4. By this time a sufficient degree of expansion and strength had been acquired by the New Nation to inspire in it great confidence in itself and grand views of its future, and the “Monroe Doctrine,” that the United States would refrain from all meddling with the politics of Europe, but would resolutely oppose the meddling of any European power with the politics of this continent, was adopted. This doctrine did not propose any interference with other governments already established here, but America was to be left to its present possessors, and European ambition was to look elsewhere for kingdoms to conquer or found. A tacit protectorate over all America was assumed, in order to prevent the entrance of any other element that might build up a system hostile to our interests and progress. It was a legitimate conclusion from the principles and necessities that had led to the inauguration of the annexation policy. The nation claimed that it had a right to keep the ground clear from obstacles to its natural development. It was a system of growth and protection involving no ideas of conquest by force, and no menace to governments already established.
5. The third addition to our territorial area took place under circumstances which all true Americans will ever regret. If stated by our enemies it would be said that, after encouraging the settlement of the territory of a neighbor by our owncitizens, and giving them covert support in withdrawing that territory from its proper owners, we took possession of it, and when they naturally undertook to protect, or recover it, we made a war of invasion on them, employed our superior skill and vigor to disarm their State, and took as much more of their territory as suited our purposes; in short, that we picked a quarrel, and being the strongest bound and robbed them.
6. It cannot be agreeable to lovers of justice and defenders of equal rights, that there should be so much of truth in this statement as to render it impossible to clearly and distinctly prove the contrary. There was, however, an element of the necessary and unavoidable, even in this, that was more in harmony with the previous system of acquisition than appeared on the surface. Texas presented, perhaps, the finest climate and the greatest facilities for money-making on the continent. The Mexicans inherited the religion and hatred of protestants with the haughty, repelling spirit of the Spaniards, and wished to preserve the old Spanish policy of separating themselves from us by a broad barrier of desert and wilderness. They did not wish to settle Texas themselves, nor feel willing that any one else should. It is inevitable that enterprise and strength, impelled by self-interest, will disregard such wishes. Americans are neither perfect nor magnanimous enough to stand on ceremony when their interests are concerned. The best that can be said of them is that they are more moderate and self-contained than any other people. The necessities of the institution of slavery required more territory to balance the rapid increase of free States, and this precipitated the movement that was inevitable sooner or later from other causes. Indeed the first patent of territory obtained in Texas, from the Mexican government, was by a native of Connecticut. The rapid growth of commerce in the Pacific ocean, the agreeable climate and fertile soil of California, and the unsettled, wilderness state of that region, caused the commercial nations of Europe to look at it with longing eyes. The Monroe doctrine was in danger of being violated. England had fully prepared to planta colony there when it was taken possession of by the American forces.
7. Thus the enterprise and energy of the nation, which had still further developed its instinct, or anticipations and plans, of future greatness, required to use the vast resources of the Gulf region, and to extend settlements to the Pacific Slope in order to develop the mineral resources of that region and prepare to build up its commerce with Eastern Asia. The northern parts of Mexico were useless to her, since she had neither population to occupy them, nor strength to subdue the Indians who roamed over them in scattered bands. There is a justice and propriety which has the force of Natural Law in allowing the active and vigorous to take possession of the natural resources that others can not or will not develop. The earth was made for mankind as a whole, and what cannot benefit one race, another, that is able to employ it for its own and the general good, has some show of right in entering upon. That, at least, must be the justification of our ancestors in intruding themselves upon the lands and hunting grounds of the aboriginal inhabitants of America, and our only excuse for making war with the Indians, forcing them to part with their lands, confining them to reservations, and denying to King Philip, Powhattan, and Tecumseh the admiration and esteem we give to the patriotic defenders of our native land and natural rights.
8. It is to be regretted that the vast and valuable territory acquired from Mexico should be the spoil of conquest rather than the fruit of peaceful negotiation; but the eagerness of the speculator, the unreasonable pride and selfishness of the Mexican, and the peculiar requirements of our internal conflict over slavery put to silence, for a time, the voice of moderation and equity, and we annexed near 1,000,000 square miles of territory by force. The payment of $18,500,000, when we might have taken it without, was an indication that our ordinary sense of justice was not altogether quenched.
