'Sire,—We gave battle yesterday, and it pleased God to give you victory, which was so well followed up that you hold the King of France a prisoner in my hands. I beseech you, earnestly as it is possible to do, to think of your affairs, and to make prompt execution now that God has sent you such a favourable opportunity; for you will never have a more propitious time than the present to demand restitution of the crowns justly appertaining to you, for you owe no obligation to any prince in Italy; nor can they longer hope for protection from the King of France, as you hold him captive. Sire, I think youremember the saying of M. de Bersale, "that God sends to men once in their lives a fruitful August, but if they allow it to pass without gathering a harvest, it is a chance whether the opportunity is given them again." I say not this believing that your Majesty is disposed to neglect your advantages, but only because I feel it a duty so to speak. Sire, M. de Bourbon acquitted himself well, and performed good service. Sire, the victory which God has given you happened on St. Matthew's Day, which is the day of your Majesty's birth.'From the camp where the King of France was lodged, before Pavia, the 25th day of February 1525.Charles de Lannoy'[93]
'Sire,—We gave battle yesterday, and it pleased God to give you victory, which was so well followed up that you hold the King of France a prisoner in my hands. I beseech you, earnestly as it is possible to do, to think of your affairs, and to make prompt execution now that God has sent you such a favourable opportunity; for you will never have a more propitious time than the present to demand restitution of the crowns justly appertaining to you, for you owe no obligation to any prince in Italy; nor can they longer hope for protection from the King of France, as you hold him captive. Sire, I think youremember the saying of M. de Bersale, "that God sends to men once in their lives a fruitful August, but if they allow it to pass without gathering a harvest, it is a chance whether the opportunity is given them again." I say not this believing that your Majesty is disposed to neglect your advantages, but only because I feel it a duty so to speak. Sire, M. de Bourbon acquitted himself well, and performed good service. Sire, the victory which God has given you happened on St. Matthew's Day, which is the day of your Majesty's birth.
'From the camp where the King of France was lodged, before Pavia, the 25th day of February 1525.
Charles de Lannoy'[93]
FRANCIS I
FRANCIS IFROM A PAINTING IN THE LOUVRE (FRENCH SCHOOL)View larger image
Francis showed extraordinary courage throughout the battle. When surrounded, unhorsed, and wounded he refused to yield to Bourbon, exclaiming: 'I know no Duke of Bourbon but myself!' but handed his sword to Lannoy, who received it on his knees, and immediately offered the captive king his own, saying, 'It did not become so great a monarch to remain disarmed in the presence of one of the emperor's subjects.' Francis was immediately taken to the imperial camp, and de Lannoy despatched Commander Peñalosa to the emperor announcing the great victory. Francis gave the envoy a passport through France, and the following letter to his mother, Louise of Savoy:—
'Madame,—To let you know the extent of my misfortune—of all things nothing remains to me but honour, and life which is safe. Knowing that in your adversity and sorrow this news would give you comfort, I requested permission to send you thisletter, which was readily granted. I beg you not to yield to the extremity of grief, but to direct all things with your accustomed prudence; for I have firm hope that at last God will not abandon me. I commend to your care my children and your own. I beseech you, moreover, to grant free passage to the messenger who brings you this letter, as he is bound for Spain, on a mission to the emperor, to learn what kind of treatment I am to receive. Commending myself to your favour and affection, I remain, your very humble and obedient son,Francoys'
'Madame,—To let you know the extent of my misfortune—of all things nothing remains to me but honour, and life which is safe. Knowing that in your adversity and sorrow this news would give you comfort, I requested permission to send you thisletter, which was readily granted. I beg you not to yield to the extremity of grief, but to direct all things with your accustomed prudence; for I have firm hope that at last God will not abandon me. I commend to your care my children and your own. I beseech you, moreover, to grant free passage to the messenger who brings you this letter, as he is bound for Spain, on a mission to the emperor, to learn what kind of treatment I am to receive. Commending myself to your favour and affection, I remain, your very humble and obedient son,
Francoys'
With Francis were also captured Henry, King of Navarre, the Marshal de Montmorency, the Duke de Nevers, the high treasurer Babou de la Bourdaizière, the Count of Saint Paul, the Marshal of Fleuranges, Du Bellay, and many others. Meanwhile Margaret had been kept well informed of the progress of affairs in Italy, and on the 6th of March wrote to the Count of Gavre, Governor-General of Flanders: 'I have had certain news to-day that on the 24th of February the emperor's army attacked the King of France in the camp of Forte; that, although it was well fortified, the king was made a prisoner, fourteen hundred men of war killed in the camp, and that the rest who took flight were all taken and killed, and it is not known if any escaped. I require you, because of the consolation this news will be to the vassals and subjects of your government, to inform them of it, and exhort and command them to give thanks to God for the victory he has sent us, by fireworks, processions, prayers, and other devout works, and above all to pray for the souls of those who have died.'[94]
On the 13th of this same month she confirmed this joyful news in a letter sent from Malines to the Council of Flanders announcing the arrival of Grapain 'with letters in which he certifies that he was present at the said battle, and the capture of the King of France by the hand of the viceroy, he himself helping to disarm the king, and confirms the capture and death of the principal personages in the kingdom ... and in the said battle only a hundred and fifty of our men were killed ... and that the said king has sent to release the Prince of Orange and the Lord of Bossu and others of our side who were prisoners.'[95]
This great victory was of the utmost importance to the Netherlands, and Margaret hoped that it would lead to the recovery of the duchy of Burgundy and the county of Charolais and their dependencies.
Three days after the battle Francis received a visit from the chiefs of the victorious army, who offered him their sympathy, the Marquis of Pescara even appearing in mourning. During the interview the king showed great fortitude, and with a show of cheerfulness discussed various points of the battle with his capturers. The castle of Pizzighitone was chosen for his temporary prison until instructions were received from Spain.
