Chapter 7

[92]I have translated this passage as I think that the drift of the narrative requires. Krüger refers σπένδοιτο to Clearchus, and thinks that by ἀυτοῖς τοῖς ἀνδράσι are meant the Persian deputies. Some critics suppose that by those words the men who were to get provisions are intended. To me nothing seems consistent with the context but to refer σπένδοιτο to the king, and to understand by ἀυτοῖς τοῖς ἀνδράσι the messengers from the Greeks.[93]Τον ἐπιτήδειον.] Scil. παίεσθαι,pœnæ idoneum, pœnû dignum. Kühner.[94]Προσελάμβανε.]Manum operi admovebat.Kühner.[95]Τὸν ἐγκέφαλον.] Literally "the brain." Dulcis medulla earum [palmarum] in cacumine, quod cerebrum appellant. Plin. H. N. xiii. 4. See also Theophr. ii. 8; Galen. de Fac. simpl. Medic. iv. 15. It is generally interpretedmedulla, "marrow" or "pith," but it is in reality a sort of bud at the top of the palm-tree, containing the last tender leaves, with flowers, and continuing in that state two years before it unfolds the flower; as appears from Boryd. St. Vincent Itiner. t. i. p. 223, vers. Germ., who gives his information on the authority of Du Petit Thouars. The French call itchoux; the Germans,Kohl, Schneider. "By modern travellers it is called thecabbageof the palm; it 'is composed' (says Sir Joseph Banks) 'of the rudiments of the future leaves of the palm-tree, enveloped in the bases or footstalks of the actual leaves; which enclose them as a tight box or trunk would do.' It forms a mass of convolutions, exquisitely beautiful and delicate; and wonderful to appearance, when unfolded. It is also exceedingly delicate to the taste. Xenophon has justly remarked that the trees from whence it was taken withered."Rennell's Illustrations of the Exp. of Cyrus, p. 118.[96]During this time Tissaphernes went to Babylon to the king, and was rewarded with the hand of his daughter, and the province of which Cyrus had been Satrap.Diod. Sic.xiv. 26. See sect. 8.[97]Δεξιὰς.] That is, fidem regis nomine dabant. See the commentators on Cyrop. iv. 2. 7: δεξιὰν δὸς, ἵνα φέρωμεν καὶ τοις ἄλλοις τᾶυτα.Poppo.So it is said in Latindextram ferre. See Breitenbach on Xen. Agesil. iii. 4[98]Ἦγε.] Fromiii. 4. 13, it appears that we must refer this verb to Orontes. Seenote on sect. 1. Whether Tissaphernes and Orontes both married daughters of the king, is uncertain. If only one of them, Xenophon is more likely to be in the right than Diodorus Siculus. Orontes was satrap of Armenia,iii. 5. 17. Rhodogune, a daughter of Artaxerxes, is said by Plutarch (Vit. Art. c. 27) to have been married to Orætes, who may be the same as Xenophon's Orontes.[99]Ἐπὶ γάμῳ.] These words signify literallyfororupon marriage. The true interpretation, says Krüger, is, doubtless, "in order that he might have her, or live with her, in wedlock," the marriage ceremony having been, it would seem, previously performed at Babylon.[100]Πληγὰς ἐνέτεινον ἀλλήλοις.] Whether this signifies that they actually inflicted blows on one another, or only threatened them, may admit of some doubt. The former notion is adopted by the Latin translators, by Sturz in his Lexicon, and by the commentators generally.[101]Seei. 7. 15.[102]i. 2. 22.[103]Zeune thinks that Xenophon may possibly mean himself; but this is mere conjecture.[104]Διελόντες.] An excellent conjectural emendation of Holtzmann for the old reading διελθόντες.Kühner.—The stratagem of Tissaphernes was similar to that by which Themistocles expedited the departure of Xerxes from Greece.[105]i. 7. 15.[106]Οὔτ' ἀπὸ ποίου ἀν τάχους φεύγων τις ἀποφύγοι.] This is Dindorf's reading. Bornemann and Kühner have οὔτ' ἀπὸ ποίου ἀν τάχους οὔτε ὅποι ἀν τις φεύγων ἀποφύγοι, on the authority, as they say, of the best copies. Dindorf thought with Schæfer, ad Greg. Cor. p. 492, that the words οὔτε ὅποι ἀν were superfluous, and consequently omitted them. Bornemann and Kühner see no reason why they should not be retained.[107]Τὸν μέγιστον ἔφεδρον.] Ἔφεδρος properly meant a gladiator or wrestler, who, when two combatants were engaged, stood ready to attack the one that should prove victorious. See Sturz. Lex. Xen.; Schol. in Soph. Aj. 610; Hesychius; D'Orvill. ad Charit. p. 338.[108]Ἀναστρέφοιο.] "Ut dominus versere, vivias, domini partes sustineas:" Ἀν must be repeated from the preceding clause; unless that particle, as Dindorf thinks, has dropped out from before ἀναστρέφοιο.Kühner.[109]There is in the text, as Krüger observes, a confusion of the two constructions, ἀκούσαιμι τὸ ὄνομα τούτου, ὅστις, and ἀκούσαιμι, τις.[110]Ἅ ἡμῖν φίλια ὄντα.] I have here departed from Dindorf's text, which has ἅ ὑμεῖς φίλια ὄντα, κ. τ. λ.; a reading much less satisfactory than the other, to which Schneider, Bornemann, and Kühner adhere.[111]Ταμιεύεσθαι.] This word is used in the same sense, 3. 47;iv. 1. 18; Thucyd. vi. 18; Plutarch, Timol. c. 27.[112]Τὴν δ' ἐπὶ τῇ καρδιᾳ —— ἔχοι.] Sc. ὄρθην. The sense is, "but to wear a tiara erect on the heart, that is, to have a kingly spirit and to aspire to dominion, is what another, by your aid, might be able to do." Tissaphernes, by this expression, wished to make it understood that he might possibly, with the support of the Greeks, aspire to the throne of Persia himself. A similar metaphor is noticed by Schæfer, (ad Greg. Corinth. p. 491.) in Philostratus v. a. iii. p. 131: δοκεῖ μοι καὶ τὸν προγνωσόμενον ἄνορ ὑγιῶς ἑαυτοῦ ἔχειν ——' καθαρῶς δὲ αὐτὸν προφητεύειν, ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τοῦ περὶ τῷ στέρνῳ τρίποδος συνιέντος.Kühner. See Cyrop. viii. 3. 13. Hutchison refers to Dion Chrysost. xiv. extr. Lucian Piscat. p. 213. See also Strabo, xv. p. 231, where the Persian tiara is said to be πίλημα πυργωτόν, in the shape of a tower; and Joseph. Ant. xx. 3. "The tiaras of the king's subjects were soft and flexible: Schol. ad Plat. de Repub."Krüger.