[115]There is no way of establishing the date of the fall of Nicomedia. The Ottoman historians report that it was added to the dominions of Orkhan in 1326, the year of his accession and of the fall of Brusa. It is best here to follow the unanimous testimony of the Byzantine sources, which is in accord with the natural inference that Nicomedia fell some time after Nicaea: Greg., XI. 6, p. 545; Phr., I. 8, p. 38. Hammer cannot disregard the testimony of Gregoras here. He ingenuously suggests that the city might have been lost by the Osmanlis, and recaptured. Cantacuzenos (II. 24, p. 446, and 26, p. 459) says that Andronicus III went twice to the aid of Nicomedia in 1331, but he does not record the loss of either Brusa or Nicomedia. In the collection of Feridun, Bibl. Nat., Paris, MS. anc. fonds turc 79, there is a diploma appointing Soleiman governor of Nicomedia in 1332, but the authenticity of the earlier pieces in this collection is open to grave suspicion (cf. Bibliography).[116]Howorth, iii. 613.[117]Canale, i. 215.[118]Not an actual defensive alliance against Orkhan, as Schlumberger,Numismatique de l’Orient latin, p. 480, supposes. See Cant., II. 13, pp. 388-90; Phr., I. 8, p. 37.[119]Cant., II. 28, pp. 470-3.[120]Ibid., 22, p. 435.[121]Ibid., 25, pp. 455-6.[122]Cant. II., 29-30, pp. 480-4; Greg., XI. 2, p. 530.[123]Hammer, quoting Ashikpashazadé, i. 150-1.[124]Mordtmann, inZDMG. (1911), lxv. 105, basing his statement, like Hammer, on Ashikpashazadé, Vatican MS., fol. 33, givesA.H.735, 737, or 740. The earliest of these dates is precluded by the testimony of Ibn Batutah, who found these places still independent aboutA.H.735.A.H.737 might be possible, if we decide that Orkhan accomplished everything during the one expedition against Pergama. Mordtmann, still quoting Ashikpashazadé, says that these three cities were held by relatives of the Palaeologi. If this be true, it goes to prove that there must have existed all along in the reigns of Osman and Orkhan quasi-friendly relations between Moslem and Christian. There was certainly no religious fanaticism during this period of Ottoman history.[125]‘Les Osmanlis avaient étendu leur domination en Asie Mineure et absorbé les états dont l’indépendance avait jusqu’alors empêché l’unité politique de l’Empire musulman!’ Delaville-Leroulx,France en Orient au XIVesiècle, i. 118. ‘Osmans Sohn Orkhan Kleinasien unterworfen hatte’: Wüstenfeld,Geschichte der Türken, p. 16. ‘Orkan s’impadroni di quasi tutta la Natolia’: Alberi, in preface (viii) to series III, vol. i, ofRelazione Ven. Amb.One of the earliest western historians gives Orkhan’s ambition as ‘solus cupiens in minore Asia regnare’: Cervarius, p. 5. Even Hammer, i. 150, is considerably ahead of time in saying, in one of his chapters on Orkhan, ‘Les hordes ottomanes se précipitèrent du haut de l’Olympe comme une avalanche, franchissant montagnes et vallées, ajoutant à leurs possessions les neuf royaumes nés des débris de l’Empire seljukide, inondant Asie Mineure depuis l’Olympe jusqu’au Taurus.’ Hammer does not mean to give this wrong impression, but one has to read very closely not to get it. See discussion of this error in Appendix B.[126]Cant., IV. 37, p. 284. Is it on the strength of this evident error of a Greek writer that Evliya effendi, ii. 229, says ‘Orkhan captured Angora from the Prince of Kutayia of the Kermian family’? Hussein Hezarfenn, following Chalcocondylas, is an example of an Ottoman historian basing his statements on a Greek authority.[127]For the time of Ibn Batutah and Shehabeddin see Appendix B, p. 279. Mas-Latrie,Trésor de Chronologie, col. 1796, after careful collation of Shehabeddin and Ibn Batutah, comes to the conclusion that Orkhan added the emirates of Balikesri, Marmara, Akbara, Kaouïa, Keredek, Kul Hissar, and Thingizlu to his state between 1349 and 1360. This, too, is discussed in Appendix B.[128]Marmara, for example, is given by the Ottoman historians as a conquest made by Osman. See Hammer, i. 89. But it is mentioned as an independent principality by Shehabeddin, inNotices et Extraits des MSS. de la Bibl. du roi, xiii. 358, 366.[129]Ibn Batutah, ii. 321-2.[130]Shehabeddin, Paris MS., fonds arabe 2325, fol. 139 vº-140 rº.[131]Ibid., fol. 125 vº.[132]Hammer, i. 110-11, says that Alaeddin, ‘stranger to the profession of arms, occupied himself solely with the cares of state’, but on p. 133 he has Alaeddin commanding the troops in battle while Orkhan watches from the top of a hill![133]For the derivation of vizier, with the double meaning of burden-bearer and the one who aids, see Ibn Khaldun,Prolegomena, inNotices et Extraits, xx. 4.[134]Gen. xxviii. 11-18.[135]Sale’s translation, c. 20, verse 30, p. 234.[136]Col. Djevad bey, p. 20,n.2. Col. Djevad claims that von Hammer’s derivation of the word ‘pasha’ from the Persian is wrong. But he gives no reason which would satisfy the philologist when he asserts that this word is essentially Turkish. Nor does he attempt to explain its original meaning. ‘Pasha’ is probably a shortened form of ‘padishah’. SeeCentury Dictionary, v. 4228.[137]According to the biographer of Brusa, cited by Hammer, i. 146,n.4.[138]I do not understand what Hammer means when he says, i. 116, that theKanunnamémust be taken in the sense of political rather than ecclesiastical law. The two cannot be separated in Islam. Or, perhaps, it is better to say that there is no political law. The very wordKanunwas taken from the Greeks, was used by them for ecclesiastical law, and its adoption by the Osmanlis (at a much later period than Orkhan) serves to emphasize the fact that there was no other land of law conceivable than the law of the Church. The wordKanunhad of course other meanings, but in its collective legal sense it seems to have stood only for rules or laws that had to do with things ecclesiastical or religious. See the various meanings of this word in A. Souter’sText and Canon of the New Testament(London, 1913), pp. 154-5.[139]This petition is in the Litany of the Prayer Book of Edward VI. Cf. Schaff,Church History, iv. 151.[140]I do not mean to assert that religious feeling has played no part in the massacres of our own day. But these massacres were arranged by the government, who incited the Moslems to attack their Christian neighbours, inflaming the ignorant mind more by an appeal to racial hatred, to loot, to lust, than to defence of the sacred faith. In the Armenian massacres it was represented to the ignorant village Moslem that the Armenians were plotting to set up an independent government or to betray the fatherland to some European power. I was in Adana during the terrible massacre of 1909, and make this statement from personal experience and observation.[141]Michail Koëzé, Marco, and Evrenos were Greeks. Cf. Leunclavius,Pandectes, p. 125.[142]Up to the time of the Tanzimat, in 1849, Christians were calledraïas. The original meaning ofraïawas a flock, and was not a term of contempt, but a recognition of the fact that Christians were a taxable asset to the nation, at so much per head.