The emperor was at Madrid when the messenger arrived with the news of the victory. Charles showed extraordinary self-control, and neither by voice nor manner gave any outward sign of exultation. As if dazed, he repeated the words of the messenger: 'The battle is fought and the king is your prisoner!'[96]And then, hardly permitting the congratulations of the surroundingcourtiers, he retired to his oratory, where, falling on his knees, he spent a long interval in prayer, after which he asked for details of his victory. Bonfires and illuminations and all public rejoicings were strictly forbidden as being unsuitable 'when a Christian king had fallen into such great misfortune.' This moderation and humility called forth the admiration of all who witnessed it. Dr. Sampson, King Henry's ambassador at the Court of Madrid, wrote to Wolsey: ' ... The emperor hath used such demeanour in all things, both by word, deed, and countenance, and toward all manner of persons, that every wise man hath been most joyful to see it....'[97]
On the following day Charles went in procession to the church of Our Lady of Atocha to give thanks for the victory, the preacher, however, being forbidden to enlarge on the triumph. But this extremely humble attitude did not prevent Charles from making the most of his success. On the 14th of March he sent the following letter to his brother-in-law, the King of Portugal:—
'It is known to you how the King of France, at the head of a powerful army, made a descent upon Italy, to seize and usurp territories appertaining to our empire, and also our kingdom of Naples, which he had sent the Duke of Albany to invade, and how he had besieged the city of Pavia, and the progress he had made, all which he wrote to you by Luis Alvarez de Tavora, a noble hidalgo of your own lineage. By a courier who came to us from thence (Pavia), we learned the news of the victory which God has given to our army against the said King ofFrance, whom we hold prisoner, all which we did not then make known to you, because we were expecting the arrival of a cavalier who was present at the battle, bringing letters from the captains-general of our said army. This said cavalier has since arrived, from whom we have minutely heard all that occurred, which is as follows: On St. Matthew's Day, the day of our birth, which is the 24th of February, although the said King of France was entrenched very strongly, and tried by every possible means to avoid giving battle, his camp was forced by our army with no small labour; when it pleased God, who knows how just is our cause, to give us victory. The said King of France is taken, and the Prince of Béarn, Seigneur d'Albret, with many other principal nobles. The Admiral of France, M. de la Trimouille, and M. de la Palice are killed, with numberless others of equal note, so that all the chief nobles present at the battle are either taken or slain. The loss of the French, we are informed, amounts to 16,000 men, while we on our side have lost only 400. We have given, and do give thanks to our Lord for this victory; and we hope that it may conduce to universal peace throughout Christendom, which is a thing we have always desired, and still desire. Remember to avail yourself of the knowledge of these matters which Don Alonzo Enriques de Guzman possesses, who is the bearer of this letter, and a gentleman of our household; for we know that this news will give you pleasure, even as it pleases us to hear good tidings of you. Most serene and very excellent king, our dear and much-loved brother and cousin, may the Holy Trinity have you in special keeping.'From Madrid, this 14th day of March 1525.'I, the King'
'It is known to you how the King of France, at the head of a powerful army, made a descent upon Italy, to seize and usurp territories appertaining to our empire, and also our kingdom of Naples, which he had sent the Duke of Albany to invade, and how he had besieged the city of Pavia, and the progress he had made, all which he wrote to you by Luis Alvarez de Tavora, a noble hidalgo of your own lineage. By a courier who came to us from thence (Pavia), we learned the news of the victory which God has given to our army against the said King ofFrance, whom we hold prisoner, all which we did not then make known to you, because we were expecting the arrival of a cavalier who was present at the battle, bringing letters from the captains-general of our said army. This said cavalier has since arrived, from whom we have minutely heard all that occurred, which is as follows: On St. Matthew's Day, the day of our birth, which is the 24th of February, although the said King of France was entrenched very strongly, and tried by every possible means to avoid giving battle, his camp was forced by our army with no small labour; when it pleased God, who knows how just is our cause, to give us victory. The said King of France is taken, and the Prince of Béarn, Seigneur d'Albret, with many other principal nobles. The Admiral of France, M. de la Trimouille, and M. de la Palice are killed, with numberless others of equal note, so that all the chief nobles present at the battle are either taken or slain. The loss of the French, we are informed, amounts to 16,000 men, while we on our side have lost only 400. We have given, and do give thanks to our Lord for this victory; and we hope that it may conduce to universal peace throughout Christendom, which is a thing we have always desired, and still desire. Remember to avail yourself of the knowledge of these matters which Don Alonzo Enriques de Guzman possesses, who is the bearer of this letter, and a gentleman of our household; for we know that this news will give you pleasure, even as it pleases us to hear good tidings of you. Most serene and very excellent king, our dear and much-loved brother and cousin, may the Holy Trinity have you in special keeping.
'From Madrid, this 14th day of March 1525.
'I, the King'
On the 30th of March Queen Katharine sent her congratulations to her nephew from Greenwich:—
'I have charged the ambassadors of the king, my husband and master, now going to Spain, to inform your Highness of the great pleasure and content I have experienced at hearing of the very signal victory which God Almighty, by His infinite mercy, has been pleased to grant to the imperial arms in Italy, trusting that your Highness will offer thanksgiving to that same God, as the king, my master, is now doing, ordering solemn processions and other religious acts, throughout this kingdom.'As the king, my husband and master, has never failed to be the constant and faithful ally of your Highness—as his words and deeds have sufficiently testified on every occasion—and as from the continuance of such friendship and alliance the best results may be anticipated, I humbly beseech your Highness to persevere in the path of friendship and affection towards us, since the king has always done his duty and is now rejoicing at your success. I shall say no more, but will refer entirely to the said ambassadors, to whom your Highness will be pleased to give full credence on my part.—Greenwich, 30th of March.'(Signed) Your good aunt,Katherina'[98]
'I have charged the ambassadors of the king, my husband and master, now going to Spain, to inform your Highness of the great pleasure and content I have experienced at hearing of the very signal victory which God Almighty, by His infinite mercy, has been pleased to grant to the imperial arms in Italy, trusting that your Highness will offer thanksgiving to that same God, as the king, my master, is now doing, ordering solemn processions and other religious acts, throughout this kingdom.