[113]Ὡς εἰς ἀγορὰν.] "Consequently unarmed."Krüger.[114]Ὡς ἀπολωλέκατε.] Jacobs interprets ὡς by quàm, as equivalent to quàm turpiter! quàm impiè! But such exclamations belong rather to modern writers than to the ancients. * * * Others have conjectured ἀθέως, ἀνοσίως, ὠμῶς, ἵσως, ὅλως, οὕτως. In one manuscript ὡς is omitted; an omission approved by Larcher, Porson and some others. Some, too, think that the sentence is ἀνακόλουθος, and that the author, forgetful how he commenced it, goes on with ὡς for ὅτι. Dindorf supposes that Cleanor must be regarded as too much provoked and agitated to mind the exact arrangement of his words. For my own part, I consider that those have the most reason on their side who think that we should read οὕτως, interpreting it, with Bornemann,so rashly, so unjustifiably. From οὕτως, written compendiously, ὡς might easily have sprung.Kühner.[115]Τῶν δὲ συνόντων, κ. τ. λ.] By a species of attraction for τοῖς δὲ συνοῦσι πᾶσιν, ὡς καταγελῶν αὐτῶν, ἀεὶ διελέγετο.Kühner.[116]Ἐπὶ ταῖς βασιλέως θύραις.] Seeii. 4. 4.[117]Εἰς τὴν ἑσπέραν.]Vespertino tempore. Kühner[118]Ἐπὶ δὲ τὰ ὅπλα.] Seenote on ii. 2. 20.[119]εοις, οἷς ἔδει, θύειν.]Ut diis eis, quibus oporteret, sacra faceret.Those gods are to be understood, to whom it was established, by law or by custom, that whoever was entering on an expedition, such as that which Xenophon meditated, should offer sacrifice. They were therefore certain or appointed gods: comp.sect. 8; and vi. i. 22. Yet the absence of the article ought not to surprise us, even when special gods are meant.Kühner.—What gods they were, does not appear.[120]Δι' αἰσχύνην.] They had regard for their character in the eyes of one another, fearing that they might seem faint-hearted; and regard for it in those of Cyrus, fearing that they might seem ungrateful.Kühner.—Αἰσχύνη is self-respect, apprehension of what others may think of us; and may be illustrated by Hom. Il. v.Ἀλλήλους δ' αἰδεῖσθε κατὰ κρατερὰς ὑσμίνας·Αἰδομένων ἀνδρῶν πλέονες σόοι ἠὲ πέφανται·"Have self-respect before one another in the violence of battle; of men who respect themselves, more are saved than killed." Hutchinson cites A. Gellius, xix. 7: αἰσχύνη ἐστὶ φόβος δικαίον ψόγου, i. e.a fear of just blame.[121]Κηδεμών.] Cyrus, says Weiske, had his mother to take his part, the Greeks had no one to take theirs.[122]Καὶ τρωτοὶ καὶ θνητοὶ μᾶλλον.] "More vulnerable and mortal." Alluding to the superiority of the Grecian armour over that of the Persians.[123]Τὸν ὑποστράτηγον.] Krüger, from v. 9. 36, and vi. 2. 11, concludes that the ὑποστράτηγος was he who was appointed to discharge the duties of the στράτηγος in his absence, or to take his place if he should be killed.[124]Seeii. 2. 20.[125]Καιρόν.] Leunclavius makes this equivalent to "in vobis plurimum est situm." Sturz, in his Lexicon Xenoph., says, "rerum status is est, ut vos in primis debeatis rebus consulere." Toup, in hisEmend. ad Suid., givesmaximum momentum habetis.[126]Seeii. 2. 20.[127]Τών καλλίστων ἐαυτὸν ἀξιώσαντα.] "Thinking himself worthy of the most beautiful (equipments)."[128]Τὸν θεόν.] Jupiter the Preserver.Kühner.[129]Αὔθις ἀφανιούντων.] Weiske, Schneider, and others omit the αὔθις. Bornemann, Dindorf, and Kühner preserve it, as it is found in six manuscripts, giving it, with Spohn, Lect. Theocr. i. p. 33, the sense ofback again, as if the Persians had intended to make Athens disappear again as if it had never been. I think the word better left out. An American editor has conjectured αὐτὰς.[130]Γοῦν.] Some copies have οὖν. "The sense of γοῦν is this;ceteris rebus prætermissis, hoc quidem certissimum est, eos fugisse." Kühner.[131]Εἰ ἄρα, κ. τ. λ.] Krüger admonishes the reader that these words must be taken negatively:whether—not.[132]Διήσουσιν.] Eight manuscripts have Διήσουσιν, which Bornemann has preferred. Dindorf also gave the preference to it in his first edition, but has subsequently adopted the other reading. Μήτε διοίσουσιν is interpreted by Bornemann, "if the rivers shall present no difference in any part of their course; if they be as broad at their sources as at their mouths."[133]Αὐτοὶ εἴδομεν.] The Greeks had passed through a part of Lycaonia in their march up the country,i. 2. 19; when, however, it is not indicated that they saw much.[134]The allusion is to Odyss. ix. 83, where the lotus-eaters are mentioned:The trees around them all their food produce,Lotus the name, divine nectareous juice,(Thence called Lotophagi,) which whoso tastes,Insatiate riots in the sweet repasts,Nor other home, nor other care intends,But quits his house, his country, and his friends.Pope.[135]Περαίνειν.] Sc. τὸν λόγον. This is the sense in which this word has been taken, I believe, by most readers; as in Æsch. Pers. 699, and elsewhere. Sturz, in his Lexicon, seems to take it in the sense ofto execute, to proceed to action.[136]Εἰ δὲ τι ἄλλο βέλτιον ἤ ταύτῃ.] Understand δοκεῖ ἔχειν.Kühner. "But if anything else (seems) better (to any one) than in this way."[137]Ἐπειδὴ καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιός ἐστι.] The καὶ,also, refers to something understood: "since he is not only a brave man, but also a Lacedæmonian."Kühner. The Lacedæmonians were then at the head of Greece: comp. v. 9. 26; vi. 6. 12.Zeune.[138]Πίστεως ἕνεκα.] To watch him, lest he should act treacherously.Kühner.[139]Πόλεμον ἀκήρυκτον.] Properlywar in which there is no use for heralds, but in which all is violent and desperate; so that ἀκήρυκτος will be equivalent, according to Hesychius, to ἀδιάλλακτος,implacable,irreconcilable. See Erasm. Adag. iii. 3. 