9. We may reasonably consider that this was exceptional, and that the confusion of judgment and the disorder consequent on the life and death struggle of the institution of slavery,which were in a few years to produce the most terrible civil war known to history, led us into the comparatively moderate aggression and violence that marked this annexation to our territorial area. Our traditional policy is to acquire peaceably, and with a satisfactory remuneration, such territory as the national progress and development demand. It is contrary to the spirit of our institutions to oblige the majority of the inhabitants of any region not within our boundaries to form a part of the Republic.
10. Two annexations have been made since the Mexican war. Arizona was obtained by treaty and purchase from Mexico, in 1854, and Alaska by treaty and purchase from Russia, in 1867. The first is valuable for its mineral treasures. It was useless to Mexico, though we gave $10,000,000 for it. It will ultimately be worth to us hundreds of millions, and its ruins of an ancient people will be replaced by a thriving population of intelligent freemen. Alaska is specially valuable in relation to our future commerce with Asia, and for its fisheries and fur trade. Its internal resources are, as yet, scarcely known.
11. The superior stability of American institutions and the love of law and order of the American people may make annexation desirable and profitable to the more volatile and unsteady Southern States of America, but it is probable that no labored efforts to induce annexation will be tolerated by the mass of the people. We may fairly judge that we have reached our natural boundaries; that the advancement of neighboring governments in order and intelligence will suffice to give protection to the comparatively small numbers who may find a better field for their energies without than within the Union; and that if any future annexations are made it will be by the purchase of uninhabited regions that may be more valuable to us than to their owners; or that, if any inhabited regions are incorporated into the Union, it will be at the instance and desire of its own inhabitants rather than of our people. We are the special champions of popular and all other rights, and shall never be likely to forget ourselves again so far as to repeat the Mexican war, however pressing our desires.
Transcriber’s Note: Some of the figures in this table are unreadable and are represented by X. Several copies of the book were checked and all have the same printing error. Later editions use different figures in that column and can’t be relied on to fill in the missing data.
Transcriber’s Note: Some of the figures in this table are unreadable and are represented by X. Several copies of the book were checked and all have the same printing error. Later editions use different figures in that column and can’t be relied on to fill in the missing data.
Note.—Returns of the colored population of the United States received at the Census Office show a total in all the States and Territories of 4,857,000, being an increase of 9.35-100 per cent. since 1860. The State of Georgia has the largest colored population; Virginia, Alabama, Mississippi, South Carolina, North Carolina and Louisiana follow next in order.
As shown in the last census (1870), the seven leading States rank, according to population, as follows: (1) New York; (2) Pennsylvania; (3) Ohio; (4) Illinois; (5) Missouri; (6) Indiana; (7) Massachusetts. Thusfourout of the seven most populous States are “new States;” that is, they were not included in the original “thirteen.” In 1789, the four States at the head of the list were: (1) Virginia; (2) Pennsylvania; (3) North Carolina; (4) Massachusetts. At present, Virginia (if the State had not been divided) would have ranked in the seventh place, or nextafterIndiana. In absolute increase of inhabitants, Pennsylvania heads the list of the old States in the last decade: and the total population of said State is about equal to that of the thirteen States of Connecticut, Arkansas, West Virginia, Minnesota, Kansas, Vermont, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Florida, Delaware, Nebraska, Oregon and Nevada. The aggregate population of the six New England States of Massachusetts, Maine, Connecticut, New Hampshire, Vermont and Rhode Island falls considerably short of that of Pennsylvania. The States west of the Mississippi, including the Pacific States, have aboutone-sixthof the whole population of the United States.
The ratio of increase in population from 1790 to 1800 was 35.02 per cent.; from 1800 to 1810, 36.45 per cent.; from 1810 to 1820, 33.13 per cent.; from 1820 to 1830, 33.49 per cent.; from 1830 to 1840, 32.67 per cent.; from 1840 to 1850, 38.57 per cent.; from 1850 to 1860, 37.75 per cent.; from 1860 to 1870, 22.34 per cent. Supposing the increase during this decade (since 1870) to be 30 per cent. there would be in 1875 nearly 45,000,000 inhabitants. We have reason to suppose it to be at least 35 per cent. This, in 1880, would give 52,437,192.