[143]In western Asia Minor, in Macedonia and Thrace, up to the present day the convert to Islam, no matter of what race, is immediately classified before the law as a Turk. When the Sublime Porte, after the reoccupation of Adrianople in the summer of 1913, laid a memorial before the Powers, it was claimed that the large majority of the population of the vilayet of Thrace was ‘Turkish’. This word had absolutely no racial significance. Every Mohammedan in Thrace, no matter what his race or language, would be considered a Turk. The Young Turks, when they established the Constitution in 1908, tried to revive the word ‘Osmanli’ as a term including all Ottoman subjects. But they not only failed to convince the nation—they failed to convince themselves—that a Christian could really be an Osmanli, with the full rights and privileges enjoyed by the Moslems.[144]Ricaut, ed. 1682, p. 148. For confusion of the name ‘Turk’ with ‘Saracen’ by early western writers, seeChronique latine de Guillaume de Nangis, Géraud ed., i. 46, 86-8;Mémoires d’Olivier de la Marche, Beaune and d’Arbaumont ed., i. 22-5, iv. 83;Gilles le Muisit, Lemaître ed., p. 196. The mistake of Ricaut is common with many of the fifteenth-to seventeenth-century writers on the Crusades.[145]Matthew of Edessa (Urfa), fol. 8 of MS. Bibl. Nat., Paris, fonds arménien, No. 95, quoted inNotices et Extraits, ix, 1^[ère] partie, p. 281, speaks of ‘les calamités que des peuples barbares et corrompus, tels que les Turcs et les Grecs,LEURS SEMBLABLES, ont causées’.[146]This was true even of the conquest of Constantinople, which caused much more dismay and regret in Europe than among the Greeks. See the remarkable letter of Francis Fielphus to Mohammed II inBibl. de l’École des langues vivantes orientales, série 3, xii. 63-6, 211-14.[147]Cf. Rambaud inHist. Générale, ii. 816.[148]In Constantinople, Smyrna, Salonika, and the lesser coast cities of the Ottoman Empire, as well as in many of the cities of the interior, one feels the atmosphere of Sabbath rest much more on a Sunday than on a Friday.[149]Evliya effendi, ii. 241.[150]In theDjihannuma, p. 951.[151]In a popular Anatolian love-song, there is the line, ‘Benim sevdijimie din var iman yok’, ‘She whom I love has religion, but not a bit of faith’, which illustrates the lack of deep religious feeling in the Osmanli. In this he is like the Greek, and different from the Slav, the Persian and Arab. See Kúnos,Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft, liii. 237.[152]At Balikesri the sultan Dambur told Ibn Batutah that ‘the men follow the religion of their king’: ii. 317. Here was the principle ofcuius regio eius religiotwo centuries before Augsburg![153]Col. Djevad bey, pp. 18-19.[154]Edward III of England had created a sort of obligatory military service. His organized infantry took part in the Battle of Crécy, 1346. Lavisse-Rambaud,Hist. générale, iii. 76.[155]Halil Ganem, i. 39.[156]This still holds. In October 1912, on the Seraskerat Square in Constantinople, I saw Sultan Mehmed V give over the command of the army for the Balkan War to Nazim pasha.[157]Col. Djevad bey, p. 18.[158]Bertrandon de la Broquière, Schéfer ed., pp. 220-1.[159]This statement needs especial emphasis, as many historians have followed Chalcocondylas and Bosio in attributing the corsair fleets to Osman and Orkhan. An instance of a careful modern historian making this error is found in Romanin,Historia documentata di Venezia, iii. 147, where he says, ‘La lega ... per raffrenare l’ognor erescente potenzaottomana.’[160]In Bongars,Gesta Dei per Francos, ii. 313.[161]This letter, from the manuscript in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, is published inBibl. de l’École des Chartes(1906), lxvii. 587. Other documents on this mission, ibid. (1892), liii. 254-7.[162]See papers of H. Lot inBibl. de l’École des Chartes, 4esérie (1859), v. 503-9, and (1875) xxxvi. 588-600. Also Bosio, ii. 58.[163]Raynaldus, Ann. 1334, pp. 17-19. As the repetition of all the negotiations in connexion with papal attempts for crusades cannot be included in the text of my book, I refer the reader to the section on papal negotiations in the Chronological Tables.[164]Deliberation of Senate, November 18, 1333, inMisti, XVI, fol. 40.[165]Raynaldus, Ann. 1344, p. 11; Stella (in Muratori), col. 1080; Dandolo, p. 418; Greg., II, p. 686; Cant., III, p. 192;Mon. Hist. Patr.x. 757;Mistifor 1344, fol. 30; Rymer,Acta Publica, vol. ii, part IV, p. 172;Commemorialia, iv. 80.[166]For relations of Rhodes with Smyrna from 1347 onwards, see Bosio,passim, but especially ii. 80 and 118-19.[167]Serbian chronicles, quoted by von Kállay,Geschichte der Serben, i. 66.[168]In the fratricidal war of July 1913, the ignorant Serbian peasants really believed that they were fighting to take from the Bulgarians ‘the sacred soil of the fatherland’, as their newspapers and addresses to the soldiers called Macedonia. The name of St. Stephen was invoked when they went into battle.[169]Orbini,Il Regno degli Slavi, p. 259, gives a circumstantial account of the assassination. He says that Stephen gave the order to men who strangled the old king in his cell at midnight. This does not prevent Orbini from saying later of Stephen ‘fu huomo molto pio’! Borschgrave, p. 266, is not certain of Stephen’s connivance.[170]J. Schafarik,Elenchus actorum spectantium ad historiam Serborum, XXV-XXVII.[171]I find no documentary authority for the often repeated statement that this coronation took place at Skoplje (Uskub or Scopia). At the time of the recent Balkan War, the Serbians, in order to preserve their friendly relations with Greece, supported the Uskub theory. But see Ljubić,Monumenta spectantia ad hist. Slavorum meridionalium, ii. 278, 279, 326;Commemorialia, IV;Secreta Rog., A. 33.[172]‘Stephanus, D. G. Serviae ... Albaniae, maritimae regionis rex, Bulgariae imperii princeps et fere totius imperii Romaniae dominus’: Ljubić, ii. 278.[173]Ibid., ii. 326.[174]Ibid., loc. cit.[175]Secr. Rog., A. 33.[176]Misti, xxiv. 12.[177]Ibid., xxiv. 110.[178]Secr. Rog., II, B. 4;Misti, xxiv. 103.[179]Cf.Misti, xxv. 7, 10. Fiorinsky,The South Slavs and Byzantium in the second quarter of the Fourteenth Century, quoted by Borchgrave inBulletin de l’Académie royale de Belgiquefor 1884, 8esérie, iv. 429-30.[180]Commem.iv. 172.[181]Misti, xxvi. 16-22;Commem.iv. 157.[182]MS. Vatican 3765, quoted by Raynaldus, ann. 1347, XXX.[183]Fiorinsky, p. 207.[184]Engel,Geschichte von Serbien, 285-6; Müller,Beiträge Byz. Chron., p. 406n.[185]Cant., IV. 43, p. 315; Greg., XXVII. 50, p. 557; von Kállay, i. 69.[186]Cant., II. 9, pp. 363-70; Greg., XII. 3, p. 582; Ducas, p. 6.[187]Cant., II. 1, pp. 14-18; 40, p. 560; and III. 4, p. 91; Greg., IX. 11, pp. 560-8; XII. 2, p. 576.[188]Cant., II. 24-7, pp. 145-67; Greg., XII. 11-16, pp. 608-26; Phr. I. 9, p. 40; Ducas, 6, p. 24, to 7, p. 26.[189]Cantacuzenos tries to make out that this was a justifiable arrangement, as this district had already been conquered by Stephen Dushan. But Ducas, 6, p. 26, and 8, p. 30, declares that Cantacuzenos sacrificed the empire to the Serbians.[190]Cant., III. 57, pp. 347-8; Greg., XIII. 4, pp. 648-52.[191]Misti, xxi. 35.[192]Greg., XVI. 6, pp. 834-5; Ducas, 7, p. 29; Clement VI,Epp. Secr.vii. 99. ’Άμυρ is either ‘Emir’ or ‘Omar’.[193]Cant., III. 31, p. 498; Ducas 9, pp. 33-4; Chalc., I, p. 24.[194]Cant., III. 81, pp. 501-2; 84, pp. 518-19; 85, pp. 525-9.[195]Cant., III. 95, pp. 585-9; Greg., XV. 5, pp. 762-3; Ducas, 9, p. 35.[196]Greg., XV. 2, p. 749.[197]For the action against Barlaam spoken of here, see Muralt, ii. 575, No. 17; p. 576, No. 22; p. 578, No. 37.