84.Sturz Lex. Others rather think it a deadly war, not commenced by sending heralds, and not to be terminated by sending them.Kühner. See Herod. v. 81.[140]Cyrus's Greek auxiliaries for the expedition had consisted only of infantry; all his cavalry was either Asiatic or Thracian. The Thracian horse had deserted, and the Asiatic cavalry had gone over to Tissaphernes soon after the battle.[141]Τούτῳ μὲν.] As τίνες πέπανται immediately precedes, the singular τούτῳ rather startles the reader; but there are not wanting examples of similar irregularity.[142]Ἀτέλειαν.] Exemption, for instance, from keeping guard and keeping watch.Krüger.[143]Τῷ σφενδονᾶν ἐντεταγμένω ἐθέλοντι.] "To him willing to be a slinger, being enrolled in the company (of slingers)." This is the reading of Schneider, and Dindorf, and Bornemann. Kühner and some others prefer ἐν τῷ τεταγμένῳ, "in the place appointed him."[144]Σπολάδες.] This form of the word is preferred by Dindorf, Schneider, Bornemann, and Kühner prefer στολάδες, both in this passage and in iv. 1. 18. Both forms seem to have been in use, and to have had the same signification; but σπολάς to have been the more common. See Pollux, 1. 135. Hesychius has πολὰς, χιτωνίσκος βαθὺς, σκύτινος, ὁ βύρσινος θώραξ. See Pollux, 7. 70; 10. 143. Suidas, Phavorinus, and Photius give similar interpretations.[145]Κρηπὶς δ' ὑπῆν λιθίνη, κ. τ. λ.] The foundation appears to have risen twenty feet above the ground; so that the whole height of the wall would be a hundred and twenty feet. Mr. Ainsworth says that he found the ruins of the brick wall at Resen, which he considers to be the same with Larissa, "based on a rude and hard conglomerate rock, giving to them all the solidity and characteristics of being built of stone."Travels in the Track, p. 139.[146]Cyrus the Great.[147]Ἐλάμβανον.] That the Medes did not willingly submit, but were overcome by force, is testified by Herodotus, and is apparent from what is said here; whence it follows that λαμβάνειν τὴν ἀρχὴν παρά τινος may be applied even when those who lose the government are forcibly deprived of it. Xenophon however is at variance with himself in the Cyropædia, where Cyrus is said to have succeeded to the throne by a marriage with the daughter of Cyaxares.Kühner.[148]Ἥλιον δὲ νεφέλη προκαλύψασα ἠφάνισε.] This reading has been adopted by Dindorf and others, from a conjecture of Brodæus or Muretus; the manuscripts have all ἥλιος δὲ νεφέλην προκάλυψας, except two, one of which has the ν erased in νεφέλην, and the other νεφέλῃ. Those who read with Dindorf refer to Plutarch de Placit. Philosoph. ii. 24, where the cause of an eclipse of the sun is said by some philosophers to bea condensation of clouds imperceptibly advancing over the disc. Bornemann and Kühner restore the reading of the manuscripts, which Langius thus interprets:sol nubem sibi prætendens se obscuravit; than which no better explanation has been offered. That we are not to suppose an eclipse of the sun to be signified in the text, is well observed by Bornemann; as Thales had previously ascertained the causes of such eclipses, and had foretold one, according to Herodotus i. 74; hence it is impossible to believe that Xenophon would have spoken of a solar eclipse himself, or have made the inhabitants speak of one, so irrationally. Hutchinson and Zeune absurdly understand τὴν πόλιν with ἠφάνισε.[149]Ἐξέλιπον.] Hutchinson and Weiske interpret this wordanimis defecerunt. Abreschius (Dilucid. Thucyd. p. 274) makes itreliqueruntsc.urbem; an interpretation adopted by Porson, Schneider, Kühner, and all the modern editors.[150]Εὖρος.] We must understand the length of each side.[151]Ἐπὶ ταύτης.] There might be steps on the outside on which they might climb.[152]Τεῖχος.] Now calledYarumjah, according to Ainsw. Travels, p. 139.[153]Κογχυλιάτον.] "It is a curious fact, that the common building-stone of Mosul (near Mespila) is highly fossiliferous, and indeed replete with shells, characteristic of a tertiary or supra-cretaceous deposit; and the same lime-stone does not occur far to the north or south of Mosul, being succeeded by wastes of gypsum."'Ainsw. Travels, p. 140.[154]Ἐμβροντήτους ποιεῖ.] "Jupiter makes the inhabitants thunderstruck." "He rendered them," says Sturz, "either stupid or mad."[155]Σκύθαι τοξόται.] As there is no mention of Scythians in the whole Anabasis, Krüger, in his larger edition, suggested that the word Σκύθαι might have been written in the margin by some sciolist, who was thinking of the Athenian τοξόται; but in his smaller edition he has shown that he has learned something better from Arrian, Tact. ii. 13: "Those of the cavalry who use bows are called ἱπποτοξόται, and by some Σκύθαι."Kühner.[156]In order that they might fall with the greater weight.Bornemann. Or perhaps, as Bishop Thirlwall thinks, that they might reach a greater distance.[157]Πονήρως.] From πόνηρος,difficult, not from πονηρός,bad. See Thucyd. viii. 24, ed. Popp. part iii. vol. iv. p. 658,seqq.Kühner.[158]Καὶ εὐεπίθετον ἧν ἐνταῦθα τοῖς πολεμίοις. I have rendered this phrase agreeably to the notion of Krüger, who thinks εὐεπίθετον used absolutely, or as a substantive. Some, however, understand τὸ πλαίσιον, or τὸ στράτευμα, which is perhaps better.[159]Ἐνωμοτάρχας.] The ἐνωμοτία being the fourth part of a λόχος, or twenty-five men. See Xen. De Rep. Lac. ii. 4; Arnold's Thucyd. v. 68.[160]As there were six companies of a hundred men each, they moved into the vacant space, if it was but narrow, by centuries, that is, six men in front, and a hundred deep; if it was somewhat broader, by fifties, that is, twelve men in front, and fifty deep; if very broad, by twenty-fives, that is, twenty-four men in front, and twenty-five deep.Kühner.