1. All government is professedly for the good of the people; but in point of fact, nearly every government that has ever been instituted has been in the interest of an individual, a family, or a class. American statesmen, in forming our government, admitted the superior rights of no man or class of men. It was carefully organized to exclude all claims or pretenses of that kind, with a single exception, at first, which afterward disappeared in the tempest of a civil war. The executive, the various members of the government, and the law makers depend on the people for their elevation. At first they possessed only the dignity, privileges, and rights of the people at large, and, their term of office expired, they return to the same level, honored, indeed, if they have been faithful servants; if not, carrying to their dishonored graves the reproaches and contempt of their fellow-citizens, but retaining, in neither case, a vestige of the power and exaltation over others that clothed them when in office, the contrary of which so often makes an unworthy man respectable in a different form of government.
2. That the masses of the people would be able to exercise a true sovereignty without abusing it was always doubted until the trial was made in this country. A very respectable class of statesmen in the early days of the Republic, sympathized inthis doubt, and it even crept into the Constitution in the form of electors who were to choose the President; intimating a distrust of the wisdom and sound discretion of the voters in the choice of the Chief Magistrate. The liberty allowed to the Legislatures of the States to determine the manner in which electors should be chosen, while it recognized State authority on one side, on the other implied a hesitation to trust so important a matter directly to the people; and for a long time they were only indirectly consulted as to the choice of a President.
3. It was not, however, caused by a desire to keep power from them, but rather to avoid the unhappy effect of popular heat and rashness, so often observed in popular governments before attempted. This distrustful party first took control of the government, retained it during three presidential terms, and for many years afterwards formed an influential minority whose criticisms were of importance in establishing a traditional policy for the government. This party—the Federalists, headed by Washington and Hamilton—sought to found a strong and stable government that should be able to fully protect the country from foreign interference and domestic discord. Their control over the administration was somewhat abruptly closed by acts considered arbitrary, interfering with full freedom of speech and of the press—the “Sedition Laws” as they were called. Jefferson and the Republican party demanded the largest popular freedom, and had the conduct of the government for twenty-four years, impressing on its habits and policy the respect for the opinions of the people at large that has ever since characterized it. The people gradually gained control of presidential elections and practically set the electors aside, making and enforcing their own choice in general elections.
4. The exercise of popular sovereignty has gradually been enlarged, no qualification but that of age and nativity being now generally required, and the government may fairly be considered to represent the views of a majority of the people, and not only of the native, but also of the foreign born; since thegreat mass of the latter are, by naturalization, absorbed into the mass of citizens. They come to make a permanent home with us, from a preference, as it is fair to assume, for republican institutions; and it is considered right that they should have a voice in the conduct of them. Nor have the American people seen cause to regret their liberality in this respect. Citizens of foreign birth have usually proved as thoughtful and wise as the rest of the population, and as worthy of citizenship. They bring to us wealth in their labor if not in their purses, and soon become thoroughly American in their habits and sympathies. The government and the people cordially welcome them, and find themselves the stronger and richer by so doing.
5. It must not be forgotten that the strongest fears of popular influence on the government, the stability of our institutions, and the maintenance of the good order necessary to the security of property and the general prosperity, were entertained at the first; that the prophecies of the foreseers of evil have been almost uniformly false during its whole course; and that the relation between the people and the general government has constantly grown closer, to the great advantage of both. The first war into which the country was plunged after the Revolution—that of 1812—was comparatively a failure, in its earlier part, for want of this mutual confidence. Later the people and the government have been more closely allied, and the government has been strong while the people have seen their cherished ends gained.
There has been continual advance in liberality of administration, in efficiency of organization, and in the completeness of social order. We have no reason to suppose that a tendency, continued through a hundred years and favored by so many circumstances that are common to all nations in our generation to a degree never before known, will be changed. Rather we may confidently expect that with increased intelligence, experience, and prosperity that tendency will be strengthened.
1. The right pertaining to citizenship, to vote for such officers as are elected by the people, is called suffrage. When that right is acquired with respect to one class of officers it always extends to the whole, from petty town or city officials, to high officers of the State and United States government—all, in short, who obtain office directly from the people.
