ceremony,' but which when analyzed turns out to be a real marriage rite." And as an example the author quotes two forms of marriage ceremony among the tribes of Central Australia (Mystic Rose, p. 318).Pp. 52,53.Marriage ceremoniesare reported by Roth withreference to all tribes of Northern Queensland (Bull.10, "Marriage Ceremonies," etc., especially §§ 1-19). In § 5 a public ceremonial sign of marriage common to all these tribes is described; in §§ 9, 13 and 15, such ceremonies in different tribes are given with details. Ceremonial sexual intercourse with other men before marriage is mentioned in § 20.Pp. 56-58.Legal aspect of marriage.The different social conditions enumerated by Roth (Bull.10, §§ 1, 2 and 3) are a valuable addition to our knowledge of the legal aspect of marriage. "Essentials of marriage before it can be publicly recognized" are: membership in suitable exogamous groups, absence of intimate consanguinity and a suitable social status. If these conditions are not fulfilled the community either violently break the match, or by ridicule, plots, etc., will take an action "usually quite sufficient to cause a separation" (§1, p. 2).P. 61.Ideas embodied in marriage ceremonies.In the survey of various marriage ceremonies Mr. Crawley first enumerates those in which the aspect ofbreaking the taboo, of securing immunity from danger, dominates (M.R., pp. 322-370); then come those in which the magical and religious elements "actually and materially uniting the man and woman" are prominent (loc. cit., pp. 370-390). This aspect corresponds to what I have expressed above emphasizing that marriage is a "sacrament" (p. 61). Very important is the analogy between marriage rites and love charms which Mr. Crawley points out; the same has been said above (p. 41), where it was pointed out that the Arunta love charm has its legal (=binding) aspect. Mr. Crawley lays emphasis on the fact that all marriage ceremonies and rites possess anindividualisticcharacter (loc. cit., pp. 320sqq.). They refer always to individuals and not to groups, and all their magical, religious (I would addlegal) consequences refer to the two individuals concerned and not to two groups.P. 63.Polygyny.Although this fact had no special theoretical bearing in any of my arguments, still it seems advisable to state it here explicitly and with references for the sake of completeness. Polygyny seems to be restricted to the old and influential men, and to be rather an exception, although it seems to be found in all tribes.Cf.Curr,A.R., i. pp. 106, 107, 110sqq.; Br. Smyth, ii. p. 291; Howitt,T.R.S.V., p. 115; Woods, p. 191 (Meyer), and p. 222 (Schürmann); Angas, ii. p. 222; Curr,Recollections, p. 129; Wilson, p. 143; Macgillivray, i. p. 151.Idem, ii. p. 8; Hodgkinson, p. 230; Bennett, p. 173; Henderson, p. 110; Roth,Bull.10, p. 12; Tom Petrie, p. 61; Brown, p. 450; Salvado, p. 278. Compare besides Westermarck,H.H.M., p. 440, and the references given there.Pp. 63,64.Levirate.Cf.Westermarck,H.H.M., p. 510, for Australian references and for the exposition and criticism of different theories concerning this custom.Pp. 64-66.Divorceis mentioned by Roth (Bull.10, pp. 11, 12). Usually the man repudiates or gives away his wife.Pp. 82-84.Marital affection.Mutual attachment and love between man and wife is stated explicitly by Roth (Bull.10, § 17). It plays an important part in marriage arrangements (marriageby elopement). That love must be prevalent among the Australian savages is shown also by the different love charms they possess. (Compare, for instance, above, p. 41,footnote 9).—Compare Westermarck,H.H.M., p. 359, where Australian references are given, and Chap. XVI. pp. 356sqq., where the problem in general is discussed.Pp. 84-88.Mourning and burial.In Roth,Bull.9, pp. 366, 367, we read that only after the elaborate mourning and burial ceremonies have been finished and the dead man's spirit appeased and got rid of, is the widow allowed to remarry. On pp. 394, 396 and 402, we read that the widow and widower have the greatest share in these ceremonies. P. 381 recounts the severe ordeals that a widow and widower have to undergo. Unfortunately it it impossible to enter here into the many details given by Roth which strongly confirm the views expressed above, inChap. III. From the description of mourning and burial customs among some tribes of New South Wales, given by Mr. R. H. Mathews, it appears that the widow has long and toilsome mourning duties; she is specially adorned, she may not go out hunting, and has to chant customary lamentation for several months (Eth. Notes, pp. 71, 72).P. 93,footnote 4andp. 107.Incest.Roth affirms that incest is absolutely never perpetrated in the North Queensland tribes (Bull.10, pp. 2, 3).Pp. 108-123.Pirrauru not a group marriage.Mr. A. Lang gives an excellent criticism of the view thatPirrauruis a survival of ancient promiscuity. Still less tenable, of course, is the view that it is actual group marriage. Lang,The Secret of the Totem, Chap. III.