[198]Cant., III. 98, p. 604, to IV. 4, p. 29; Greg., XV. 9, p. 781, to 11, p. 791; Ducas, 9, p. 37, to 10, p. 38.[199]Cant., IV. 1, p. 12, to 2, p. 19.[200]Cant., IV. 4, p. 30; 5, p. 32; 20, p. 147.[201]Cant., IV. 9, pp. 53-7.[202]Raynaldus, ann. 1349, XXXI.[203]Clement VI,Epp. Secr.viii. 248-50.[204]Cant., IV. 13, p. 85.[205]Marco Guazzo,Cronica, p. 269; Stella,Annales Genuenses, in Muratori, xvii, col. 1090.[206]MS. Vatican 2040, cited by Muralt, ii. 618: Petrarch,Epp. fam.vii. 7. For historical and medical importance of the black death, see Hecker,Der schwarze Tod im 14ten Jahrhundert(Berlin, 1832). MSS. Bibl. Nat., Paris, fonds latin 8369-70, contain an interesting contemporary account, mostly in hexameter verse, by Symon de Cavino, a Paris physician.[207]Breve Chroniconat end of Ducas, cited by Finlay,History of Greece, iv. 409n.[208]In 1340 Venice had refused a loan of ships and money to Edward III of England on the ground that she needed all her resources ‘to guard against the Turkish danger about to become universal’: Wiel, p. 204.[209]On March 17, 1351, Petrarch addressed from Padua to Doge Andrea Dandolo a letter of remonstrance and warning against engaging in a war with Genoa. This letter is quoted in Hazlitt, iii. 122.[210]The Genoese archives contain a treaty between the Byzantine Empire and Genoa, dated May 6, 1352, which says: ‘debbono eziandio ritenersi per valide e ferme le convenzioni e la pace stipulata dai genovesi con Orcan bey.’ Belgrano,Atti della Società Ligure di Storia Patria, xiii. 124.[211]The Signory of Genoa, writing to the Podesta of Pera, March 21, 1356, said: ‘Nobis, vobis ac omnibus ianuenibus est notorium et manifestum quantum bonum et gratias habuimus a domino Orchano amirato Turchie ad destructionem et mortem tam venetorum quam grecorum tempore guerre nostre’: ibid., p. 127.[212]In the treaty of 1387 with Murad, the Genoese said: ‘quam inter recolendam memoriam magnifici domini Orchani patris sui ex una parte et illustrem Commune Ianue ex altera’: ibid., p. 147.[213]Cant., IV. 11, pp. 68-77; Greg., XVI. 6, p. 835, to XVII. 7, p. 865.[214]Cant., IV. 16-17, pp. 104-5, 108-11, 114-30; 19, pp. 133-5; 22, p. 156; Greg., XVI. 1, p. 795; XVIII. 2, p. 876. Phr., I. 9, p. 40, gives this as the time Cantacuzenos married his daughter to Orkhan.[215]Cant., IV. 30, pp. 218-20; Greg., XXVI. 19, p. 86, and 22, p. 88. For explanation of action of Venetian admiral, Pisani, see histories of Daru and Romanin.[216]Villani,Historia Venetiana(Muratori), xiv. 200; Canale,Nuova istoria di Genova, i. 222.[217]Cant., IV. 33, pp. 246-7; 36, p. 266. Cantacuzenos had tried to get the Bulgarians to attack Stephen Dushan in 1351. Cf. Cant., IV. 22, pp. 162-6.[218]Greg., XXVII. 30, pp. 150-1.[219]Cant., IV. 36, pp. 265-6; Greg., XXVII. 55, p. 171, and XXVIII. 3, pp. 177-8; Cant., IV. 34, pp. 247-50; Greg., XXVIII. 7, pp. 181-2.[220]Cant., IV. 34, pp. 250-3; 36, p. 266; Greg., XXVIII. 19, p. 188.[221]About two hours on horse from Gallipoli.[222]Seadeddin, i. 58-63.[223]Gilbert Cousin,Opera, i. 390 (evidently copying Drechsler), and Egnatius,de Origine Turcarum(Paris, 1539), p. 29, give dateA.D.1363. But do they not follow Phr., I. 26, p. 80?[224]Donado de Lezze, p. 7, and Paolo Giovio, both ardent Venetians, and Rabbi Joseph, i. 245, give the names of these vessels, though differently. Nicolas de Nicolay, who passed through the Hellespont in 1551, says that this story of the Genoese was a tradition of the locality. He locates the castle of Tzympe a few miles from the Aegaean end of the strait!Les quatre livres des navigations(1587 ed.), p. 58. Sauli,Della Colonia Genovese in Galata, ii. 44-5, vigorously defends the Genoese against this calumny.[225]There is no room for doubt about this date. Cf. Cant., IV. 38, pp. 277-80; Greg., XXXIII. 67, p. 220, and XXVIII. 40-2, pp. 202-4; Villani, p. 105;Byz. Annalen, ed. Müller, inSitzungs-Berichte der Wiener Akademie, ix. 392; Muralt,Chronographie Byz., ii. 643.[226]This place figured in the recent Balkan War. It was here that the Osmanlis stationed their army for the defence of the Dardanelles.[227]Greg., XXIX. 26, p. 241.[228]Greg., XXVIII. 30, pp. 195-201.[229]Cant., IV. 37, pp. 270-2; 38, p. 276; Greg., XXIX. 17-18, pp. 234-6; 49, p. 257.[230]At least, Cantacuzenos, IV. 38, p. 276, claims that he ransomed Tzympe.[231]Cant., IV. 38, p. 283.[232]Rumanian Chronicle, cited by Gregorović,Relations of Serbia with her Neighbouring States, principally in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries, Kazan, 1859, in an appendix.[233]Cant., IV. 39-43, pp. 284-307; Greg., XXIX. 27-30, pp. 242-3.[234]Cant., IV. 49, pp. 358-60.[235]Tchorlu was the head-quarters of the Ottoman General Staff during the first month of the Balkan War. After the battle of Lulé Burgas, it became the head-quarters of the Bulgarians. From here the attack upon the defences of Constantinople was directed.[236]Muralt, ii. 640, No. 10,n.[237]Greg., XXIX. 34, pp. 224-6.[238]During the five years following the proclamation of the Constitution in 1908, I lived, and travelled extensively, in the Ottoman Empire. Rarely did I meet a foreigner engaged in business there who had the slightest sympathy with the Osmanlis in their aspirations or in their successive crushing misfortunes. This is not a criticism, but merely the record of a fact.
[115]There is no way of establishing the date of the fall of Nicomedia. The Ottoman historians report that it was added to the dominions of Orkhan in 1326, the year of his accession and of the fall of Brusa. It is best here to follow the unanimous testimony of the Byzantine sources, which is in accord with the natural inference that Nicomedia fell some time after Nicaea: Greg., XI. 6, p. 545; Phr., I. 8, p. 38. Hammer cannot disregard the testimony of Gregoras here. He ingenuously suggests that the city might have been lost by the Osmanlis, and recaptured. Cantacuzenos (II. 24, p. 446, and 26, p. 459) says that Andronicus III went twice to the aid of Nicomedia in 1331, but he does not record the loss of either Brusa or Nicomedia. In the collection of Feridun, Bibl. Nat., Paris, MS. anc. fonds turc 79, there is a diploma appointing Soleiman governor of Nicomedia in 1332, but the authenticity of the earlier pieces in this collection is open to grave suspicion (cf. Bibliography).
[115]There is no way of establishing the date of the fall of Nicomedia. The Ottoman historians report that it was added to the dominions of Orkhan in 1326, the year of his accession and of the fall of Brusa. It is best here to follow the unanimous testimony of the Byzantine sources, which is in accord with the natural inference that Nicomedia fell some time after Nicaea: Greg., XI. 6, p. 545; Phr., I. 8, p. 38. Hammer cannot disregard the testimony of Gregoras here. He ingenuously suggests that the city might have been lost by the Osmanlis, and recaptured. Cantacuzenos (II. 24, p. 446, and 26, p. 459) says that Andronicus III went twice to the aid of Nicomedia in 1331, but he does not record the loss of either Brusa or Nicomedia. In the collection of Feridun, Bibl. Nat., Paris, MS. anc. fonds turc 79, there is a diploma appointing Soleiman governor of Nicomedia in 1332, but the authenticity of the earlier pieces in this collection is open to grave suspicion (cf. Bibliography).
[116]Howorth, iii. 613.
[116]Howorth, iii. 613.
[117]Canale, i. 215.
[117]Canale, i. 215.