[161]Ἐν τῷ μέρει.] Each in his place; one after another in the order which had been previously appointed.[162]Ην ἡ κώμη.] Schneider, Bornemann, and most editors before Dindorf, read κώμη,a village, without the article. Dindorf has added the article from two manuscripts, and Kühner has followed him, supposing thatthe particular villageof which the Greeks had now caught sight is meant. Bornemann, if the article be added, thinks thatthe village in which the palace stoodis intended. The passage seems to me decidedly better without the article; for, if it be inserted, the reader is puzzled to know why Xenophon changes the number, when he had just before said that the palace stood in the midst of villages.[163]According to the discipline of the Persians; see Herod, vii. 21, 56, 223.[164]This is the first mention of surgeons in the Greek army, as Mr. Stanford observes, since the time of Homer. But whether the persons here mentioned were professed surgeons, or merely some of the soldiers, who, in long service, had gained experience in the treatment of wounds, is uncertain. The latter supposition is more in consonance with the wordappointed.[165]Πολὺ γὰρ διέφερον —— ὁρμῶντες ——πορευόμενοι.] The manuscripts present some variations here. Bornemann's text is the same as Dindorf's. Kühner prefers διέφερεν ——ὁρμῶντας —— πορευομένους, expressing a doubt whether the other method be really Greek.[166]Δεῖ —— Πέρσῃ ἀνδρὶ.] Most commentators concur in taking this as an example of the rarer construction of δεῖ with the dative; though it has been suggested whether Πέρσῃ ἀνδρὶ may be the dative after ἐπισάξαι, as if a Persian horse-soldier had an attendant to equip his horse for him.[167]Ἐπισάξαι.] Spelman quarrels with D'Ablancourt for translating this word by "saddle," and adopts in his own version "housings," which I have borrowed from him, from inability to find a better word.[168]Τὸ στρατόπεδον.] Apparently for the place where they intended to encamp. It seems needless to understand, with Krüger, "castra interea à lixis et calonibus posita."[169]Ἀναζεύξαντες.] Ἀναζεύξαι,castra movere. Zeune.[170]The enemy had not occupied the highest part of the mountain, but a lower position upon it. Comp. sect. 37.Kühner.[171]Ἐκ τῆς βοηθείας.] Xenophon is here somewhat obscure; for he made no mention of this βοηθεία before. Cheirisophus and his men seem to have gone to aid the party of Greeks that were dispersed for plunder, when some of them were cut off by the Persians, and when Tissaphernes attempted to burn the villages. * * * Afterwards he is rather tautological; for the words ἡνίκα ——οἱ Ἕλληνες express no more than is said in οἱ μὲν ἀμφὶ Χειρίσοφον —— βοηθείας, except that they serve to mark the exact time when Xenophon addressed the men.Kühner.[172]Ἐπὶ τὰς σκηνάς.] The tents were burned,iii. 3. 1; and Krüger therefore observes that we must consider τὰς σκηνάς as equivalent to τὸ στρατόπεδον, or the place of encampment. This explanation is better than that of Weiske and Zeune, who think that theshelter of the villagesis meant.[173]Ἅ ἀποδαρέντα καὶ φυσηθέντα.] "Which being skinned and blown out." From brevity, Xenophon has said that of the animals which he ought to have said of their skins.Krüger.[174]Διαβάντι.] The road "for one crossing" the river.[175]Καὶ ἔστιν ὅυτως ἔχον.] A most happy emendation of Abreschius, Dilucid. Thucyd. p. 640, for καὶ ἔστιν ὅυτω στενόν.[176]"Thus they accomplished their entrance into Kurdistan without opposition, and crossed one of the most defensible passes that they were almost destined to meet. * * * The recesses—left between the hills are in the present day the seat of villages, as they were in the time of Xenophon, and the crags in front, and in the rear, bristle with the small and rude rock-forts of the Kurds."Ainsworth, Travels in the Track, p. 153, 154.[177]Συνεώρων ἀλλήλους.] The lighted fires served as signals, by means of which the Carduchi could keep an eye on one another.Kühner.[178]Πλὴν εἴ τίς τι ἔκλεψεν, κ. τ. λ.] "Except if any one concealed anything, either coveting a youth or woman of the handsome ones"[179]Τῆς σπολάδος.] Seenote on iii. 3. 20.[180]Λοχαγοὺς καὶ πελταστὰς καὶ τῶν ὁπλιτῶν.] H. e.Centuriones et ex peltastis et ex militibus gravis armaturæ. Kühner. Πελταστὰς is to be taken as an epithet; compare γυμνητῶν ταξιαρχῶν, sect. 28.[181]Xenophon and Cheirisophus.Kühner.[182]Τὴν φανερὰν ἔκβασιν.] Xenophon calls the passage to the top of the mountain an ἔκβασις, or egress, with reference to the Greeks, to whom it was a way of escape from a disagreeable position.Kühnerad c. 5. 20. The same words are repeated by Xenophon in the next sect.[183]Ὁλοιτρόχους.] A word borrowed from Homer, signifying properlya round stone fit for rolling, ora stone that has been made round by rolling, as a pebble in the sea. It was originally an adjective, with πέτρος understood. Most critics suppose it to be from ὅλος and τρέχω,totus teres atque rotundus. Liddell and Scott derive it from εἴλω,volvo. See Theocr. xxii. 49.[184]Διεσφενδονῶντο.] "Shivered in pieces, and flew about as if hurled by a sling."[185]Ὀρθίοις τοῖς λόχοις.] Each λόχος or company marching in file or column, so that the depth of the λόχος was equal to the number of soldiers of which it consisted.Sturz. This is the interpretation adopted by Kühner. Yet it Would be hard to prove that ὄρθιος λόχος always meantsingle file; the term seems to have included any form of a company in which the number of men in depth exceeded the number in front.[186]Τὰ ὅπλα ἔκειντο.] See sect. 16. The heavy-armed men had halted on the level piece of ground, and their arms were lying by them. See Kühner ad i. 5. 14.