'As the king, my husband and master, has never failed to be the constant and faithful ally of your Highness—as his words and deeds have sufficiently testified on every occasion—and as from the continuance of such friendship and alliance the best results may be anticipated, I humbly beseech your Highness to persevere in the path of friendship and affection towards us, since the king has always done his duty and is now rejoicing at your success. I shall say no more, but will refer entirely to the said ambassadors, to whom your Highness will be pleased to give full credence on my part.—Greenwich, 30th of March.
'(Signed) Your good aunt,Katherina'[98]
The emperor also received congratulations from HenryVIII.and Pope ClementVII.On the 31st of March the king wrote:—'My most beloved Son,—This present letter is to congratulate you upon your recovery, as also upon the honourable victory which our Lord has been pleased to grant to your arms, having vanquished and taken prisoner the French king, our common enemy....' The letter is signed,'C'est de la main de votre père, frère, et cousin, et bel oncle,Henry.'[99]
Just before the battle of Pavia Margaret had sent ambassadors to England with instructions to try and persuade King Henry to send substantial help to the imperial troops, which were badly in need of money, suggesting that an attack might now be made on France during the absence of the king in Italy. Margaret concludes her instructions by proposing that the Princess Mary (who was only nine years old) should be sent to Spain with an increased dowry, and placed under the emperor's care until old enough to be married. The ambassadors are told to add 'that madame and the legate (Wolsey) having already been match-makers in two different cases, there is no reason for not promoting this one. She herself desires this marriage more than any other thing whatsoever, and will leave nothing undone that can bring it about.'[100]
Wolsey replied to these requests by stating that the king, his master, was quite ready to cross the Channel into France under the following conditions: 1st. That madame (Margaret) should provide 3000 horse and 3000 foot. 2nd. That the army should enter France by way of Normandy. 3rd. The emperor should procure sufficient money to keep up his Italian army, etc., etc. But when the envoys stated that 200,000 ducats, which the emperor was sending to his army in Italy, had fallen into the hands of the enemy, the cardinal replied, that if madame agreed to make remittances of 50,000 crowns, the king would contribute an equal sum, to which the envoys answered: 'Madame has not the means to do that; nobody will lend her money, though she is willing, for the stipend of the said 3000 horse and3000 foot, to sell or pawn her own rings and jewels.' Respecting the delivery of Princess Mary, the cardinal said 'that she was too young, and that the English looked upon her as the treasure of the kingdom, and that no hostages were sufficient security for her.'[101]But soon after the small princess was made to send a fine emerald to the emperor with a message that when they married she would be able to know by the clearness or otherwise of the jewel 'whether his Majesty do keep himself as continent and chaste as, with God's grace, she will.' The emperor being twenty-five, whilst his little fiancée was only nine, the cases were hardly similar; and three months later Charles had engaged himself to marry his cousin, Isabella of Portugal.[102]
A council was held in Spain in order to decide what was to be done with King Francis, in which the Duke of Alva suggested the most exorbitant terms as the price of the king's freedom. The Bishop of Osma pleaded for more generous treatment, but the duke's advice prevailed, and Francis was offered the most humiliating terms, which he indignantly rejected, but finally agreed to the proposals that he should marry the emperor's sister Eleanor, the Dowager-Queen of Portugal, and settle the duchy of Burgundy upon the issue of the marriage; that he should pardon Bourbon, restore the whole of his possessions, giving him his sister, the Duchess of Alençon, in marriage; pay a large ransom, and furnish troops to attend the emperor's coronation in Rome.
Francis was sent to Genoa and thence to Spain in charge of Lannoy, Viceroy of Naples, to the indignationof Bourbon and Pescara, who both hoped to have had the honour of escorting the royal prisoner to Madrid.
On his arrival in Spain Charles sent a courteous letter to Louise of Savoy, who was acting as regent during her son's absence. Louise in reply says: 'Monseigneur! By the letter which it has pleased you to write to me, I have learned the arrival of monseigneur the king, my son, in your country, and the goodwill and good disposition you entertain to treat him well, for which I know not how sufficiently to express to you my thanks and gratitude, humbly beseeching you, sir, to continue to act in this liberal manner, which so well befits your greatness and magnanimity. As for the rest, monseigneur, in pursuance of what you have required of me, I have given a safe conduct to your courier, desiring to do your pleasure in this and all other things, as I would for the said monseigneur, my son, the king, and this the Lord knows, whom I pray to give you a good and long life.—Your most humbleLoyse.'[103]
On June the 25th, 1525, Charles wrote a long letter to his brother Ferdinand from Toledo, in which he says: 'As to the movement of the Lutherans, and the evil they have done, and to all appearance mean to do, it has annoyed, and does continue to annoy me bitterly. If it were in my power to remedy it speedily, I would spare neither my person nor my estates in the cause, but you see the difficulty there is in it, especially since I hope to be in Italy so soon, in order to take possession of my crowns[104]as I have already written you word.
'When that is done, I mean to exert all my power in the extermination of this said sect of Lutherans....' Charles goes on to say, in answer to his brother's request that he would use his influence to get him (Ferdinand) elected King of the Romans, that for the present the matter had better be kept secret until he had been crowned emperor, as the electors 'would probably allege, and with truth, that at present I am myself, in fact, no more than King of the Romans, and that on this account the election of another ought to be deferred....
'The King of France is now here. I have caused him to be placed in the castle of Patina, where he will be well treated. He has offered me certain articles of peace, which I send you a copy of, and has promised to do still better. I will let you know the result; and if it tends to my honour and advantage, and to the preserving of my friends, I will follow your advice in coming to terms, well knowing that it would be very propitious to my interests to make peace before I leave this for Italy. If the said peace cannot be concluded, I shall order the said King of France to be kept here in all safety, and will deliberate on the subject of a war for next year....