—A similar view has been expounded by Mr. Crawley,loc. cit., pp. 475-483.Pp. 168sqq.Necessity of adapting sociological concepts to the social and psychological conditions of the given society."It is only in early modes of thought that we can find the explanation of ceremonies and systems which originated in primitive society; and, if ceremony and system are the concrete forms in which human relations are expressed, an examination, ethnological and psychological, of human relations is indispensable for inquiry into human institutions." And, speaking of some previous inquiries into human kinship, the same author adds: "They have interpreted primitive custom by ideas which are far from primitive, which, in fact, are relatively late and belong to the legal stage of human culture. The attribution of legal conceptions to primitive thought has had the usual effect ofa prioritheory, and has checked inquiry" (Crawley,loc. cit., p. 1). The second phrase covers in particular the views expounded above,pp. 185sqq.P. 170.Social factors of kinship."Habitual proximity and contact is the strongest and most ordinary tie, and is earlier in thought than the tie of blood" (Crawley,loc. cit., p. 452).P. 175.Collective mind.This expression does not postulate the existence of any metaphysical entity—any mysterious spiritual medium, independent of any human brains. Of course every psychological process takes place in an individual mind. This term is an abbreviation for denoting theensembleof "collectiveideas" and "collective feelings." And by these are expressed such mental facts as are peculiar to a certain society, and at the same time embodied in and expressed by its institutions. For sociological purposes psychological facts must be treated from a special point of view, and, to emphasizethat, the adjective "collective" seems appropriate. Compare p. 192,footnote 1.Pp. 179-182.Absence of social consanguinity in primitive societies."The strong conception of the tie of blood, best seen in feudal and semi-civilized societies, is by no means so strong in primitive culture" (Crawley,loc. cit., p. 451).P. 183.The meaning of "kinship" ought not to be restricted to any special set of ideas."'Kinship' in primitive thought is a vaguer term than in later culture ... because the tie of blood had not attained prominence over looser ties of contact" (Crawley,loc. cit., p. 451).Pp. 183,184.Couvade.An extensive bibliography on this subject is forthcoming inZeitschr. f. Ethnol.Band 43. Heft iii. and iv., pp. 560-63. Berlin, 1911.Pp. 260-262.Young females monopolized by old men.Besides the statements set forth in the text, I find three more collected by Prof. Webster referring to the Queenslanders (Lumholtz), to the West Australians (Frogatt), and to the Australians in general (J. Matthew) (loc. cit., pp. 70, 71). Among the tribes of Northern Queensland infant betrothal widely prevails; "the old men usually getting the pick" (Roth,Bull.10, pp. 3-7).Pp. 262sqq.Thebachelors' campis mentioned by Roth (Bull.10, p. 4).Pp. 272,273.Relations between brothers and sisters.Mr. Crawley has shown that avoidance between brother and sister, rooted in apprehensions of mutual danger is the rule among savages. This iscorroboratedby the scanty Australian evidence we possess. (SeeM.R.,passim; for references see Index under "Brother and Sister").Pp. 283-286.Communism in food.An interesting statement of an old explorer concerning the aboriginal communism in food may be adduced here. It refers to the North-Western blacks. "Be it little or much that they get, every one has his part, as well the young and tender as the old and feeble, who are not able to go abroad, as the strong and lusty" (Dampier,loc. cit., p. 103).