[93]Τον ἐπιτήδειον.] Scil. παίεσθαι,pœnæ idoneum, pœnû dignum. Kühner.

[94]Προσελάμβανε.]Manum operi admovebat.Kühner.

[95]Τὸν ἐγκέφαλον.] Literally "the brain." Dulcis medulla earum [palmarum] in cacumine, quod cerebrum appellant. Plin. H. N. xiii. 4. See also Theophr. ii. 8; Galen. de Fac. simpl. Medic. iv. 15. It is generally interpretedmedulla, "marrow" or "pith," but it is in reality a sort of bud at the top of the palm-tree, containing the last tender leaves, with flowers, and continuing in that state two years before it unfolds the flower; as appears from Boryd. St. Vincent Itiner. t. i. p. 223, vers. Germ., who gives his information on the authority of Du Petit Thouars. The French call itchoux; the Germans,Kohl, Schneider. "By modern travellers it is called thecabbageof the palm; it 'is composed' (says Sir Joseph Banks) 'of the rudiments of the future leaves of the palm-tree, enveloped in the bases or footstalks of the actual leaves; which enclose them as a tight box or trunk would do.' It forms a mass of convolutions, exquisitely beautiful and delicate; and wonderful to appearance, when unfolded. It is also exceedingly delicate to the taste. Xenophon has justly remarked that the trees from whence it was taken withered."Rennell's Illustrations of the Exp. of Cyrus, p. 118.

[96]During this time Tissaphernes went to Babylon to the king, and was rewarded with the hand of his daughter, and the province of which Cyrus had been Satrap.Diod. Sic.xiv. 26. See sect. 8.

[97]Δεξιὰς.] That is, fidem regis nomine dabant. See the commentators on Cyrop. iv. 2. 7: δεξιὰν δὸς, ἵνα φέρωμεν καὶ τοις ἄλλοις τᾶυτα.Poppo.So it is said in Latindextram ferre. See Breitenbach on Xen. Agesil. iii. 4

[98]Ἦγε.] Fromiii. 4. 13, it appears that we must refer this verb to Orontes. Seenote on sect. 1. Whether Tissaphernes and Orontes both married daughters of the king, is uncertain. If only one of them, Xenophon is more likely to be in the right than Diodorus Siculus. Orontes was satrap of Armenia,iii. 5. 17. Rhodogune, a daughter of Artaxerxes, is said by Plutarch (Vit. Art. c. 27) to have been married to Orætes, who may be the same as Xenophon's Orontes.

[99]Ἐπὶ γάμῳ.] These words signify literallyfororupon marriage. The true interpretation, says Krüger, is, doubtless, "in order that he might have her, or live with her, in wedlock," the marriage ceremony having been, it would seem, previously performed at Babylon.

[100]Πληγὰς ἐνέτεινον ἀλλήλοις.] Whether this signifies that they actually inflicted blows on one another, or only threatened them, may admit of some doubt. The former notion is adopted by the Latin translators, by Sturz in his Lexicon, and by the commentators generally.

[101]Seei. 7. 15.

[102]i. 2. 22.

[103]Zeune thinks that Xenophon may possibly mean himself; but this is mere conjecture.

[104]Διελόντες.] An excellent conjectural emendation of Holtzmann for the old reading διελθόντες.Kühner.—The stratagem of Tissaphernes was similar to that by which Themistocles expedited the departure of Xerxes from Greece.

[105]i. 7. 15.

[106]Οὔτ' ἀπὸ ποίου ἀν τάχους φεύγων τις ἀποφύγοι.] This is Dindorf's reading. Bornemann and Kühner have οὔτ' ἀπὸ ποίου ἀν τάχους οὔτε ὅποι ἀν τις φεύγων ἀποφύγοι, on the authority, as they say, of the best copies. Dindorf thought with Schæfer, ad Greg. Cor. p. 492, that the words οὔτε ὅποι ἀν were superfluous, and consequently omitted them. Bornemann and Kühner see no reason why they should not be retained.

[107]Τὸν μέγιστον ἔφεδρον.] Ἔφεδρος properly meant a gladiator or wrestler, who, when two combatants were engaged, stood ready to attack the one that should prove victorious. See Sturz. Lex. Xen.; Schol. in Soph. Aj. 610; Hesychius; D'Orvill. ad Charit. p. 338.

[108]Ἀναστρέφοιο.] "Ut dominus versere, vivias, domini partes sustineas:" Ἀν must be repeated from the preceding clause; unless that particle, as Dindorf thinks, has dropped out from before ἀναστρέφοιο.Kühner.

[109]There is in the text, as Krüger observes, a confusion of the two constructions, ἀκούσαιμι τὸ ὄνομα τούτου, ὅστις, and ἀκούσαιμι, τις.

[110]Ἅ ἡμῖν φίλια ὄντα.] I have here departed from Dindorf's text, which has ἅ ὑμεῖς φίλια ὄντα, κ. τ. λ.; a reading much less satisfactory than the other, to which Schneider, Bornemann, and Kühner adhere.

[111]Ταμιεύεσθαι.] This word is used in the same sense, 3. 47;iv. 1. 18; Thucyd. vi. 18; Plutarch, Timol. c. 27.

[112]Τὴν δ' ἐπὶ τῇ καρδιᾳ —— ἔχοι.] Sc. ὄρθην. The sense is, "but to wear a tiara erect on the heart, that is, to have a kingly spirit and to aspire to dominion, is what another, by your aid, might be able to do." Tissaphernes, by this expression, wished to make it understood that he might possibly, with the support of the Greeks, aspire to the throne of Persia himself. A similar metaphor is noticed by Schæfer, (ad Greg. Corinth. p. 491.) in Philostratus v. a. iii. p. 131: δοκεῖ μοι καὶ τὸν προγνωσόμενον ἄνορ ὑγιῶς ἑαυτοῦ ἔχειν ——' καθαρῶς δὲ αὐτὸν προφητεύειν, ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τοῦ περὶ τῷ στέρνῳ τρίποδος συνιέντος.Kühner. See Cyrop. viii. 3. 13. Hutchison refers to Dion Chrysost. xiv. extr. Lucian Piscat. p. 213. See also Strabo, xv. p. 231, where the Persian tiara is said to be πίλημα πυργωτόν, in the shape of a tower; and Joseph. Ant. xx. 3. "The tiaras of the king's subjects were soft and flexible: Schol. ad Plat. de Repub."Krüger.

[113]Ὡς εἰς ἀγορὰν.] "Consequently unarmed."Krüger.