'In order to leave these kingdoms under good government, I see no other remedy than to marry the Infanta Donna Isabella of Portugal, since the Cortes of the said kingdoms have required me to propose myself for such a union, and that on his part the King of Portugal offers me a million of ducats, most of them to be paid at once, in order to assist in defraying the expenses of our said journey to Italy. Were this marriage to take place, I could leave the Government here in the person of the said Infanta, who should be provided with a good council, so thatthere would be no apparent cause to fear any new movement.'[105]
On the 31st of July Charles again writes to Ferdinand: 'As to the affairs of my marriage in Portugal, it remains in the same state as when I last wrote to you, waiting for the consent of England, as also for your advice on the subject. Besides, it is right that before my departure, I should know whether I shall have peace or war; and seeing that there is every hope of the said peace being concluded, only that time is requisite for it, I have settled to put off my Italian journey till next March or April. Thus I shall have time enough to be married in September, by which arrangement also I shall be able to receive the said consent, and your advice, and to ascertain the fact or failure of the said peace.'[106]
The following letter from Charles to HenryVIII., breaking off his marriage with Princess Mary, and giving all his reasons for so doing, is a most interesting diplomatic document. It is a pity that King Henry's answer has, as far as we know, not been preserved:—
'My good Father and Brother,—I had ordered Peñalosa to tell you what you must since have heard through your ambassadors at this my Court, who have likewise delivered your message to me. My answer to them has been that no alliance in the whole of Christendom could give me more pleasure than yours, not only owing to the great friendship which has existed of old between our royal houses, but on account of the great affection and love which you have shown me, whenever we have met together. Ibelieve that my sentiments are well known to you, and I can assure you that my affection has not diminished in the least, but, on the contrary, is daily increasing, so as to become in time an almost indissoluble tie betwixt two brothers.'You must know as well as I do the disasters and public calamities which this present war has brought on the Christian world at large, and on the empire in particular, and the great lack there is of appropriate remedy. To the cure of those evils it is my intention to apply myself entirely, since I am duly bound to do so; but I find one great obstacle in my way. You are aware of the great evils and disasters which my absence from these kingdoms once caused, owing to my not having been able to make such provision as was needed for the government of this country. In consequence whereof my subjects are pressingly requesting me to marry a princess who may fill my place, and govern during my absence, which is, in my opinion, the only way to keep them contented, and enable me to go about freely, and attend to my personal affairs. The only remedy I see for this difficulty, and for many others—which to so poor a writer as myself would take too much time to describe—is to anticipate the time of my said marriage, and likewise the payment of the sums to be allotted as the princess's dower. But as your ambassadors here have positively declared to me, in your name, that this expedient can nowise be adopted, nor the said marriage effected until the conclusion of a solid and lasting peace, I see no way to obviate the said difficulties, and ward off the impending evils. I hope you will be reasonable enough to appreciate at its due value the answer I have just given to your ambassadors, and will consider it asboth just and expedient in the present state of my affairs. As to the continuance of our mutual friendship, on that point there is not the least danger. I can assure you there is nothing I desire so much, being of opinion that, although the form and terms of our alliance might be altered through my marrying in another quarter, yet our amity is to continue the same as ever, and so to be increased as to secure the mutual and lasting alliance which would have ensured from my union with the princess, your daughter. The better to accomplish the said object, and provide for our common interest, thereby promoting the welfare of Christendom at large, I propose that you and I should work together for the conclusion of a durable peace, likely to turn to our own mutual advantage and profit, so as to satisfy our consciences and discharge our duty towards God as Christian princes; and if, through our enemy's fault, the said peace should not be made, to devise together such means as may ensure the fulfilment of our common wishes, and the satisfaction of our claims.'If, therefore, owing to the above-named reasons, I were obliged to marry (another princess), I beg you not to take it in bad part, or suffer it to be the cause of our mutual love and affection being lessened, for I can assure you that I shall wait for your answer, and delay as much as possible the said marriage; and that when the ambassadors receive your powers and communicate your wishes to me, you will be convinced of my goodwill and desire to foster and increase our mutual amity, and to procure your welfare as much as my own. And that you may trust to the sincerity of my professions I hereby affix my signature as a proof of my constant wish tobe for ever your good son, brother, nephew and good friend.Charles'(Toledo) 12th August 1525'[107]
'My good Father and Brother,—I had ordered Peñalosa to tell you what you must since have heard through your ambassadors at this my Court, who have likewise delivered your message to me. My answer to them has been that no alliance in the whole of Christendom could give me more pleasure than yours, not only owing to the great friendship which has existed of old between our royal houses, but on account of the great affection and love which you have shown me, whenever we have met together. Ibelieve that my sentiments are well known to you, and I can assure you that my affection has not diminished in the least, but, on the contrary, is daily increasing, so as to become in time an almost indissoluble tie betwixt two brothers.
'You must know as well as I do the disasters and public calamities which this present war has brought on the Christian world at large, and on the empire in particular, and the great lack there is of appropriate remedy. To the cure of those evils it is my intention to apply myself entirely, since I am duly bound to do so; but I find one great obstacle in my way. You are aware of the great evils and disasters which my absence from these kingdoms once caused, owing to my not having been able to make such provision as was needed for the government of this country. In consequence whereof my subjects are pressingly requesting me to marry a princess who may fill my place, and govern during my absence, which is, in my opinion, the only way to keep them contented, and enable me to go about freely, and attend to my personal affairs. The only remedy I see for this difficulty, and for many others—which to so poor a writer as myself would take too much time to describe—is to anticipate the time of my said marriage, and likewise the payment of the sums to be allotted as the princess's dower. But as your ambassadors here have positively declared to me, in your name, that this expedient can nowise be adopted, nor the said marriage effected until the conclusion of a solid and lasting peace, I see no way to obviate the said difficulties, and ward off the impending evils. I hope you will be reasonable enough to appreciate at its due value the answer I have just given to your ambassadors, and will consider it asboth just and expedient in the present state of my affairs. As to the continuance of our mutual friendship, on that point there is not the least danger. I can assure you there is nothing I desire so much, being of opinion that, although the form and terms of our alliance might be altered through my marrying in another quarter, yet our amity is to continue the same as ever, and so to be increased as to secure the mutual and lasting alliance which would have ensured from my union with the princess, your daughter. The better to accomplish the said object, and provide for our common interest, thereby promoting the welfare of Christendom at large, I propose that you and I should work together for the conclusion of a durable peace, likely to turn to our own mutual advantage and profit, so as to satisfy our consciences and discharge our duty towards God as Christian princes; and if, through our enemy's fault, the said peace should not be made, to devise together such means as may ensure the fulfilment of our common wishes, and the satisfaction of our claims.