[118]Not an actual defensive alliance against Orkhan, as Schlumberger,Numismatique de l’Orient latin, p. 480, supposes. See Cant., II. 13, pp. 388-90; Phr., I. 8, p. 37.
[118]Not an actual defensive alliance against Orkhan, as Schlumberger,Numismatique de l’Orient latin, p. 480, supposes. See Cant., II. 13, pp. 388-90; Phr., I. 8, p. 37.
[119]Cant., II. 28, pp. 470-3.
[119]Cant., II. 28, pp. 470-3.
[120]Ibid., 22, p. 435.
[120]Ibid., 22, p. 435.
[121]Ibid., 25, pp. 455-6.
[121]Ibid., 25, pp. 455-6.
[122]Cant. II., 29-30, pp. 480-4; Greg., XI. 2, p. 530.
[122]Cant. II., 29-30, pp. 480-4; Greg., XI. 2, p. 530.
[123]Hammer, quoting Ashikpashazadé, i. 150-1.
[123]Hammer, quoting Ashikpashazadé, i. 150-1.
[124]Mordtmann, inZDMG. (1911), lxv. 105, basing his statement, like Hammer, on Ashikpashazadé, Vatican MS., fol. 33, givesA.H.735, 737, or 740. The earliest of these dates is precluded by the testimony of Ibn Batutah, who found these places still independent aboutA.H.735.A.H.737 might be possible, if we decide that Orkhan accomplished everything during the one expedition against Pergama. Mordtmann, still quoting Ashikpashazadé, says that these three cities were held by relatives of the Palaeologi. If this be true, it goes to prove that there must have existed all along in the reigns of Osman and Orkhan quasi-friendly relations between Moslem and Christian. There was certainly no religious fanaticism during this period of Ottoman history.
[124]Mordtmann, inZDMG. (1911), lxv. 105, basing his statement, like Hammer, on Ashikpashazadé, Vatican MS., fol. 33, givesA.H.735, 737, or 740. The earliest of these dates is precluded by the testimony of Ibn Batutah, who found these places still independent aboutA.H.735.A.H.737 might be possible, if we decide that Orkhan accomplished everything during the one expedition against Pergama. Mordtmann, still quoting Ashikpashazadé, says that these three cities were held by relatives of the Palaeologi. If this be true, it goes to prove that there must have existed all along in the reigns of Osman and Orkhan quasi-friendly relations between Moslem and Christian. There was certainly no religious fanaticism during this period of Ottoman history.
[125]‘Les Osmanlis avaient étendu leur domination en Asie Mineure et absorbé les états dont l’indépendance avait jusqu’alors empêché l’unité politique de l’Empire musulman!’ Delaville-Leroulx,France en Orient au XIVesiècle, i. 118. ‘Osmans Sohn Orkhan Kleinasien unterworfen hatte’: Wüstenfeld,Geschichte der Türken, p. 16. ‘Orkan s’impadroni di quasi tutta la Natolia’: Alberi, in preface (viii) to series III, vol. i, ofRelazione Ven. Amb.One of the earliest western historians gives Orkhan’s ambition as ‘solus cupiens in minore Asia regnare’: Cervarius, p. 5. Even Hammer, i. 150, is considerably ahead of time in saying, in one of his chapters on Orkhan, ‘Les hordes ottomanes se précipitèrent du haut de l’Olympe comme une avalanche, franchissant montagnes et vallées, ajoutant à leurs possessions les neuf royaumes nés des débris de l’Empire seljukide, inondant Asie Mineure depuis l’Olympe jusqu’au Taurus.’ Hammer does not mean to give this wrong impression, but one has to read very closely not to get it. See discussion of this error in Appendix B.
[125]‘Les Osmanlis avaient étendu leur domination en Asie Mineure et absorbé les états dont l’indépendance avait jusqu’alors empêché l’unité politique de l’Empire musulman!’ Delaville-Leroulx,France en Orient au XIVesiècle, i. 118. ‘Osmans Sohn Orkhan Kleinasien unterworfen hatte’: Wüstenfeld,Geschichte der Türken, p. 16. ‘Orkan s’impadroni di quasi tutta la Natolia’: Alberi, in preface (viii) to series III, vol. i, ofRelazione Ven. Amb.One of the earliest western historians gives Orkhan’s ambition as ‘solus cupiens in minore Asia regnare’: Cervarius, p. 5. Even Hammer, i. 150, is considerably ahead of time in saying, in one of his chapters on Orkhan, ‘Les hordes ottomanes se précipitèrent du haut de l’Olympe comme une avalanche, franchissant montagnes et vallées, ajoutant à leurs possessions les neuf royaumes nés des débris de l’Empire seljukide, inondant Asie Mineure depuis l’Olympe jusqu’au Taurus.’ Hammer does not mean to give this wrong impression, but one has to read very closely not to get it. See discussion of this error in Appendix B.
[126]Cant., IV. 37, p. 284. Is it on the strength of this evident error of a Greek writer that Evliya effendi, ii. 229, says ‘Orkhan captured Angora from the Prince of Kutayia of the Kermian family’? Hussein Hezarfenn, following Chalcocondylas, is an example of an Ottoman historian basing his statements on a Greek authority.
[126]Cant., IV. 37, p. 284. Is it on the strength of this evident error of a Greek writer that Evliya effendi, ii. 229, says ‘Orkhan captured Angora from the Prince of Kutayia of the Kermian family’? Hussein Hezarfenn, following Chalcocondylas, is an example of an Ottoman historian basing his statements on a Greek authority.
[127]For the time of Ibn Batutah and Shehabeddin see Appendix B, p. 279. Mas-Latrie,Trésor de Chronologie, col. 1796, after careful collation of Shehabeddin and Ibn Batutah, comes to the conclusion that Orkhan added the emirates of Balikesri, Marmara, Akbara, Kaouïa, Keredek, Kul Hissar, and Thingizlu to his state between 1349 and 1360. This, too, is discussed in Appendix B.
[127]For the time of Ibn Batutah and Shehabeddin see Appendix B, p. 279. Mas-Latrie,Trésor de Chronologie, col. 1796, after careful collation of Shehabeddin and Ibn Batutah, comes to the conclusion that Orkhan added the emirates of Balikesri, Marmara, Akbara, Kaouïa, Keredek, Kul Hissar, and Thingizlu to his state between 1349 and 1360. This, too, is discussed in Appendix B.
[128]Marmara, for example, is given by the Ottoman historians as a conquest made by Osman. See Hammer, i. 89. But it is mentioned as an independent principality by Shehabeddin, inNotices et Extraits des MSS. de la Bibl. du roi, xiii. 358, 366.
[128]Marmara, for example, is given by the Ottoman historians as a conquest made by Osman. See Hammer, i. 89. But it is mentioned as an independent principality by Shehabeddin, inNotices et Extraits des MSS. de la Bibl. du roi, xiii. 358, 366.
[129]Ibn Batutah, ii. 321-2.
[129]Ibn Batutah, ii. 321-2.
[130]Shehabeddin, Paris MS., fonds arabe 2325, fol. 139 vº-140 rº.
[130]Shehabeddin, Paris MS., fonds arabe 2325, fol. 139 vº-140 rº.
[131]Ibid., fol. 125 vº.
[131]Ibid., fol. 125 vº.
[132]Hammer, i. 110-11, says that Alaeddin, ‘stranger to the profession of arms, occupied himself solely with the cares of state’, but on p. 133 he has Alaeddin commanding the troops in battle while Orkhan watches from the top of a hill!
[132]Hammer, i. 110-11, says that Alaeddin, ‘stranger to the profession of arms, occupied himself solely with the cares of state’, but on p. 133 he has Alaeddin commanding the troops in battle while Orkhan watches from the top of a hill!
[133]For the derivation of vizier, with the double meaning of burden-bearer and the one who aids, see Ibn Khaldun,Prolegomena, inNotices et Extraits, xx. 4.
[133]For the derivation of vizier, with the double meaning of burden-bearer and the one who aids, see Ibn Khaldun,Prolegomena, inNotices et Extraits, xx. 4.
[134]Gen. xxviii. 11-18.
[134]Gen. xxviii. 11-18.