[114]Ὡς ἀπολωλέκατε.] Jacobs interprets ὡς by quàm, as equivalent to quàm turpiter! quàm impiè! But such exclamations belong rather to modern writers than to the ancients. * * * Others have conjectured ἀθέως, ἀνοσίως, ὠμῶς, ἵσως, ὅλως, οὕτως. In one manuscript ὡς is omitted; an omission approved by Larcher, Porson and some others. Some, too, think that the sentence is ἀνακόλουθος, and that the author, forgetful how he commenced it, goes on with ὡς for ὅτι. Dindorf supposes that Cleanor must be regarded as too much provoked and agitated to mind the exact arrangement of his words. For my own part, I consider that those have the most reason on their side who think that we should read οὕτως, interpreting it, with Bornemann,so rashly, so unjustifiably. From οὕτως, written compendiously, ὡς might easily have sprung.Kühner.

[115]Τῶν δὲ συνόντων, κ. τ. λ.] By a species of attraction for τοῖς δὲ συνοῦσι πᾶσιν, ὡς καταγελῶν αὐτῶν, ἀεὶ διελέγετο.Kühner.

[116]Ἐπὶ ταῖς βασιλέως θύραις.] Seeii. 4. 4.

[117]Εἰς τὴν ἑσπέραν.]Vespertino tempore. Kühner

[118]Ἐπὶ δὲ τὰ ὅπλα.] Seenote on ii. 2. 20.

[119]εοις, οἷς ἔδει, θύειν.]Ut diis eis, quibus oporteret, sacra faceret.Those gods are to be understood, to whom it was established, by law or by custom, that whoever was entering on an expedition, such as that which Xenophon meditated, should offer sacrifice. They were therefore certain or appointed gods: comp.sect. 8; and vi. i. 22. Yet the absence of the article ought not to surprise us, even when special gods are meant.Kühner.—What gods they were, does not appear.

[120]Δι' αἰσχύνην.] They had regard for their character in the eyes of one another, fearing that they might seem faint-hearted; and regard for it in those of Cyrus, fearing that they might seem ungrateful.Kühner.—Αἰσχύνη is self-respect, apprehension of what others may think of us; and may be illustrated by Hom. Il. v.Ἀλλήλους δ' αἰδεῖσθε κατὰ κρατερὰς ὑσμίνας·Αἰδομένων ἀνδρῶν πλέονες σόοι ἠὲ πέφανται·"Have self-respect before one another in the violence of battle; of men who respect themselves, more are saved than killed." Hutchinson cites A. Gellius, xix. 7: αἰσχύνη ἐστὶ φόβος δικαίον ψόγου, i. e.a fear of just blame.

Ἀλλήλους δ' αἰδεῖσθε κατὰ κρατερὰς ὑσμίνας·Αἰδομένων ἀνδρῶν πλέονες σόοι ἠὲ πέφανται·

"Have self-respect before one another in the violence of battle; of men who respect themselves, more are saved than killed." Hutchinson cites A. Gellius, xix. 7: αἰσχύνη ἐστὶ φόβος δικαίον ψόγου, i. e.a fear of just blame.

[121]Κηδεμών.] Cyrus, says Weiske, had his mother to take his part, the Greeks had no one to take theirs.

[122]Καὶ τρωτοὶ καὶ θνητοὶ μᾶλλον.] "More vulnerable and mortal." Alluding to the superiority of the Grecian armour over that of the Persians.

[123]Τὸν ὑποστράτηγον.] Krüger, from v. 9. 36, and vi. 2. 11, concludes that the ὑποστράτηγος was he who was appointed to discharge the duties of the στράτηγος in his absence, or to take his place if he should be killed.

[124]Seeii. 2. 20.

[125]Καιρόν.] Leunclavius makes this equivalent to "in vobis plurimum est situm." Sturz, in his Lexicon Xenoph., says, "rerum status is est, ut vos in primis debeatis rebus consulere." Toup, in hisEmend. ad Suid., givesmaximum momentum habetis.

[126]Seeii. 2. 20.

[127]Τών καλλίστων ἐαυτὸν ἀξιώσαντα.] "Thinking himself worthy of the most beautiful (equipments)."

[128]Τὸν θεόν.] Jupiter the Preserver.Kühner.

[129]Αὔθις ἀφανιούντων.] Weiske, Schneider, and others omit the αὔθις. Bornemann, Dindorf, and Kühner preserve it, as it is found in six manuscripts, giving it, with Spohn, Lect. Theocr. i. p. 33, the sense ofback again, as if the Persians had intended to make Athens disappear again as if it had never been. I think the word better left out. An American editor has conjectured αὐτὰς.

[130]Γοῦν.] Some copies have οὖν. "The sense of γοῦν is this;ceteris rebus prætermissis, hoc quidem certissimum est, eos fugisse." Kühner.

[131]Εἰ ἄρα, κ. τ. λ.] Krüger admonishes the reader that these words must be taken negatively:whether—not.

[132]Διήσουσιν.] Eight manuscripts have Διήσουσιν, which Bornemann has preferred. Dindorf also gave the preference to it in his first edition, but has subsequently adopted the other reading. Μήτε διοίσουσιν is interpreted by Bornemann, "if the rivers shall present no difference in any part of their course; if they be as broad at their sources as at their mouths."

[133]Αὐτοὶ εἴδομεν.] The Greeks had passed through a part of Lycaonia in their march up the country,i. 2. 19; when, however, it is not indicated that they saw much.

[134]The allusion is to Odyss. ix. 83, where the lotus-eaters are mentioned:The trees around them all their food produce,Lotus the name, divine nectareous juice,(Thence called Lotophagi,) which whoso tastes,Insatiate riots in the sweet repasts,Nor other home, nor other care intends,But quits his house, his country, and his friends.Pope.

[134]The allusion is to Odyss. ix. 83, where the lotus-eaters are mentioned:

The trees around them all their food produce,Lotus the name, divine nectareous juice,(Thence called Lotophagi,) which whoso tastes,Insatiate riots in the sweet repasts,Nor other home, nor other care intends,But quits his house, his country, and his friends.Pope.

[135]Περαίνειν.] Sc. τὸν λόγον. This is the sense in which this word has been taken, I believe, by most readers; as in Æsch. Pers. 699, and elsewhere. Sturz, in his Lexicon, seems to take it in the sense ofto execute, to proceed to action.

[136]Εἰ δὲ τι ἄλλο βέλτιον ἤ ταύτῃ.] Understand δοκεῖ ἔχειν.Kühner. "But if anything else (seems) better (to any one) than in this way."