Several points omitted in the body of this book, as well as a few works and passages of special importance, which I noted whilst reading the proofs, may be mentioned shortly in this place. I read the book of Mr. Crawley (Mystic Rose) unfortunately after the foregoing pages were in type; my study would have been more complete had I known it before. Mr. Crawley analyzes the psychology underlying human relations (those of sex in particular) from their religious side. Primitive man is full of apprehension of the mutual danger inherent in social and especially in sexual contact. Hence the different systems oftaboo; the sexual taboo being one of the most important. To establish harmless relations between people of different sexes requires a system ofbreaking the taboo.

The ceremonies and rites of marriage are treated in theMystic Rosefrom this point of view (removal of taboo). In my opinion this book is of great sociological importance chiefly because it shows that the sexual act must be treated in its bearing upon social forms, not as a simple physiological fact, but as a phenomenon complex both in its sociological and psychological aspects. For "savages" in particular it is surrounded by a network of magico-religious ideas, apprehensions and emotions, resulting in a system of rites, customs and institutions, which never can be comprehended without reference to the underlying psychology. It follows as an important consequence that everything connected with matters of sex is an object of well-defined rules and laws (compare the passage above,p. 123, where the same has been pointed out with reference to the Australians).

Another important result of Mr. Crawley's work is the establishment of the principle that marriage rites, being the breaking of a dangerous taboo, are an essential part of marriage, and therefore their study is essential for the understanding of this institution. The rites, being exclusively intended to break the taboo between two individuals and not between two groups, lead to individual marriage and family, and not to "group marriage" and "group family."

Mr. Crawley's book is full of valuable remarks, some of which must be quoted in the following paragraphs. I complete also the information on several points by the addition of statements from Mr. Roth'sNorth Queensland Ethnography(Bull.9sqq.), which I have only recently been able to peruse.

Pp. 27-29.Methodic presentation of evidence.As in summing up the evidence the number of statements supporting one view or another has been adduced sometimes by way of illustration, itis necessary to say explicitly what is considered to be aunit of information(or anindividual statement). I consider as independent statements: (1) Observations of different ethnographers. (2) Observations of the same author made on different tribes, provided that the author has pointed out the differences and that they are substantial enough. It seems hardly necessary to emphasize that the numeric treatment of statements has no pretentions to be a "statistic method of presenting evidence." It is meant only as a convenient and clear way of summarizing evidence.

P. 35and Chap.VII.passim.Mystic.By this word I understand belonging to the category of magico-religious ideas.

P. 42.The marriage ceremonies of the Central and Northern tribes, religious and magical.Compare Crawley (M.R., p. 347).

P. 48.Betrothalis prevalent all over the tribes of North Queensland (Roth,Bull.10, pp. 3-7, §§ 6-14). Among the tribes of Pennefather River (§ 6) it is effected during the infancy of the female and it is invariably adhered to. In the hinterland of Princess Charlotte Bay the bridegroom has to visit his fiancée before marriage for several weeks (§ 7). Infant betrothal is rare among the natives of Cape Bedford (§ 8). On the Bloomfield River female children are betrothed at birth (§ 10). Infant betrothal obtains also among the Cape Grafton and Tully River natives (§§ 11, 12). A betrothal ceremony (recalling that of the Euahlayi tribe, see above,p. 40) held when a girl is about three years old is described with reference to the Torilla and Pine Mountain Blacks (§ 13). There are an elaborate ceremonial, taboos and duties connected with betrothal in all these tribes. In the North-West tribes betrothal is generally known (§ 14).

Pp. 50-52.Marriage gifts.In the Pennefather River tribes a man is bound to supply his fiancée's parents with gifts (food, arms, etc.) (Bull.10, § 6). Presents form an important feature of the marriage contract among the natives of Princess Charlotte Bay (ibid., § 7). The same is reported about the tribes of Normanby River (§ 9), Bloomfield River (§ 10), Torilla and Pine Mountain (§ 12).

P. 52.Publicity of marriage and betrothalis mentioned by Roth among the natives of Pennefather River (Bull.10, § 6) and Bloomfield River (§ 10). There is a public ceremonial sign for marriage ("building of a hut and lighting of a fire" by the girl) common to all tribes (§ 5).