[135]Sale’s translation, c. 20, verse 30, p. 234.
[135]Sale’s translation, c. 20, verse 30, p. 234.
[136]Col. Djevad bey, p. 20,n.2. Col. Djevad claims that von Hammer’s derivation of the word ‘pasha’ from the Persian is wrong. But he gives no reason which would satisfy the philologist when he asserts that this word is essentially Turkish. Nor does he attempt to explain its original meaning. ‘Pasha’ is probably a shortened form of ‘padishah’. SeeCentury Dictionary, v. 4228.
[136]Col. Djevad bey, p. 20,n.2. Col. Djevad claims that von Hammer’s derivation of the word ‘pasha’ from the Persian is wrong. But he gives no reason which would satisfy the philologist when he asserts that this word is essentially Turkish. Nor does he attempt to explain its original meaning. ‘Pasha’ is probably a shortened form of ‘padishah’. SeeCentury Dictionary, v. 4228.
[137]According to the biographer of Brusa, cited by Hammer, i. 146,n.4.
[137]According to the biographer of Brusa, cited by Hammer, i. 146,n.4.
[138]I do not understand what Hammer means when he says, i. 116, that theKanunnamémust be taken in the sense of political rather than ecclesiastical law. The two cannot be separated in Islam. Or, perhaps, it is better to say that there is no political law. The very wordKanunwas taken from the Greeks, was used by them for ecclesiastical law, and its adoption by the Osmanlis (at a much later period than Orkhan) serves to emphasize the fact that there was no other land of law conceivable than the law of the Church. The wordKanunhad of course other meanings, but in its collective legal sense it seems to have stood only for rules or laws that had to do with things ecclesiastical or religious. See the various meanings of this word in A. Souter’sText and Canon of the New Testament(London, 1913), pp. 154-5.
[138]I do not understand what Hammer means when he says, i. 116, that theKanunnamémust be taken in the sense of political rather than ecclesiastical law. The two cannot be separated in Islam. Or, perhaps, it is better to say that there is no political law. The very wordKanunwas taken from the Greeks, was used by them for ecclesiastical law, and its adoption by the Osmanlis (at a much later period than Orkhan) serves to emphasize the fact that there was no other land of law conceivable than the law of the Church. The wordKanunhad of course other meanings, but in its collective legal sense it seems to have stood only for rules or laws that had to do with things ecclesiastical or religious. See the various meanings of this word in A. Souter’sText and Canon of the New Testament(London, 1913), pp. 154-5.
[139]This petition is in the Litany of the Prayer Book of Edward VI. Cf. Schaff,Church History, iv. 151.
[139]This petition is in the Litany of the Prayer Book of Edward VI. Cf. Schaff,Church History, iv. 151.
[140]I do not mean to assert that religious feeling has played no part in the massacres of our own day. But these massacres were arranged by the government, who incited the Moslems to attack their Christian neighbours, inflaming the ignorant mind more by an appeal to racial hatred, to loot, to lust, than to defence of the sacred faith. In the Armenian massacres it was represented to the ignorant village Moslem that the Armenians were plotting to set up an independent government or to betray the fatherland to some European power. I was in Adana during the terrible massacre of 1909, and make this statement from personal experience and observation.
[140]I do not mean to assert that religious feeling has played no part in the massacres of our own day. But these massacres were arranged by the government, who incited the Moslems to attack their Christian neighbours, inflaming the ignorant mind more by an appeal to racial hatred, to loot, to lust, than to defence of the sacred faith. In the Armenian massacres it was represented to the ignorant village Moslem that the Armenians were plotting to set up an independent government or to betray the fatherland to some European power. I was in Adana during the terrible massacre of 1909, and make this statement from personal experience and observation.
[141]Michail Koëzé, Marco, and Evrenos were Greeks. Cf. Leunclavius,Pandectes, p. 125.
[141]Michail Koëzé, Marco, and Evrenos were Greeks. Cf. Leunclavius,Pandectes, p. 125.
[142]Up to the time of the Tanzimat, in 1849, Christians were calledraïas. The original meaning ofraïawas a flock, and was not a term of contempt, but a recognition of the fact that Christians were a taxable asset to the nation, at so much per head.
[142]Up to the time of the Tanzimat, in 1849, Christians were calledraïas. The original meaning ofraïawas a flock, and was not a term of contempt, but a recognition of the fact that Christians were a taxable asset to the nation, at so much per head.
[143]In western Asia Minor, in Macedonia and Thrace, up to the present day the convert to Islam, no matter of what race, is immediately classified before the law as a Turk. When the Sublime Porte, after the reoccupation of Adrianople in the summer of 1913, laid a memorial before the Powers, it was claimed that the large majority of the population of the vilayet of Thrace was ‘Turkish’. This word had absolutely no racial significance. Every Mohammedan in Thrace, no matter what his race or language, would be considered a Turk. The Young Turks, when they established the Constitution in 1908, tried to revive the word ‘Osmanli’ as a term including all Ottoman subjects. But they not only failed to convince the nation—they failed to convince themselves—that a Christian could really be an Osmanli, with the full rights and privileges enjoyed by the Moslems.
[143]In western Asia Minor, in Macedonia and Thrace, up to the present day the convert to Islam, no matter of what race, is immediately classified before the law as a Turk. When the Sublime Porte, after the reoccupation of Adrianople in the summer of 1913, laid a memorial before the Powers, it was claimed that the large majority of the population of the vilayet of Thrace was ‘Turkish’. This word had absolutely no racial significance. Every Mohammedan in Thrace, no matter what his race or language, would be considered a Turk. The Young Turks, when they established the Constitution in 1908, tried to revive the word ‘Osmanli’ as a term including all Ottoman subjects. But they not only failed to convince the nation—they failed to convince themselves—that a Christian could really be an Osmanli, with the full rights and privileges enjoyed by the Moslems.
[144]Ricaut, ed. 1682, p. 148. For confusion of the name ‘Turk’ with ‘Saracen’ by early western writers, seeChronique latine de Guillaume de Nangis, Géraud ed., i. 46, 86-8;Mémoires d’Olivier de la Marche, Beaune and d’Arbaumont ed., i. 22-5, iv. 83;Gilles le Muisit, Lemaître ed., p. 196. The mistake of Ricaut is common with many of the fifteenth-to seventeenth-century writers on the Crusades.
[144]Ricaut, ed. 1682, p. 148. For confusion of the name ‘Turk’ with ‘Saracen’ by early western writers, seeChronique latine de Guillaume de Nangis, Géraud ed., i. 46, 86-8;Mémoires d’Olivier de la Marche, Beaune and d’Arbaumont ed., i. 22-5, iv. 83;Gilles le Muisit, Lemaître ed., p. 196. The mistake of Ricaut is common with many of the fifteenth-to seventeenth-century writers on the Crusades.
[145]Matthew of Edessa (Urfa), fol. 8 of MS. Bibl. Nat., Paris, fonds arménien, No. 95, quoted inNotices et Extraits, ix, 1^[ère] partie, p. 281, speaks of ‘les calamités que des peuples barbares et corrompus, tels que les Turcs et les Grecs,LEURS SEMBLABLES, ont causées’.
[145]Matthew of Edessa (Urfa), fol. 8 of MS. Bibl. Nat., Paris, fonds arménien, No. 95, quoted inNotices et Extraits, ix, 1^[ère] partie, p. 281, speaks of ‘les calamités que des peuples barbares et corrompus, tels que les Turcs et les Grecs,LEURS SEMBLABLES, ont causées’.
[146]This was true even of the conquest of Constantinople, which caused much more dismay and regret in Europe than among the Greeks. See the remarkable letter of Francis Fielphus to Mohammed II inBibl. de l’École des langues vivantes orientales, série 3, xii. 63-6, 211-14.
[146]This was true even of the conquest of Constantinople, which caused much more dismay and regret in Europe than among the Greeks. See the remarkable letter of Francis Fielphus to Mohammed II inBibl. de l’École des langues vivantes orientales, série 3, xii. 63-6, 211-14.
[147]Cf. Rambaud inHist. Générale, ii. 816.
[147]Cf. Rambaud inHist. Générale, ii. 816.