2. The Constitution defines who shall be regarded as citizens of the United States, and all such are declared by it to be also citizens of the State in which they reside. It declares “all persons, born, or naturalized in the United States, and subject to its jurisdiction” to be citizens. Indian tribes are mostly regarded as foreign nations, and have such rights as treaties give them, but are not taxed and do not vote; therefore they are not regarded as citizens.
3. Yet suffrage does not belong toallcitizens. The special regulation of the voting prerogative was not assumed by the Constitution, nor delegated to Congress, and it is generally conceded that it belongs to the State governments. The regulations in the States are not uniform, but in no State do women or minors vote. This cuts off a large part of the citizens, nearly three-fourths belonging to these classes. Minors are supposed, however, to be represented, as to their interests, by their guardians, and females by husbands or brothers. Some of the States make minor restrictions as to length of residence in the State, and require a certain amount of property to constitute a voter, and in some naturalization is not required—so that the range of the right of suffrage varies within small limits, in different States. Whatever rule is adopted by the States has been accepted as the basis of suffrage for that State by the general government, when members of Congress and President and Vice-President are voted for.
4. It seems to be a loose point in the regulations, otherwise so admirable, since it may work a considerable inequalityunder given circumstances; and, in some cases, might change the policy of the government. It is a question worthy of consideration whether there should not be an amendment to the Constitution establishing uniformity of suffrage in all the States. This point has caused much discussion in the State governments and various changes have been, from time to time, made in many of them. These have been, usually, in the direction of liberality—tending to enlarge the scope of suffrage. The property qualification, quite common in earlier times, is now rare. The fifteenth amendment, recently adopted, has largely increased the number of voters.
5. The experience of the Republic, thus far, has been in favor of the doctrine that it is safe to trust the people with their own interests, and that the responsibilities of self-government, when they are laid on them under the favorable circumstances that exist among us, tend to improvement instead of disorganization. Whether this will always be the case it may not be safe to assume, and a prudent regard to possibilities should not be neglected; but we should not forget that those who founded American liberty ran great risks of anarchy in the eyes of their contemporaries. We ought to be able safely to continue a policy of suffrage which they introduced with results so fortunate.
6. Education needs to be encouraged, and this has always received much attention. It is probable that but for the very liberal provision made in this respect, the fate of our government would have been very different. Many foreigners who had no early education, have been naturalized, and the colored people born in the country have been made citizens. If the remainder of the people had not been intelligent, it would no doubt have been extremely dangerous. It has led to some serious local interruptions of order and prosperity, but they have been, so far, temporary; and the general effect has been to awaken ambition for education; the children of new-made citizens have enjoyed the same facilities as others to acquire intelligence necessary to a citizen; and the right of suffrage,when extended to the ignorant and degraded has seemed to produce the general effect of destroying a dangerous class by raising them gradually to intelligence and self-respect and respect for the laws, by making them the political equals of those who are socially and intellectually far above them.
7. As we grow in numbers all influences like this take a wider range, and acquire more power, and sometimes produce different results, when they become extensive, from what was the case when more limited, from the difference of influence in modifying causes; and there has always been fear of trouble from the extension of suffrage to too many ignorant persons. It is well to be cautious; but we ought to venture as far as possible for the sake of improving and elevating all classes of our people.
8. It is also a question worthy of attention if women who own property that is taxed ought not to possess the right of suffrage. The war that made us a Nation was begun because we refused to be taxed unless we could be represented, and have a vote in the body laying the taxes. The principle appears to be precisely the same; and what we fought for then should not be denied now.
Whatever fault we may sometimes find with the conduct of our government; however much self-seeking to the neglect of the public good there may be among officials; however many weaknesses, errors, and violations of law may call for our severest reprobation, and, in moments of depression, lead us to look gloomily and doubtfully toward the future; yet it is not to be denied that the Home of real Freedom is with us. Mismanagement is but temporary, or limited, and easily admits of remedy, with time and care; our advantages are permanent andextensive. In eighty years the population has become nearly twelve times as numerous as at the beginning of that period, and this rapid growth in numbers has been made up largely from the disposition of foreigners to make a permanent home among us. Those who are oppressed, who suffer restraint in their interests or belief, or wish for a wider career for themselves or their families—who want a free field for business enterprise, for mental and moral development, or full play for their abilities to influence their fellow men, come to us. Here they find fair opportunity for what may be lacking elsewhere. They come here by millions; the poor, by industry, become rich; the oppressed leave persecutions and galling burdens behind them; and genius finds full play for its aspirations in whatever direction its energies may be turned.