'If, therefore, owing to the above-named reasons, I were obliged to marry (another princess), I beg you not to take it in bad part, or suffer it to be the cause of our mutual love and affection being lessened, for I can assure you that I shall wait for your answer, and delay as much as possible the said marriage; and that when the ambassadors receive your powers and communicate your wishes to me, you will be convinced of my goodwill and desire to foster and increase our mutual amity, and to procure your welfare as much as my own. And that you may trust to the sincerity of my professions I hereby affix my signature as a proof of my constant wish tobe for ever your good son, brother, nephew and good friend.
Charles
'(Toledo) 12th August 1525'[107]
We do not know how King Henry received the above communication, but soon after, the news reached Margaret that he was thinking of entering into an alliance with France. This she foresaw would probably lead to another war, and at once prepared to put the Netherlands into a state of defence. She summoned the States, and again begged for 100,000 florins. The States refused to grant her request, saying the country had been drained to the uttermost, and commerce was at a standstill. But Margaret would not give in, and the States were convoked again at Gertruydenberg. The Count of Hochstrate, as head of the council of finance, going from town to town trying, by coaxing and promises, to raise the desired sum.
Louise of Savoy now sent her secretary, Viardi, to Brussels to persuade Margaret to arrange a truce of six months in order to give her time to treat for the king's ransom and conclude a peace. Margaret listened favourably to Viardi's mission, and commanded the Count of Hochstrate, the Archbishop of Palermo, and the Count of Berg to meet him at Breda, where a truce was arranged in Henry of Nassau's palace. Charles does not appear to have been consulted as to the terms of this armistice, and, much annoyed, he sent the following sharp rebuke to his aunt:—
'Madame, my good Aunt!—I have received your letters by Richard, and quite approve what you wereable to communicate to him in what your memory served you.'I have received also a copy of the treaty of cessation of hostilities, which you have concluded. But I cannot conceal from you, madame, that I have found it very strange, and very far from satisfactory, that this should have been done without knowing my intentions, and without receiving instructions on this behalf, and powers from me. I have found it convenient, both for the advantage of my affairs and the preservation of my authority as heretofore, to declare to the ambassadors of England, and still more to those of France, that since the said treaty has been entered into without instructions and powers from me, I shall neither acknowledge it, nor ratify it, nor cause it to be observed.'Before the arrival of the said Richard, I was already in communication on the subject of a cessation of hostilities in all my kingdoms and countries generally, which I consider much more suitable than any partial or particular arrangement, and have just concluded a treaty, with the participation and consent of the said ambassadors of England (as principal contracting parties jointly with myself), wherein the articles are much more to my honour than they were in yours. In fact, there are two points in the latter so ill-advised as to condemn the whole. You bring forward England alone as an ally (as does also the Duke of Cleves), and promise to offer no assistance to the enemies of France, which is directly in contradiction with the treaties in force with England, and tending to call forth war against Spain and other of my states, in which case you become incapable of offering any assistance whatever. Thus the ambassadors of England know very well how to pretendthat they cannot escape from the position in which they would be placed, which is in fact as much, or more, to my disadvantage than theirs; and as to the French, they may fairly say that all which has been demanded has been granted them.'I am quite sure that this great error, madame, is not arising from any oversight of yours, and that you have been led to understand that there was some necessity for it; at the same time I am very far from being satisfied with those who have allowed themselves to proceed in this matter without my command, and who have presumed to counsel you on subjects of such grave importance as ought never to be treated of without my knowledge and approval.'Madame! I send you a copy of the cessation of hostilities concluded here, in order that you may cause it to be published duly, and at the time therein declared, and to be strictly kept and performed according to its form and tenor, setting aside your own as null and void, as well as the publications which may have taken place; for it is my express intention that it should not be held of the smallest force or value; insomuch that if I had not even concluded a treaty, as aforesaid, here, I would not have permitted yours to be carried into effect.'Madame! may our Lord have you in His holy keeping. Written at Toledo, the 13th of August.'Further, madame, ... I have ratified the neutrality of Burgundy, as you desire, and I have included you, as well as my brother the archduke and all your country and subjects, in the treaty for the cessation of hostilities, which has been here negotiated; and in all I may be able to do for you, for your affairs and your welfare, I shall always and most willingly dothe same for you, my good mother and aunt, as for myself, praying God to give you all your heart's desire. Written at Toledo, the 15th of August 1525.'[108]
'Madame, my good Aunt!—I have received your letters by Richard, and quite approve what you wereable to communicate to him in what your memory served you.
'I have received also a copy of the treaty of cessation of hostilities, which you have concluded. But I cannot conceal from you, madame, that I have found it very strange, and very far from satisfactory, that this should have been done without knowing my intentions, and without receiving instructions on this behalf, and powers from me. I have found it convenient, both for the advantage of my affairs and the preservation of my authority as heretofore, to declare to the ambassadors of England, and still more to those of France, that since the said treaty has been entered into without instructions and powers from me, I shall neither acknowledge it, nor ratify it, nor cause it to be observed.
'Before the arrival of the said Richard, I was already in communication on the subject of a cessation of hostilities in all my kingdoms and countries generally, which I consider much more suitable than any partial or particular arrangement, and have just concluded a treaty, with the participation and consent of the said ambassadors of England (as principal contracting parties jointly with myself), wherein the articles are much more to my honour than they were in yours. In fact, there are two points in the latter so ill-advised as to condemn the whole. You bring forward England alone as an ally (as does also the Duke of Cleves), and promise to offer no assistance to the enemies of France, which is directly in contradiction with the treaties in force with England, and tending to call forth war against Spain and other of my states, in which case you become incapable of offering any assistance whatever. Thus the ambassadors of England know very well how to pretendthat they cannot escape from the position in which they would be placed, which is in fact as much, or more, to my disadvantage than theirs; and as to the French, they may fairly say that all which has been demanded has been granted them.
'I am quite sure that this great error, madame, is not arising from any oversight of yours, and that you have been led to understand that there was some necessity for it; at the same time I am very far from being satisfied with those who have allowed themselves to proceed in this matter without my command, and who have presumed to counsel you on subjects of such grave importance as ought never to be treated of without my knowledge and approval.