P. 52.Marriage ceremonies more prevalent than appears from evidence.To corroborate my supposition that marriage ceremonies are much more frequent in Australia than stated by the authorities I may quote Mr. Crawley's view. He says that "as to those (peoples) who are said to possess no marriage ceremony, it will generally be found that there is some act performed which is too slight or too practical to be marked by an observer as a 'ceremony,' but which when analyzed turns out to be a real marriage rite." And as an example the author quotes two forms of marriage ceremony among the tribes of Central Australia (Mystic Rose, p. 318).

Pp. 52,53.Marriage ceremoniesare reported by Roth withreference to all tribes of Northern Queensland (Bull.10, "Marriage Ceremonies," etc., especially §§ 1-19). In § 5 a public ceremonial sign of marriage common to all these tribes is described; in §§ 9, 13 and 15, such ceremonies in different tribes are given with details. Ceremonial sexual intercourse with other men before marriage is mentioned in § 20.

Pp. 56-58.Legal aspect of marriage.The different social conditions enumerated by Roth (Bull.10, §§ 1, 2 and 3) are a valuable addition to our knowledge of the legal aspect of marriage. "Essentials of marriage before it can be publicly recognized" are: membership in suitable exogamous groups, absence of intimate consanguinity and a suitable social status. If these conditions are not fulfilled the community either violently break the match, or by ridicule, plots, etc., will take an action "usually quite sufficient to cause a separation" (§1, p. 2).

P. 61.Ideas embodied in marriage ceremonies.In the survey of various marriage ceremonies Mr. Crawley first enumerates those in which the aspect ofbreaking the taboo, of securing immunity from danger, dominates (M.R., pp. 322-370); then come those in which the magical and religious elements "actually and materially uniting the man and woman" are prominent (loc. cit., pp. 370-390). This aspect corresponds to what I have expressed above emphasizing that marriage is a "sacrament" (p. 61). Very important is the analogy between marriage rites and love charms which Mr. Crawley points out; the same has been said above (p. 41), where it was pointed out that the Arunta love charm has its legal (=binding) aspect. Mr. Crawley lays emphasis on the fact that all marriage ceremonies and rites possess anindividualisticcharacter (loc. cit., pp. 320sqq.). They refer always to individuals and not to groups, and all their magical, religious (I would addlegal) consequences refer to the two individuals concerned and not to two groups.

P. 63.Polygyny.Although this fact had no special theoretical bearing in any of my arguments, still it seems advisable to state it here explicitly and with references for the sake of completeness. Polygyny seems to be restricted to the old and influential men, and to be rather an exception, although it seems to be found in all tribes.Cf.Curr,A.R., i. pp. 106, 107, 110sqq.; Br. Smyth, ii. p. 291; Howitt,T.R.S.V., p. 115; Woods, p. 191 (Meyer), and p. 222 (Schürmann); Angas, ii. p. 222; Curr,Recollections, p. 129; Wilson, p. 143; Macgillivray, i. p. 151.Idem, ii. p. 8; Hodgkinson, p. 230; Bennett, p. 173; Henderson, p. 110; Roth,Bull.10, p. 12; Tom Petrie, p. 61; Brown, p. 450; Salvado, p. 278. Compare besides Westermarck,H.H.M., p. 440, and the references given there.

Pp. 63,64.Levirate.Cf.Westermarck,H.H.M., p. 510, for Australian references and for the exposition and criticism of different theories concerning this custom.

Pp. 64-66.Divorceis mentioned by Roth (Bull.10, pp. 11, 12). Usually the man repudiates or gives away his wife.

Pp. 82-84.Marital affection.Mutual attachment and love between man and wife is stated explicitly by Roth (Bull.10, § 17). It plays an important part in marriage arrangements (marriageby elopement). That love must be prevalent among the Australian savages is shown also by the different love charms they possess. (Compare, for instance, above, p. 41,footnote 9).—Compare Westermarck,H.H.M., p. 359, where Australian references are given, and Chap. XVI. pp. 356sqq., where the problem in general is discussed.

Pp. 84-88.Mourning and burial.In Roth,Bull.9, pp. 366, 367, we read that only after the elaborate mourning and burial ceremonies have been finished and the dead man's spirit appeased and got rid of, is the widow allowed to remarry. On pp. 394, 396 and 402, we read that the widow and widower have the greatest share in these ceremonies. P. 381 recounts the severe ordeals that a widow and widower have to undergo. Unfortunately it it impossible to enter here into the many details given by Roth which strongly confirm the views expressed above, inChap. III. From the description of mourning and burial customs among some tribes of New South Wales, given by Mr. R. H. Mathews, it appears that the widow has long and toilsome mourning duties; she is specially adorned, she may not go out hunting, and has to chant customary lamentation for several months (Eth. Notes, pp. 71, 72).