At the time of the last Census there were 5,566,546 persons in the Union, and forming part of our population, of foreign birth. A large part of these have become citizens by Naturalization. The remainder, or their descendants, if they remain here, will become citizens by that process, or by lapse of time.
After they have become familiar with our institution, ideas, and habits, they are incorporated with the body of our citizens and are a part of the Nation. The naturalized citizen may become, in time, a State officer, or member of Congress, if he can make himself acceptable to his fellow citizens; or he may possibly live to see his son President of the United States.
Congress alone has power, under the Constitution, to enact naturalization laws. Suffrage, or the right of voting, is left to the regulation of the States, within certain limits; but every citizen, made such by law of the General Government, is also a citizen of the State in which he resides, and will acquire, within such times as State regulations shall determine, the right to vote.
State laws regarding suffrage vary. Some States even admit aliens who are not citizens of the United States to the right of suffrage and to other privileges; and most require any citizen to reside a prescribed length of time in the State before hecan vote. A uniform regulation in all the States would be desirable.
Any alien, having arrived in the United States after the age of eighteen years, may be admitted to the rights of citizenship, after a declaration, upon his part, or oath or affirmation, before the Supreme, Superior, District, or Circuit Court of, or any court of record having common law jurisdiction in, any of the United States, or of the territories thereto belonging, or before a Circuit or District Court of the United States, or the Clerk or Prothonotary of any of the aforesaid courts, two years at least before his admission, that it is hisbona fideintention to become a citizen of the United States, and to renounce forever all allegiance and fidelity to any foreign prince, potentate, State or sovereignty whatever, and particularly by name, the prince, potentate, State, or sovereignty, whereof such alien may at any time have been a citizen or subject; if such alien has borne any hereditary title, or been of any of the orders of nobility in the kingdom or State from which he came, he must, moreover, expressly renounce his title or order of nobility, in the court in which his application is made, which renunciation is to be recorded in such county; and the court admitting such alien must also be satisfied that he has continuously resided in the United States for five years, at least, immediately preceding his naturalization, and also within the State or Territory wherein such court is at the time held, at least one year immediately previous to such naturalization; and that during such five years he has been of good moral character, attached to the principles of the Constitution of the United States, and well disposed to the good order and happiness of the same; the oath of at least two citizens of the United States is requisite to prove the fact of such residence; and, at the time of his application to be admitted to citizenship, he must make, upon oath or affirmation, the same declaration of renunciation and abjuration of allegiance to any foreign power, and also make oath or affirmation to support the Constitution of the United States; all ofwhich proceedings are to be recorded by the Clerk or Prothonotary of the proper court.
If any alien, having legally filed his declaration of intention to become a citizen and taken the necessary oath or affirmation, die before he is actually naturalized, his widow and children are entitled to all the rights and privileges of citizens, upon taking the required oaths or affirmations.
Any alien arriving in the United States under the age of eighteen years, and continuously residing therein until the time of his application for citizenship, may, after reaching the age of twenty-one years, and having been a resident within the United States for five years, including the three years of his minority, be admitted a citizen, without making the formal declaration of intention required in other cases; but at the time of his admission he must make such declaration, and further satisfy the court, upon oath or affirmation, that, for the three years immediately preceding, it had been hisbona fideintention to become such citizen, and in all other respects must comply with the naturalization laws of the United States.
Severe penalties for counterfeiting any evidence of citizenship, or disposing of a certificate of naturalization to any person other than the one for whom it was issued, are imposed by act of Congress.
1. A pure democracy is a government in which all the people who have the proper qualifications for voting personally take part—or have the right to do so—in the discussion of public measures, and enactment of the laws. This is not practicable unless the State consist of a small number of persons; and a representative democracy is substituted, in which the masses of the people exercise the voting and ruling prerogativeby appointing a small number of substitutes to act in their place and represent them. This appointment of representatives is for the most part the only direct way in which the people of this country are able to take part in the government. Though the theory is that the people alone are sovereign, this is the only way in which sovereignty can exert itself. Even if present in a legislative assembly, they cannot discuss or vote unless they are Representatives, duly elected.