[148]In Constantinople, Smyrna, Salonika, and the lesser coast cities of the Ottoman Empire, as well as in many of the cities of the interior, one feels the atmosphere of Sabbath rest much more on a Sunday than on a Friday.
[148]In Constantinople, Smyrna, Salonika, and the lesser coast cities of the Ottoman Empire, as well as in many of the cities of the interior, one feels the atmosphere of Sabbath rest much more on a Sunday than on a Friday.
[149]Evliya effendi, ii. 241.
[149]Evliya effendi, ii. 241.
[150]In theDjihannuma, p. 951.
[150]In theDjihannuma, p. 951.
[151]In a popular Anatolian love-song, there is the line, ‘Benim sevdijimie din var iman yok’, ‘She whom I love has religion, but not a bit of faith’, which illustrates the lack of deep religious feeling in the Osmanli. In this he is like the Greek, and different from the Slav, the Persian and Arab. See Kúnos,Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft, liii. 237.
[151]In a popular Anatolian love-song, there is the line, ‘Benim sevdijimie din var iman yok’, ‘She whom I love has religion, but not a bit of faith’, which illustrates the lack of deep religious feeling in the Osmanli. In this he is like the Greek, and different from the Slav, the Persian and Arab. See Kúnos,Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft, liii. 237.
[152]At Balikesri the sultan Dambur told Ibn Batutah that ‘the men follow the religion of their king’: ii. 317. Here was the principle ofcuius regio eius religiotwo centuries before Augsburg!
[152]At Balikesri the sultan Dambur told Ibn Batutah that ‘the men follow the religion of their king’: ii. 317. Here was the principle ofcuius regio eius religiotwo centuries before Augsburg!
[153]Col. Djevad bey, pp. 18-19.
[153]Col. Djevad bey, pp. 18-19.
[154]Edward III of England had created a sort of obligatory military service. His organized infantry took part in the Battle of Crécy, 1346. Lavisse-Rambaud,Hist. générale, iii. 76.
[154]Edward III of England had created a sort of obligatory military service. His organized infantry took part in the Battle of Crécy, 1346. Lavisse-Rambaud,Hist. générale, iii. 76.
[155]Halil Ganem, i. 39.
[155]Halil Ganem, i. 39.
[156]This still holds. In October 1912, on the Seraskerat Square in Constantinople, I saw Sultan Mehmed V give over the command of the army for the Balkan War to Nazim pasha.
[156]This still holds. In October 1912, on the Seraskerat Square in Constantinople, I saw Sultan Mehmed V give over the command of the army for the Balkan War to Nazim pasha.
[157]Col. Djevad bey, p. 18.
[157]Col. Djevad bey, p. 18.
[158]Bertrandon de la Broquière, Schéfer ed., pp. 220-1.
[158]Bertrandon de la Broquière, Schéfer ed., pp. 220-1.
[159]This statement needs especial emphasis, as many historians have followed Chalcocondylas and Bosio in attributing the corsair fleets to Osman and Orkhan. An instance of a careful modern historian making this error is found in Romanin,Historia documentata di Venezia, iii. 147, where he says, ‘La lega ... per raffrenare l’ognor erescente potenzaottomana.’
[159]This statement needs especial emphasis, as many historians have followed Chalcocondylas and Bosio in attributing the corsair fleets to Osman and Orkhan. An instance of a careful modern historian making this error is found in Romanin,Historia documentata di Venezia, iii. 147, where he says, ‘La lega ... per raffrenare l’ognor erescente potenzaottomana.’
[160]In Bongars,Gesta Dei per Francos, ii. 313.
[160]In Bongars,Gesta Dei per Francos, ii. 313.
[161]This letter, from the manuscript in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, is published inBibl. de l’École des Chartes(1906), lxvii. 587. Other documents on this mission, ibid. (1892), liii. 254-7.
[161]This letter, from the manuscript in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, is published inBibl. de l’École des Chartes(1906), lxvii. 587. Other documents on this mission, ibid. (1892), liii. 254-7.
[162]See papers of H. Lot inBibl. de l’École des Chartes, 4esérie (1859), v. 503-9, and (1875) xxxvi. 588-600. Also Bosio, ii. 58.
[162]See papers of H. Lot inBibl. de l’École des Chartes, 4esérie (1859), v. 503-9, and (1875) xxxvi. 588-600. Also Bosio, ii. 58.
[163]Raynaldus, Ann. 1334, pp. 17-19. As the repetition of all the negotiations in connexion with papal attempts for crusades cannot be included in the text of my book, I refer the reader to the section on papal negotiations in the Chronological Tables.
[163]Raynaldus, Ann. 1334, pp. 17-19. As the repetition of all the negotiations in connexion with papal attempts for crusades cannot be included in the text of my book, I refer the reader to the section on papal negotiations in the Chronological Tables.
[164]Deliberation of Senate, November 18, 1333, inMisti, XVI, fol. 40.
[164]Deliberation of Senate, November 18, 1333, inMisti, XVI, fol. 40.
[165]Raynaldus, Ann. 1344, p. 11; Stella (in Muratori), col. 1080; Dandolo, p. 418; Greg., II, p. 686; Cant., III, p. 192;Mon. Hist. Patr.x. 757;Mistifor 1344, fol. 30; Rymer,Acta Publica, vol. ii, part IV, p. 172;Commemorialia, iv. 80.
[165]Raynaldus, Ann. 1344, p. 11; Stella (in Muratori), col. 1080; Dandolo, p. 418; Greg., II, p. 686; Cant., III, p. 192;Mon. Hist. Patr.x. 757;Mistifor 1344, fol. 30; Rymer,Acta Publica, vol. ii, part IV, p. 172;Commemorialia, iv. 80.
[166]For relations of Rhodes with Smyrna from 1347 onwards, see Bosio,passim, but especially ii. 80 and 118-19.
[166]For relations of Rhodes with Smyrna from 1347 onwards, see Bosio,passim, but especially ii. 80 and 118-19.
[167]Serbian chronicles, quoted by von Kállay,Geschichte der Serben, i. 66.
[167]Serbian chronicles, quoted by von Kállay,Geschichte der Serben, i. 66.
[168]In the fratricidal war of July 1913, the ignorant Serbian peasants really believed that they were fighting to take from the Bulgarians ‘the sacred soil of the fatherland’, as their newspapers and addresses to the soldiers called Macedonia. The name of St. Stephen was invoked when they went into battle.
[168]In the fratricidal war of July 1913, the ignorant Serbian peasants really believed that they were fighting to take from the Bulgarians ‘the sacred soil of the fatherland’, as their newspapers and addresses to the soldiers called Macedonia. The name of St. Stephen was invoked when they went into battle.
[169]Orbini,Il Regno degli Slavi, p. 259, gives a circumstantial account of the assassination. He says that Stephen gave the order to men who strangled the old king in his cell at midnight. This does not prevent Orbini from saying later of Stephen ‘fu huomo molto pio’! Borschgrave, p. 266, is not certain of Stephen’s connivance.
[169]Orbini,Il Regno degli Slavi, p. 259, gives a circumstantial account of the assassination. He says that Stephen gave the order to men who strangled the old king in his cell at midnight. This does not prevent Orbini from saying later of Stephen ‘fu huomo molto pio’! Borschgrave, p. 266, is not certain of Stephen’s connivance.
[170]J. Schafarik,Elenchus actorum spectantium ad historiam Serborum, XXV-XXVII.
[170]J. Schafarik,Elenchus actorum spectantium ad historiam Serborum, XXV-XXVII.
[171]I find no documentary authority for the often repeated statement that this coronation took place at Skoplje (Uskub or Scopia). At the time of the recent Balkan War, the Serbians, in order to preserve their friendly relations with Greece, supported the Uskub theory. But see Ljubić,Monumenta spectantia ad hist. Slavorum meridionalium, ii. 278, 279, 326;Commemorialia, IV;Secreta Rog., A. 33.
[171]I find no documentary authority for the often repeated statement that this coronation took place at Skoplje (Uskub or Scopia). At the time of the recent Balkan War, the Serbians, in order to preserve their friendly relations with Greece, supported the Uskub theory. But see Ljubić,Monumenta spectantia ad hist. Slavorum meridionalium, ii. 278, 279, 326;Commemorialia, IV;Secreta Rog., A. 33.