[137]Ἐπειδὴ καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιός ἐστι.] The καὶ,also, refers to something understood: "since he is not only a brave man, but also a Lacedæmonian."Kühner. The Lacedæmonians were then at the head of Greece: comp. v. 9. 26; vi. 6. 12.Zeune.

[138]Πίστεως ἕνεκα.] To watch him, lest he should act treacherously.Kühner.

[139]Πόλεμον ἀκήρυκτον.] Properlywar in which there is no use for heralds, but in which all is violent and desperate; so that ἀκήρυκτος will be equivalent, according to Hesychius, to ἀδιάλλακτος,implacable,irreconcilable. See Erasm. Adag. iii. 3. 84.Sturz Lex. Others rather think it a deadly war, not commenced by sending heralds, and not to be terminated by sending them.Kühner. See Herod. v. 81.

[140]Cyrus's Greek auxiliaries for the expedition had consisted only of infantry; all his cavalry was either Asiatic or Thracian. The Thracian horse had deserted, and the Asiatic cavalry had gone over to Tissaphernes soon after the battle.

[141]Τούτῳ μὲν.] As τίνες πέπανται immediately precedes, the singular τούτῳ rather startles the reader; but there are not wanting examples of similar irregularity.

[142]Ἀτέλειαν.] Exemption, for instance, from keeping guard and keeping watch.Krüger.

[143]Τῷ σφενδονᾶν ἐντεταγμένω ἐθέλοντι.] "To him willing to be a slinger, being enrolled in the company (of slingers)." This is the reading of Schneider, and Dindorf, and Bornemann. Kühner and some others prefer ἐν τῷ τεταγμένῳ, "in the place appointed him."

[144]Σπολάδες.] This form of the word is preferred by Dindorf, Schneider, Bornemann, and Kühner prefer στολάδες, both in this passage and in iv. 1. 18. Both forms seem to have been in use, and to have had the same signification; but σπολάς to have been the more common. See Pollux, 1. 135. Hesychius has πολὰς, χιτωνίσκος βαθὺς, σκύτινος, ὁ βύρσινος θώραξ. See Pollux, 7. 70; 10. 143. Suidas, Phavorinus, and Photius give similar interpretations.

[145]Κρηπὶς δ' ὑπῆν λιθίνη, κ. τ. λ.] The foundation appears to have risen twenty feet above the ground; so that the whole height of the wall would be a hundred and twenty feet. Mr. Ainsworth says that he found the ruins of the brick wall at Resen, which he considers to be the same with Larissa, "based on a rude and hard conglomerate rock, giving to them all the solidity and characteristics of being built of stone."Travels in the Track, p. 139.

[146]Cyrus the Great.

[147]Ἐλάμβανον.] That the Medes did not willingly submit, but were overcome by force, is testified by Herodotus, and is apparent from what is said here; whence it follows that λαμβάνειν τὴν ἀρχὴν παρά τινος may be applied even when those who lose the government are forcibly deprived of it. Xenophon however is at variance with himself in the Cyropædia, where Cyrus is said to have succeeded to the throne by a marriage with the daughter of Cyaxares.Kühner.

[148]Ἥλιον δὲ νεφέλη προκαλύψασα ἠφάνισε.] This reading has been adopted by Dindorf and others, from a conjecture of Brodæus or Muretus; the manuscripts have all ἥλιος δὲ νεφέλην προκάλυψας, except two, one of which has the ν erased in νεφέλην, and the other νεφέλῃ. Those who read with Dindorf refer to Plutarch de Placit. Philosoph. ii. 24, where the cause of an eclipse of the sun is said by some philosophers to bea condensation of clouds imperceptibly advancing over the disc. Bornemann and Kühner restore the reading of the manuscripts, which Langius thus interprets:sol nubem sibi prætendens se obscuravit; than which no better explanation has been offered. That we are not to suppose an eclipse of the sun to be signified in the text, is well observed by Bornemann; as Thales had previously ascertained the causes of such eclipses, and had foretold one, according to Herodotus i. 74; hence it is impossible to believe that Xenophon would have spoken of a solar eclipse himself, or have made the inhabitants speak of one, so irrationally. Hutchinson and Zeune absurdly understand τὴν πόλιν with ἠφάνισε.

[149]Ἐξέλιπον.] Hutchinson and Weiske interpret this wordanimis defecerunt. Abreschius (Dilucid. Thucyd. p. 274) makes itreliqueruntsc.urbem; an interpretation adopted by Porson, Schneider, Kühner, and all the modern editors.

[150]Εὖρος.] We must understand the length of each side.

[151]Ἐπὶ ταύτης.] There might be steps on the outside on which they might climb.

[152]Τεῖχος.] Now calledYarumjah, according to Ainsw. Travels, p. 139.

[153]Κογχυλιάτον.] "It is a curious fact, that the common building-stone of Mosul (near Mespila) is highly fossiliferous, and indeed replete with shells, characteristic of a tertiary or supra-cretaceous deposit; and the same lime-stone does not occur far to the north or south of Mosul, being succeeded by wastes of gypsum."'Ainsw. Travels, p. 140.

[154]Ἐμβροντήτους ποιεῖ.] "Jupiter makes the inhabitants thunderstruck." "He rendered them," says Sturz, "either stupid or mad."

[155]Σκύθαι τοξόται.] As there is no mention of Scythians in the whole Anabasis, Krüger, in his larger edition, suggested that the word Σκύθαι might have been written in the margin by some sciolist, who was thinking of the Athenian τοξόται; but in his smaller edition he has shown that he has learned something better from Arrian, Tact. ii. 13: "Those of the cavalry who use bows are called ἱπποτοξόται, and by some Σκύθαι."Kühner.

[156]In order that they might fall with the greater weight.Bornemann. Or perhaps, as Bishop Thirlwall thinks, that they might reach a greater distance.

[157]Πονήρως.] From πόνηρος,difficult, not from πονηρός,bad. See Thucyd. viii. 24, ed. Popp. part iii. vol. iv. p. 658,seqq.Kühner.

[158]Καὶ εὐεπίθετον ἧν ἐνταῦθα τοῖς πολεμίοις. I have rendered this phrase agreeably to the notion of Krüger, who thinks εὐεπίθετον used absolutely, or as a substantive. Some, however, understand τὸ πλαίσιον, or τὸ στράτευμα, which is perhaps better.

[159]Ἐνωμοτάρχας.] The ἐνωμοτία being the fourth part of a λόχος, or twenty-five men. See Xen. De Rep. Lac. ii. 4; Arnold's Thucyd. v. 68.