'Madame! I send you a copy of the cessation of hostilities concluded here, in order that you may cause it to be published duly, and at the time therein declared, and to be strictly kept and performed according to its form and tenor, setting aside your own as null and void, as well as the publications which may have taken place; for it is my express intention that it should not be held of the smallest force or value; insomuch that if I had not even concluded a treaty, as aforesaid, here, I would not have permitted yours to be carried into effect.
'Madame! may our Lord have you in His holy keeping. Written at Toledo, the 13th of August.
'Further, madame, ... I have ratified the neutrality of Burgundy, as you desire, and I have included you, as well as my brother the archduke and all your country and subjects, in the treaty for the cessation of hostilities, which has been here negotiated; and in all I may be able to do for you, for your affairs and your welfare, I shall always and most willingly dothe same for you, my good mother and aunt, as for myself, praying God to give you all your heart's desire. Written at Toledo, the 15th of August 1525.'[108]
We can imagine how much upset Margaret must have been at receiving this severe rebuke which was called forth by the report that the emperor had just received from his ambassadors in London giving an account of an interview they had had with Wolsey, in which he expressed great surprise and annoyance at the truce which Margaret had just concluded with France. 'The treaties of Windsor stipulated,' he said, 'that neither of the contracting parties was to conclude a truce without the consent and full approval of the other one. We have so far adhered to this, that, though the king has been often solicited by the French, he has never given his consent to it.... I should never have thought that, after so many stipulations, promises, and declarations made by madame, she would have been the first to break through them.
'... Any plans and designs which the emperor, Mons. de Bourbon, and the king, my master, may have formed in this particular matter are ruined for ever through madame having granted this truce to our common enemy.'... In fact, I do not know how I shall be able to appease the king's anger when he hears of it, for he has always maintained that madame was incapable of doing anything in this matter without letting him know first. The perplexity and doubt by which madame is said to be assailed, and which have induced her to take this step, are no excuse for heracting thus; for she ought first to have consulted the king, my master, and stated her reasons, instead of deciding, as she has done, for herself, and then sending an agent to acquaint him with her resolution, which was by no means an honourable proceeding....'[109]
'... Any plans and designs which the emperor, Mons. de Bourbon, and the king, my master, may have formed in this particular matter are ruined for ever through madame having granted this truce to our common enemy.
'... In fact, I do not know how I shall be able to appease the king's anger when he hears of it, for he has always maintained that madame was incapable of doing anything in this matter without letting him know first. The perplexity and doubt by which madame is said to be assailed, and which have induced her to take this step, are no excuse for heracting thus; for she ought first to have consulted the king, my master, and stated her reasons, instead of deciding, as she has done, for herself, and then sending an agent to acquaint him with her resolution, which was by no means an honourable proceeding....'[109]
Margaret's reply to her nephew explaining her reasons for her conduct has unfortunately not been preserved, but she evidently found means to soothe his anger, for ere long they were again on the best of terms. Charles was genuinely devoted to his aunt and held her in the highest esteem, and to the end of her life Margaret enjoyed his full confidence, and was always consulted by him on every occasion of importance.
King Francis had been brought to Spain in June, but it was not until August that he was removed from Valencia and its neighbourhood to Madrid. On his arrival in the latter town he was bitterly disappointed to learn that the emperor was away hunting in Segovia, for he had hoped much from a personal interview and his own powers of persuasion. Although comfortably lodged and treated with every mark of respect, the unaccustomed life of seclusion soon told on his health, and the report spread that he was dangerously ill. On hearing of his illness his sister Margaret, Duchess of Alençon, hastened to Spain, provided with full powers from her mother, the regent, to treat for peace. On the evening of September the 18th Charles was out hunting when he received the news that the French king was dying. Immediately he set out for Madrid, and without hardly drawing rein he rode straight to the Alcazar.Francis was asleep when he arrived, but the emperor waited until his prisoner awoke, and then as the invalid slowly raised himself, exclaiming, 'Here I am, my lord emperor, your servant and your slave!' courteously replied, 'Not so; you are my good friend and brother, and I hope that you will always be so.' He begged Francis to keep up his spirits, and only to think of getting well: saying 'that when his sister the Duchess of Alençon arrived, peace and liberty would soon follow, for he only asked for what was reasonable, and did not doubt that Francis would do what was just.'[110]The next day Charles paid the king another visit, and was equally kind and considerate, leaving him very much improved in health. As the emperor descended the stairs from the invalid's room, he met the Duchess of Alençon, who had just arrived, and after warmly greeting her, conducted her to her brother. The Duchess Margaret was a very attractive, graceful woman, and Charles had been warned by his Ministers not to receive her, for as they said, 'Being young and a widow she comes ... to see and to be seen,' and they feared that the emperor might fall in love with her; but though Charles kissed her and had private interviews, not all her charms could make him relax one point in his conditions of her brother's release. After many fruitless efforts and endless discussions Margaret was obliged to return to France without having secured the much-desired peace. On the 19th of November 1525 Perrenot de Granvelle[111]wrote a long letter to Margaret of Austria from Toledo, giving her an account of the Duchess of Alençon's visit:—
'Madame!... In fulfilment of your wishes, andin accordance with the good pleasure of the emperor, ... I forthwith went to take your letters to the king (FrancisI.), and on your part to pay him a visit. I had long audiences with him, at four different times after the fever had subsided, when I found him in a good disposition to receive me, though extremely weak from the severity of his malady. He told me that he and his kingdom were much indebted to you, madame, for the desire you had manifested for peace, and a good intelligence and amity between the emperor and him, and consequently for his deliverance; which, if God should please to grant, he must always esteem you, even as a second mother, with whose advice and counsel he should be happy to govern his affairs; adding many other fair and courteous expressions. On this subject and his ardent desire for peace, as well as for the friendship and good graces of the emperor, he spoke much, devising at large the means of effecting it, and always recurring to the idea of a marriage as the principal thing to build upon. He also repeated his assurances of the desire he had to contribute to the aggrandisement of the emperor, and to assist in forwarding all his enterprises, referring