P. 93,footnote 4andp. 107.Incest.Roth affirms that incest is absolutely never perpetrated in the North Queensland tribes (Bull.10, pp. 2, 3).

Pp. 108-123.Pirrauru not a group marriage.Mr. A. Lang gives an excellent criticism of the view thatPirrauruis a survival of ancient promiscuity. Still less tenable, of course, is the view that it is actual group marriage. Lang,The Secret of the Totem, Chap. III.—A similar view has been expounded by Mr. Crawley,loc. cit., pp. 475-483.

Pp. 168sqq.Necessity of adapting sociological concepts to the social and psychological conditions of the given society."It is only in early modes of thought that we can find the explanation of ceremonies and systems which originated in primitive society; and, if ceremony and system are the concrete forms in which human relations are expressed, an examination, ethnological and psychological, of human relations is indispensable for inquiry into human institutions." And, speaking of some previous inquiries into human kinship, the same author adds: "They have interpreted primitive custom by ideas which are far from primitive, which, in fact, are relatively late and belong to the legal stage of human culture. The attribution of legal conceptions to primitive thought has had the usual effect ofa prioritheory, and has checked inquiry" (Crawley,loc. cit., p. 1). The second phrase covers in particular the views expounded above,pp. 185sqq.

P. 170.Social factors of kinship."Habitual proximity and contact is the strongest and most ordinary tie, and is earlier in thought than the tie of blood" (Crawley,loc. cit., p. 452).

P. 175.Collective mind.This expression does not postulate the existence of any metaphysical entity—any mysterious spiritual medium, independent of any human brains. Of course every psychological process takes place in an individual mind. This term is an abbreviation for denoting theensembleof "collectiveideas" and "collective feelings." And by these are expressed such mental facts as are peculiar to a certain society, and at the same time embodied in and expressed by its institutions. For sociological purposes psychological facts must be treated from a special point of view, and, to emphasizethat, the adjective "collective" seems appropriate. Compare p. 192,footnote 1.

Pp. 179-182.Absence of social consanguinity in primitive societies."The strong conception of the tie of blood, best seen in feudal and semi-civilized societies, is by no means so strong in primitive culture" (Crawley,loc. cit., p. 451).

P. 183.The meaning of "kinship" ought not to be restricted to any special set of ideas."'Kinship' in primitive thought is a vaguer term than in later culture ... because the tie of blood had not attained prominence over looser ties of contact" (Crawley,loc. cit., p. 451).

Pp. 183,184.Couvade.An extensive bibliography on this subject is forthcoming inZeitschr. f. Ethnol.Band 43. Heft iii. and iv., pp. 560-63. Berlin, 1911.

Pp. 260-262.Young females monopolized by old men.Besides the statements set forth in the text, I find three more collected by Prof. Webster referring to the Queenslanders (Lumholtz), to the West Australians (Frogatt), and to the Australians in general (J. Matthew) (loc. cit., pp. 70, 71). Among the tribes of Northern Queensland infant betrothal widely prevails; "the old men usually getting the pick" (Roth,Bull.10, pp. 3-7).

Pp. 262sqq.Thebachelors' campis mentioned by Roth (Bull.10, p. 4).

Pp. 272,273.Relations between brothers and sisters.Mr. Crawley has shown that avoidance between brother and sister, rooted in apprehensions of mutual danger is the rule among savages. This iscorroboratedby the scanty Australian evidence we possess. (SeeM.R.,passim; for references see Index under "Brother and Sister").

Pp. 283-286.Communism in food.An interesting statement of an old explorer concerning the aboriginal communism in food may be adduced here. It refers to the North-Western blacks. "Be it little or much that they get, every one has his part, as well the young and tender as the old and feeble, who are not able to go abroad, as the strong and lusty" (Dampier,loc. cit., p. 103).

I.List of Books used as Ethnographical Sources, referring to the Australian Aborigines.

II.List of other Works quoted in the Text.

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