[160]As there were six companies of a hundred men each, they moved into the vacant space, if it was but narrow, by centuries, that is, six men in front, and a hundred deep; if it was somewhat broader, by fifties, that is, twelve men in front, and fifty deep; if very broad, by twenty-fives, that is, twenty-four men in front, and twenty-five deep.Kühner.

[161]Ἐν τῷ μέρει.] Each in his place; one after another in the order which had been previously appointed.

[162]Ην ἡ κώμη.] Schneider, Bornemann, and most editors before Dindorf, read κώμη,a village, without the article. Dindorf has added the article from two manuscripts, and Kühner has followed him, supposing thatthe particular villageof which the Greeks had now caught sight is meant. Bornemann, if the article be added, thinks thatthe village in which the palace stoodis intended. The passage seems to me decidedly better without the article; for, if it be inserted, the reader is puzzled to know why Xenophon changes the number, when he had just before said that the palace stood in the midst of villages.

[163]According to the discipline of the Persians; see Herod, vii. 21, 56, 223.

[164]This is the first mention of surgeons in the Greek army, as Mr. Stanford observes, since the time of Homer. But whether the persons here mentioned were professed surgeons, or merely some of the soldiers, who, in long service, had gained experience in the treatment of wounds, is uncertain. The latter supposition is more in consonance with the wordappointed.

[165]Πολὺ γὰρ διέφερον —— ὁρμῶντες ——πορευόμενοι.] The manuscripts present some variations here. Bornemann's text is the same as Dindorf's. Kühner prefers διέφερεν ——ὁρμῶντας —— πορευομένους, expressing a doubt whether the other method be really Greek.

[166]Δεῖ —— Πέρσῃ ἀνδρὶ.] Most commentators concur in taking this as an example of the rarer construction of δεῖ with the dative; though it has been suggested whether Πέρσῃ ἀνδρὶ may be the dative after ἐπισάξαι, as if a Persian horse-soldier had an attendant to equip his horse for him.

[167]Ἐπισάξαι.] Spelman quarrels with D'Ablancourt for translating this word by "saddle," and adopts in his own version "housings," which I have borrowed from him, from inability to find a better word.

[168]Τὸ στρατόπεδον.] Apparently for the place where they intended to encamp. It seems needless to understand, with Krüger, "castra interea à lixis et calonibus posita."

[169]Ἀναζεύξαντες.] Ἀναζεύξαι,castra movere. Zeune.

[170]The enemy had not occupied the highest part of the mountain, but a lower position upon it. Comp. sect. 37.Kühner.

[171]Ἐκ τῆς βοηθείας.] Xenophon is here somewhat obscure; for he made no mention of this βοηθεία before. Cheirisophus and his men seem to have gone to aid the party of Greeks that were dispersed for plunder, when some of them were cut off by the Persians, and when Tissaphernes attempted to burn the villages. * * * Afterwards he is rather tautological; for the words ἡνίκα ——οἱ Ἕλληνες express no more than is said in οἱ μὲν ἀμφὶ Χειρίσοφον —— βοηθείας, except that they serve to mark the exact time when Xenophon addressed the men.Kühner.

[172]Ἐπὶ τὰς σκηνάς.] The tents were burned,iii. 3. 1; and Krüger therefore observes that we must consider τὰς σκηνάς as equivalent to τὸ στρατόπεδον, or the place of encampment. This explanation is better than that of Weiske and Zeune, who think that theshelter of the villagesis meant.

[173]Ἅ ἀποδαρέντα καὶ φυσηθέντα.] "Which being skinned and blown out." From brevity, Xenophon has said that of the animals which he ought to have said of their skins.Krüger.

[174]Διαβάντι.] The road "for one crossing" the river.

[175]Καὶ ἔστιν ὅυτως ἔχον.] A most happy emendation of Abreschius, Dilucid. Thucyd. p. 640, for καὶ ἔστιν ὅυτω στενόν.

[176]"Thus they accomplished their entrance into Kurdistan without opposition, and crossed one of the most defensible passes that they were almost destined to meet. * * * The recesses—left between the hills are in the present day the seat of villages, as they were in the time of Xenophon, and the crags in front, and in the rear, bristle with the small and rude rock-forts of the Kurds."Ainsworth, Travels in the Track, p. 153, 154.

[177]Συνεώρων ἀλλήλους.] The lighted fires served as signals, by means of which the Carduchi could keep an eye on one another.Kühner.

[178]Πλὴν εἴ τίς τι ἔκλεψεν, κ. τ. λ.] "Except if any one concealed anything, either coveting a youth or woman of the handsome ones"

[179]Τῆς σπολάδος.] Seenote on iii. 3. 20.

[180]Λοχαγοὺς καὶ πελταστὰς καὶ τῶν ὁπλιτῶν.] H. e.Centuriones et ex peltastis et ex militibus gravis armaturæ. Kühner. Πελταστὰς is to be taken as an epithet; compare γυμνητῶν ταξιαρχῶν, sect. 28.

[181]Xenophon and Cheirisophus.Kühner.

[182]Τὴν φανερὰν ἔκβασιν.] Xenophon calls the passage to the top of the mountain an ἔκβασις, or egress, with reference to the Greeks, to whom it was a way of escape from a disagreeable position.Kühnerad c. 5. 20. The same words are repeated by Xenophon in the next sect.

[183]Ὁλοιτρόχους.] A word borrowed from Homer, signifying properlya round stone fit for rolling, ora stone that has been made round by rolling, as a pebble in the sea. It was originally an adjective, with πέτρος understood. Most critics suppose it to be from ὅλος and τρέχω,totus teres atque rotundus. Liddell and Scott derive it from εἴλω,volvo. See Theocr. xxii. 49.

[184]Διεσφενδονῶντο.] "Shivered in pieces, and flew about as if hurled by a sling."

[185]Ὀρθίοις τοῖς λόχοις.] Each λόχος or company marching in file or column, so that the depth of the λόχος was equal to the number of soldiers of which it consisted.Sturz. This is the interpretation adopted by Kühner. Yet it Would be hard to prove that ὄρθιος λόχος always meantsingle file; the term seems to have included any form of a company in which the number of men in depth exceeded the number in front.

[186]Τὰ ὅπλα ἔκειντο.] See sect. 16. The heavy-armed men had halted on the level piece of ground, and their arms were lying by them. See Kühner ad i. 5. 14.

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