all the means and details to the aforesaid Madame d'Alençon.... Madame! I met on my journey the said lady, and delivered to her your letters; and whilst I had this opportunity, with the knowledge and will of the emperor, I went to visit her, and have reason to think that I gave satisfaction without any cause of distrust on the one side or the other.'Madame! I have since recovered the copy of the letter which the emperor had written to M. de Praet, and of other writings which I now send, as a summary of the communications which here took place. Atthe commencement, the said lady recapitulated the proposition which had already been entertained respecting the marriage, the ransom, or the cession of the duchy (of Burgundy) on condition that it should be pronounced by the Parliament of Paris a possession belonging of right to the king, who would be ready to give hostages in this case, to ensure its surrender. On this point, however, the emperor declared, as he had before done, without any reference to the marriage, that no ransom would satisfy him, nothing less than the duchy, his ancient heritage, the foundation of his order, of which he bore the name and arms, rejecting the conditions attached to it as wholly inadmissible. Some days afterwards, the said lady made a proposition to the emperor, who went to visit her at her lodgings, to choose arbitrators, which he had before refused, and which he then, as she told me the same day, was ready to agree to. Afterwards, however, when she was in conference with the ambassadors, they came to a standstill when they touched on the aforesaid condition relating to the Parliament of Paris, and the hostages which the emperor, they maintain, would not accept.... Communications have passed in writing on both sides, of which the result has been nothing more than is above related. They have now taken their leave, both the Duchess of Alençon and the ambassadors, declaring that the king has fully made up his mind not to resign the said duchy except on the condition already proposed, choosing rather to submit to perpetual imprisonment; and this very day the said lady has sent to demand her passports, that she may return to France under the same security as she travelled hither, which has been granted her. No further movements or proposals have since taken place, theemperor continuing in the same determination to obtain possession of the duchy; and if the said lady takes her departure, as appears her intention, the hope of peace which has been excited by her arrival, and the subsequent attempts at negotiation, as well as by the arbitration supposed to be agreed on, will altogether vanish for the present.'Madame! On Sunday last, the 15th of this month, I received by Richard the letters and other papers which you were pleased to send me. The emperor was at that time on a hunting expedition five leagues hence, with a few attendants, having previously taken leave of the Duchess of Alençon; and on his return I presented to him your letters. I discussed with him at length the two principal points relative to the peace or truce, and the commercial arrangements in which your country is concerned.... To all this his Majesty gave a willing ear, and seemed to take in good part all that was said....'Madame! Whatever might have been the opinion offered, it has certainly come to pass ... that peace has been made with England, and according to articles which had been proposed and resolved upon before the battle and capture of the king.... Among other causes, it has chiefly arisen, as is pretended, out of the truce made in your country, as well as from the correspondence which has passed, and your frequent declarations, that as far as your interest was concerned, you had abandoned all thoughts of war. Concerning this matter I gave a sufficient explanation, and satisfied his said Majesty, as I hope thereupon....'[112]
'Madame!... In fulfilment of your wishes, andin accordance with the good pleasure of the emperor, ... I forthwith went to take your letters to the king (FrancisI.), and on your part to pay him a visit. I had long audiences with him, at four different times after the fever had subsided, when I found him in a good disposition to receive me, though extremely weak from the severity of his malady. He told me that he and his kingdom were much indebted to you, madame, for the desire you had manifested for peace, and a good intelligence and amity between the emperor and him, and consequently for his deliverance; which, if God should please to grant, he must always esteem you, even as a second mother, with whose advice and counsel he should be happy to govern his affairs; adding many other fair and courteous expressions. On this subject and his ardent desire for peace, as well as for the friendship and good graces of the emperor, he spoke much, devising at large the means of effecting it, and always recurring to the idea of a marriage as the principal thing to build upon. He also repeated his assurances of the desire he had to contribute to the aggrandisement of the emperor, and to assist in forwarding all his enterprises, referring all the means and details to the aforesaid Madame d'Alençon.... Madame! I met on my journey the said lady, and delivered to her your letters; and whilst I had this opportunity, with the knowledge and will of the emperor, I went to visit her, and have reason to think that I gave satisfaction without any cause of distrust on the one side or the other.
'Madame! I have since recovered the copy of the letter which the emperor had written to M. de Praet, and of other writings which I now send, as a summary of the communications which here took place. Atthe commencement, the said lady recapitulated the proposition which had already been entertained respecting the marriage, the ransom, or the cession of the duchy (of Burgundy) on condition that it should be pronounced by the Parliament of Paris a possession belonging of right to the king, who would be ready to give hostages in this case, to ensure its surrender. On this point, however, the emperor declared, as he had before done, without any reference to the marriage, that no ransom would satisfy him, nothing less than the duchy, his ancient heritage, the foundation of his order, of which he bore the name and arms, rejecting the conditions attached to it as wholly inadmissible. Some days afterwards, the said lady made a proposition to the emperor, who went to visit her at her lodgings, to choose arbitrators, which he had before refused, and which he then, as she told me the same day, was ready to agree to. Afterwards, however, when she was in conference with the ambassadors, they came to a standstill when they touched on the aforesaid condition relating to the Parliament of Paris, and the hostages which the emperor, they maintain, would not accept.... Communications have passed in writing on both sides, of which the result has been nothing more than is above related. They have now taken their leave, both the Duchess of Alençon and the ambassadors, declaring that the king has fully made up his mind not to resign the said duchy except on the condition already proposed, choosing rather to submit to perpetual imprisonment; and this very day the said lady has sent to demand her passports, that she may return to France under the same security as she travelled hither, which has been granted her. No further movements or proposals have since taken place, theemperor continuing in the same determination to obtain possession of the duchy; and if the said lady takes her departure, as appears her intention, the hope of peace which has been excited by her arrival, and the subsequent attempts at negotiation, as well as by the arbitration supposed to be agreed on, will altogether vanish for the present.