[172]‘Stephanus, D. G. Serviae ... Albaniae, maritimae regionis rex, Bulgariae imperii princeps et fere totius imperii Romaniae dominus’: Ljubić, ii. 278.
[172]‘Stephanus, D. G. Serviae ... Albaniae, maritimae regionis rex, Bulgariae imperii princeps et fere totius imperii Romaniae dominus’: Ljubić, ii. 278.
[173]Ibid., ii. 326.
[173]Ibid., ii. 326.
[174]Ibid., loc. cit.
[174]Ibid., loc. cit.
[175]Secr. Rog., A. 33.
[175]Secr. Rog., A. 33.
[176]Misti, xxiv. 12.
[176]Misti, xxiv. 12.
[177]Ibid., xxiv. 110.
[177]Ibid., xxiv. 110.
[178]Secr. Rog., II, B. 4;Misti, xxiv. 103.
[178]Secr. Rog., II, B. 4;Misti, xxiv. 103.
[179]Cf.Misti, xxv. 7, 10. Fiorinsky,The South Slavs and Byzantium in the second quarter of the Fourteenth Century, quoted by Borchgrave inBulletin de l’Académie royale de Belgiquefor 1884, 8esérie, iv. 429-30.
[179]Cf.Misti, xxv. 7, 10. Fiorinsky,The South Slavs and Byzantium in the second quarter of the Fourteenth Century, quoted by Borchgrave inBulletin de l’Académie royale de Belgiquefor 1884, 8esérie, iv. 429-30.
[180]Commem.iv. 172.
[180]Commem.iv. 172.
[181]Misti, xxvi. 16-22;Commem.iv. 157.
[181]Misti, xxvi. 16-22;Commem.iv. 157.
[182]MS. Vatican 3765, quoted by Raynaldus, ann. 1347, XXX.
[182]MS. Vatican 3765, quoted by Raynaldus, ann. 1347, XXX.
[183]Fiorinsky, p. 207.
[183]Fiorinsky, p. 207.
[184]Engel,Geschichte von Serbien, 285-6; Müller,Beiträge Byz. Chron., p. 406n.
[184]Engel,Geschichte von Serbien, 285-6; Müller,Beiträge Byz. Chron., p. 406n.
[185]Cant., IV. 43, p. 315; Greg., XXVII. 50, p. 557; von Kállay, i. 69.
[185]Cant., IV. 43, p. 315; Greg., XXVII. 50, p. 557; von Kállay, i. 69.
[186]Cant., II. 9, pp. 363-70; Greg., XII. 3, p. 582; Ducas, p. 6.
[186]Cant., II. 9, pp. 363-70; Greg., XII. 3, p. 582; Ducas, p. 6.
[187]Cant., II. 1, pp. 14-18; 40, p. 560; and III. 4, p. 91; Greg., IX. 11, pp. 560-8; XII. 2, p. 576.
[187]Cant., II. 1, pp. 14-18; 40, p. 560; and III. 4, p. 91; Greg., IX. 11, pp. 560-8; XII. 2, p. 576.
[188]Cant., II. 24-7, pp. 145-67; Greg., XII. 11-16, pp. 608-26; Phr. I. 9, p. 40; Ducas, 6, p. 24, to 7, p. 26.
[188]Cant., II. 24-7, pp. 145-67; Greg., XII. 11-16, pp. 608-26; Phr. I. 9, p. 40; Ducas, 6, p. 24, to 7, p. 26.
[189]Cantacuzenos tries to make out that this was a justifiable arrangement, as this district had already been conquered by Stephen Dushan. But Ducas, 6, p. 26, and 8, p. 30, declares that Cantacuzenos sacrificed the empire to the Serbians.
[189]Cantacuzenos tries to make out that this was a justifiable arrangement, as this district had already been conquered by Stephen Dushan. But Ducas, 6, p. 26, and 8, p. 30, declares that Cantacuzenos sacrificed the empire to the Serbians.
[190]Cant., III. 57, pp. 347-8; Greg., XIII. 4, pp. 648-52.
[190]Cant., III. 57, pp. 347-8; Greg., XIII. 4, pp. 648-52.
[191]Misti, xxi. 35.
[191]Misti, xxi. 35.
[192]Greg., XVI. 6, pp. 834-5; Ducas, 7, p. 29; Clement VI,Epp. Secr.vii. 99. ’Άμυρ is either ‘Emir’ or ‘Omar’.
[192]Greg., XVI. 6, pp. 834-5; Ducas, 7, p. 29; Clement VI,Epp. Secr.vii. 99. ’Άμυρ is either ‘Emir’ or ‘Omar’.
[193]Cant., III. 31, p. 498; Ducas 9, pp. 33-4; Chalc., I, p. 24.
[193]Cant., III. 31, p. 498; Ducas 9, pp. 33-4; Chalc., I, p. 24.
[194]Cant., III. 81, pp. 501-2; 84, pp. 518-19; 85, pp. 525-9.
[194]Cant., III. 81, pp. 501-2; 84, pp. 518-19; 85, pp. 525-9.
[195]Cant., III. 95, pp. 585-9; Greg., XV. 5, pp. 762-3; Ducas, 9, p. 35.
[195]Cant., III. 95, pp. 585-9; Greg., XV. 5, pp. 762-3; Ducas, 9, p. 35.
[196]Greg., XV. 2, p. 749.
[196]Greg., XV. 2, p. 749.
[197]For the action against Barlaam spoken of here, see Muralt, ii. 575, No. 17; p. 576, No. 22; p. 578, No. 37.
[197]For the action against Barlaam spoken of here, see Muralt, ii. 575, No. 17; p. 576, No. 22; p. 578, No. 37.
[198]Cant., III. 98, p. 604, to IV. 4, p. 29; Greg., XV. 9, p. 781, to 11, p. 791; Ducas, 9, p. 37, to 10, p. 38.
[198]Cant., III. 98, p. 604, to IV. 4, p. 29; Greg., XV. 9, p. 781, to 11, p. 791; Ducas, 9, p. 37, to 10, p. 38.
[199]Cant., IV. 1, p. 12, to 2, p. 19.
[199]Cant., IV. 1, p. 12, to 2, p. 19.
[200]Cant., IV. 4, p. 30; 5, p. 32; 20, p. 147.
[200]Cant., IV. 4, p. 30; 5, p. 32; 20, p. 147.
[201]Cant., IV. 9, pp. 53-7.
[201]Cant., IV. 9, pp. 53-7.
[202]Raynaldus, ann. 1349, XXXI.
[202]Raynaldus, ann. 1349, XXXI.
[203]Clement VI,Epp. Secr.viii. 248-50.
[203]Clement VI,Epp. Secr.viii. 248-50.
[204]Cant., IV. 13, p. 85.
[204]Cant., IV. 13, p. 85.
[205]Marco Guazzo,Cronica, p. 269; Stella,Annales Genuenses, in Muratori, xvii, col. 1090.
[205]Marco Guazzo,Cronica, p. 269; Stella,Annales Genuenses, in Muratori, xvii, col. 1090.
[206]MS. Vatican 2040, cited by Muralt, ii. 618: Petrarch,Epp. fam.vii. 7. For historical and medical importance of the black death, see Hecker,Der schwarze Tod im 14ten Jahrhundert(Berlin, 1832). MSS. Bibl. Nat., Paris, fonds latin 8369-70, contain an interesting contemporary account, mostly in hexameter verse, by Symon de Cavino, a Paris physician.
[206]MS. Vatican 2040, cited by Muralt, ii. 618: Petrarch,Epp. fam.vii. 7. For historical and medical importance of the black death, see Hecker,Der schwarze Tod im 14ten Jahrhundert(Berlin, 1832). MSS. Bibl. Nat., Paris, fonds latin 8369-70, contain an interesting contemporary account, mostly in hexameter verse, by Symon de Cavino, a Paris physician.
[207]Breve Chroniconat end of Ducas, cited by Finlay,History of Greece, iv. 409n.
[207]Breve Chroniconat end of Ducas, cited by Finlay,History of Greece, iv. 409n.