2. Elections, then, are of the highest importance. If a citizen would exert his sovereign authority, as one of the depositaries of power, he must take part in them. Representatives elected to make laws are expected to express the will of the majority of the people whom they represent. They are pledged, expressly or tacitly, to do so. If they disobey the will of their constituents, there is no immediate redress. They can be displaced only at the close of the term for which they were elected. There is some inconvenience and danger attending this method; though the fear of the displeasure of their constituents is usually sufficient to secure faithfulness. Where the people are numerous, (there are now more than 135,000 persons to each representative,) it becomes a matter of much interest to know what is their will. It is ascertained by the elections. The people vote for a candidate, or nominee, known to hold certain political principles. As men do not often see or think alike there is generally more than one principle, or system of views, regarding public measures, involved in every election, and therefore more than one candidate. The result of the vote shows the will of the majority. The same question generally occupies the attention of the whole country, and the elections to Congress determine the policy of the government, so far as legislation is concerned.
3. The same remarks apply to the election of the President and the members of the State governments. The choice of men for the State legislatures determines the policy and political principles of the State government, and as the majority in State legislatures appoint the Senators, the character of Congressand its measures are influenced by State elections. The choice of the President is not, in theory, made directly, since Electors are chosen, who afterwards vote for the President; but it is understood that they will vote for a certain man; and it has been so invariably their custom to do so, that the result is considered as settled by the direct vote of the people. Should the Electors do otherwise the people would be very much surprised and displeased, and those Electors would have little prospect of appointment to office again. Very few men in office are willing to seriously offend their constituents, so that practically, the people vote directly for the President and Vice-President they prefer.
4. Of all our elections none is considered of so much importance as the Presidential. These come every four years, because the Constitution provides that the term for which a President is chosen, shall be four years. Our elections, both for the general and State governments, are by ballot, instead ofviva voce, (the living voice,) as in some countries.
The ballot is a small piece of paper, with the name of the candidate or candidates printed or written upon it, and then folded in such a manner as to hide them, so that no one but the voter can tell what names are on his ballot. A vote byviva voce, is when the voter, in the presence of the inspectors of the election, audibly and clearly calls out the name of the candidate for whom he votes, and thus proclaims in the hearing of all present how he votes. But the ballot enables the voter to vote secretly if he chooses to do so.
1. The ratio of representation simply means the ratio between the whole population of the United States, and the whole number of their Representatives in Congress; and this of course includes the ratio between the people of any individualState, and the Representatives it is entitled to; both being estimated upon the same basis, and determined by the same rule.
2. The distinctive characteristic of our government is, that it is apopulargovernment. Its power is vested in the people. They elect their rulers, who are the servants of the people, and these rulers are expected to carry out the people’s wishes. Upon such a system, it is a matter of the first importance, to distribute this power equally among all the people, and after having fixed upon the ratio between the whole population and the whole number of Representatives; or, in other words, after having determined how many members shall compose the lower House of Congress, the next step is to apportion these members among all the States in the ratio of their population. If one State has twice the number of inhabitants that another has, it will be entitled to twice the number of Representatives in Congress. If one has ten times the inhabitants that another has, it will be entitled to ten times the number of Representatives, and so on; with this one exception, which is, that by a provision in the Constitution, every State, without regard to its population, is entitled to one Representative in the lower House.
3. The adjustment of this matter is all provided for in the Constitution, that is, in its general features; but it devolves upon Congress in every tenth year to re-adjust and re-apportion the Representatives among the several States, according to the population of each State as shown by the last census, which is taken every tenth year; and when the apportionment is once made, it remains the same for the next ten years, when the census is taken again, and a new apportionment is made.
4. Up to the present time (1874,) this has been done nine times. It was done the first time by the convention which formed the Constitution. That apportionment is found in the Constitution, and is as follows:
By this it will be seen that the first Congress consisted of but 65 members.
The Constitution also provided that Representatives should not exceed one to every 30,000 people. The next year after the government went into operation, (1790,) the first census was taken, and as soon as the result was known, a new apportionment was made. This was done in 1792, and was made upon the ratio of one Representative to every 33,000 of representative[4]population.