'Madame! On Sunday last, the 15th of this month, I received by Richard the letters and other papers which you were pleased to send me. The emperor was at that time on a hunting expedition five leagues hence, with a few attendants, having previously taken leave of the Duchess of Alençon; and on his return I presented to him your letters. I discussed with him at length the two principal points relative to the peace or truce, and the commercial arrangements in which your country is concerned.... To all this his Majesty gave a willing ear, and seemed to take in good part all that was said....
'Madame! Whatever might have been the opinion offered, it has certainly come to pass ... that peace has been made with England, and according to articles which had been proposed and resolved upon before the battle and capture of the king.... Among other causes, it has chiefly arisen, as is pretended, out of the truce made in your country, as well as from the correspondence which has passed, and your frequent declarations, that as far as your interest was concerned, you had abandoned all thoughts of war. Concerning this matter I gave a sufficient explanation, and satisfied his said Majesty, as I hope thereupon....'[112]
At last, on the 14th of January 1526, the Treatyof Madrid was signed between CharlesV.and FrancisI., and the emperor at once wrote to Margaret to inform her of the joyful news, enclosing a summary of the treaty. In return for his freedom the French king agreed to give up the much-coveted duchy of Burgundy and the counties of Charolais and Hesdin, to allow the sovereignty of Flanders and other countries of the emperor within France. To renounce all claim to Naples, Milan, Genoa, and Asti, as well as to Tournay and Arras. To reinstate the Duke of Bourbon in all his property; and set at liberty the Prince of Orange without any ransom. It was agreed that all prisoners on both sides should be liberated; and that the Duke of Gueldres should be allowed to retain his title during his lifetime, on condition that at his death his duchy should pass to the emperor.
The king's marriage with Queen Eleanor of Portugal was to take place as soon as possible, the queen bringing 200,000 crowns in gold as her dower, besides the counties of Macon, Auxerre, and Bar-sur-Seine, which were to be settled on her and her heirs. It was especially stipulated that if the king should be unable to restore Burgundy or carry out other parts of the treaty, he should again return to captivity, leaving the Dauphin and his second son as hostages.[113]
The emperor also wrote to Margaret on the 15th January asking her to convoke the States-General for the 22nd of May, to inform them of the peace that had just been concluded.
But Francis had no intention of keeping the promises which had been wrung from him under compulsion, and he secretly resolved to break faith with the emperor as soon as he regained his liberty.
A few days after the Treaty of Madrid had been signed Margaret had the sorrow of losing her niece, Isabel, the young Queen of Denmark, who died near Ghent on the 19th of January, at the age of twenty-five, and was buried in that city. Her life with ChristianII.had not been a happy one, and it was said that she died of a broken heart. Her three children, John, Dorothea, and Christina,[114]she left to her aunt Margaret's care, 'whom she had always called her mother.' Margaret nobly fulfilled this trust, and tenderly watched over the children until her death. She appointed the learned Cornelius Agrippa, then residing at her Court, as tutor to Prince John, who at the time of his mother's death was only eight years old. In a letter to Ferdinand Charles thus mentions their sister's death: 'I am very sorry for the death of our sister the Queen of Denmark, and have taken care that prayers should be said for the repose of her soul. I would willingly recommend to you her children our nephews, who are at present in the hands of our dear aunt in Flanders.'
THE CHILDREN OF CHRISTIAN II AND ISABEL OF DENMARK
THE CHILDREN OF CHRISTIAN II AND ISABEL OF DENMARKIN MOURNING DRESS FOR THEIR MOTHERFROM THE PAINTING BY MABUSE AT HAMPTON COURT PALACEView larger image
On Ash-Wednesday, the 14th of February, Charles de Lannoy wrote to Margaret from Madrid to inform her that the emperor had arrived the day before, and King Francis had gone outside the city to meet him. After supper they had spent two hours talking together, and seemed well pleased with each other. The king had begged permission to see Queen Eleanor, which was granted, with the assurancethat as soon as he set foot in Provence she should be delivered over to him.
Lannoy goes on to say that he has been ordered to attend the king on his way to France.
On February the 26th the Abbot of Najera mentions in a long letter to the emperor that peace had been proclaimed in Milan on St. Matthew's Day, the 24th of February, which was looked upon as a good omen as it was the emperor's birthday as well as the anniversary of the victory of Pavia. But a little later John Jonglet wrote to Margaret from London that 'it was publicly asserted that the King of France would not keep his treaty with the emperor, as the States-General of his kingdom would never sanction the dismemberment of his crown.'[115]
Charles himself seems to have suspected that Francis might play him false, for, on the 19th of February, he had written to De Praet that ... 'as the said Seigneur King (Francis) is bound to deliver up to us certain hostages, as you will see by this treaty, we desire that you will well and carefully inform yourself who the said hostages are to be, whether the king's two eldest sons, or Monseigneur the Dauphin, and twelve of the principal nobility ... that you take especial notice of, and be regardful of the persons of the three children of France, that you make yourself thoroughly acquainted with the visage, physiognomy, size, and person of each, that when it comes to the delivering of them over ... there may be no trickery in substituting one person for another, and that you may be able of a certainty to recognise them as the identical persons whom we ought to have. Our Viceroy of Naples is to take the charge of the said delivery and acceptation,and as you are aware he can have no particular knowledge himself of the said children, it is a matter of necessity that you should be well acquainted with all these particulars....' In another letter to De Praet he says: 'On Shrove-Tuesday we reached Madrid, where we had the satisfaction of finding ourselves with the Sieur King, reciprocally exchanging such sentiments and good offices as two attached friends and brothers entertain and exercise together....
'We remained at Madrid Tuesday evening, Wednesday, and Thursday, and on the following day departed thence with the said king our brother, and slept four leagues from Madrid, in order to reach Illescas, two leagues further, on Saturday. At Illescas we shall find the queen our sister (Eleanor). Here they will meet and see each other, and speak together; and then the king will return to Madrid, and we shall continue his companion in the evening. The next day he will begin his journey direct for Bayonne accompanied by our said viceroy. Soon afterwards our sister the queen will also set off for the same, attended by our Constable of Castile. And as to ourselves, we intend to take the road towards Seville, where we shall find our empress, and where our marriage is to take place.'[116]
On the 16th of February Charles wrote to Louise of Savoy:—