[208]In 1340 Venice had refused a loan of ships and money to Edward III of England on the ground that she needed all her resources ‘to guard against the Turkish danger about to become universal’: Wiel, p. 204.
[208]In 1340 Venice had refused a loan of ships and money to Edward III of England on the ground that she needed all her resources ‘to guard against the Turkish danger about to become universal’: Wiel, p. 204.
[209]On March 17, 1351, Petrarch addressed from Padua to Doge Andrea Dandolo a letter of remonstrance and warning against engaging in a war with Genoa. This letter is quoted in Hazlitt, iii. 122.
[209]On March 17, 1351, Petrarch addressed from Padua to Doge Andrea Dandolo a letter of remonstrance and warning against engaging in a war with Genoa. This letter is quoted in Hazlitt, iii. 122.
[210]The Genoese archives contain a treaty between the Byzantine Empire and Genoa, dated May 6, 1352, which says: ‘debbono eziandio ritenersi per valide e ferme le convenzioni e la pace stipulata dai genovesi con Orcan bey.’ Belgrano,Atti della Società Ligure di Storia Patria, xiii. 124.
[210]The Genoese archives contain a treaty between the Byzantine Empire and Genoa, dated May 6, 1352, which says: ‘debbono eziandio ritenersi per valide e ferme le convenzioni e la pace stipulata dai genovesi con Orcan bey.’ Belgrano,Atti della Società Ligure di Storia Patria, xiii. 124.
[211]The Signory of Genoa, writing to the Podesta of Pera, March 21, 1356, said: ‘Nobis, vobis ac omnibus ianuenibus est notorium et manifestum quantum bonum et gratias habuimus a domino Orchano amirato Turchie ad destructionem et mortem tam venetorum quam grecorum tempore guerre nostre’: ibid., p. 127.
[211]The Signory of Genoa, writing to the Podesta of Pera, March 21, 1356, said: ‘Nobis, vobis ac omnibus ianuenibus est notorium et manifestum quantum bonum et gratias habuimus a domino Orchano amirato Turchie ad destructionem et mortem tam venetorum quam grecorum tempore guerre nostre’: ibid., p. 127.
[212]In the treaty of 1387 with Murad, the Genoese said: ‘quam inter recolendam memoriam magnifici domini Orchani patris sui ex una parte et illustrem Commune Ianue ex altera’: ibid., p. 147.
[212]In the treaty of 1387 with Murad, the Genoese said: ‘quam inter recolendam memoriam magnifici domini Orchani patris sui ex una parte et illustrem Commune Ianue ex altera’: ibid., p. 147.
[213]Cant., IV. 11, pp. 68-77; Greg., XVI. 6, p. 835, to XVII. 7, p. 865.
[213]Cant., IV. 11, pp. 68-77; Greg., XVI. 6, p. 835, to XVII. 7, p. 865.
[214]Cant., IV. 16-17, pp. 104-5, 108-11, 114-30; 19, pp. 133-5; 22, p. 156; Greg., XVI. 1, p. 795; XVIII. 2, p. 876. Phr., I. 9, p. 40, gives this as the time Cantacuzenos married his daughter to Orkhan.
[214]Cant., IV. 16-17, pp. 104-5, 108-11, 114-30; 19, pp. 133-5; 22, p. 156; Greg., XVI. 1, p. 795; XVIII. 2, p. 876. Phr., I. 9, p. 40, gives this as the time Cantacuzenos married his daughter to Orkhan.
[215]Cant., IV. 30, pp. 218-20; Greg., XXVI. 19, p. 86, and 22, p. 88. For explanation of action of Venetian admiral, Pisani, see histories of Daru and Romanin.
[215]Cant., IV. 30, pp. 218-20; Greg., XXVI. 19, p. 86, and 22, p. 88. For explanation of action of Venetian admiral, Pisani, see histories of Daru and Romanin.
[216]Villani,Historia Venetiana(Muratori), xiv. 200; Canale,Nuova istoria di Genova, i. 222.
[216]Villani,Historia Venetiana(Muratori), xiv. 200; Canale,Nuova istoria di Genova, i. 222.
[217]Cant., IV. 33, pp. 246-7; 36, p. 266. Cantacuzenos had tried to get the Bulgarians to attack Stephen Dushan in 1351. Cf. Cant., IV. 22, pp. 162-6.
[217]Cant., IV. 33, pp. 246-7; 36, p. 266. Cantacuzenos had tried to get the Bulgarians to attack Stephen Dushan in 1351. Cf. Cant., IV. 22, pp. 162-6.
[218]Greg., XXVII. 30, pp. 150-1.
[218]Greg., XXVII. 30, pp. 150-1.
[219]Cant., IV. 36, pp. 265-6; Greg., XXVII. 55, p. 171, and XXVIII. 3, pp. 177-8; Cant., IV. 34, pp. 247-50; Greg., XXVIII. 7, pp. 181-2.
[219]Cant., IV. 36, pp. 265-6; Greg., XXVII. 55, p. 171, and XXVIII. 3, pp. 177-8; Cant., IV. 34, pp. 247-50; Greg., XXVIII. 7, pp. 181-2.
[220]Cant., IV. 34, pp. 250-3; 36, p. 266; Greg., XXVIII. 19, p. 188.
[220]Cant., IV. 34, pp. 250-3; 36, p. 266; Greg., XXVIII. 19, p. 188.
[221]About two hours on horse from Gallipoli.
[221]About two hours on horse from Gallipoli.
[222]Seadeddin, i. 58-63.
[222]Seadeddin, i. 58-63.
[223]Gilbert Cousin,Opera, i. 390 (evidently copying Drechsler), and Egnatius,de Origine Turcarum(Paris, 1539), p. 29, give dateA.D.1363. But do they not follow Phr., I. 26, p. 80?
[223]Gilbert Cousin,Opera, i. 390 (evidently copying Drechsler), and Egnatius,de Origine Turcarum(Paris, 1539), p. 29, give dateA.D.1363. But do they not follow Phr., I. 26, p. 80?
[224]Donado de Lezze, p. 7, and Paolo Giovio, both ardent Venetians, and Rabbi Joseph, i. 245, give the names of these vessels, though differently. Nicolas de Nicolay, who passed through the Hellespont in 1551, says that this story of the Genoese was a tradition of the locality. He locates the castle of Tzympe a few miles from the Aegaean end of the strait!Les quatre livres des navigations(1587 ed.), p. 58. Sauli,Della Colonia Genovese in Galata, ii. 44-5, vigorously defends the Genoese against this calumny.
[224]Donado de Lezze, p. 7, and Paolo Giovio, both ardent Venetians, and Rabbi Joseph, i. 245, give the names of these vessels, though differently. Nicolas de Nicolay, who passed through the Hellespont in 1551, says that this story of the Genoese was a tradition of the locality. He locates the castle of Tzympe a few miles from the Aegaean end of the strait!Les quatre livres des navigations(1587 ed.), p. 58. Sauli,Della Colonia Genovese in Galata, ii. 44-5, vigorously defends the Genoese against this calumny.
[225]There is no room for doubt about this date. Cf. Cant., IV. 38, pp. 277-80; Greg., XXXIII. 67, p. 220, and XXVIII. 40-2, pp. 202-4; Villani, p. 105;Byz. Annalen, ed. Müller, inSitzungs-Berichte der Wiener Akademie, ix. 392; Muralt,Chronographie Byz., ii. 643.
[225]There is no room for doubt about this date. Cf. Cant., IV. 38, pp. 277-80; Greg., XXXIII. 67, p. 220, and XXVIII. 40-2, pp. 202-4; Villani, p. 105;Byz. Annalen, ed. Müller, inSitzungs-Berichte der Wiener Akademie, ix. 392; Muralt,Chronographie Byz., ii. 643.
[226]This place figured in the recent Balkan War. It was here that the Osmanlis stationed their army for the defence of the Dardanelles.
[226]This place figured in the recent Balkan War. It was here that the Osmanlis stationed their army for the defence of the Dardanelles.
[227]Greg., XXIX. 26, p. 241.
[227]Greg., XXIX. 26, p. 241.
[228]Greg., XXVIII. 30, pp. 195-201.
[228]Greg., XXVIII. 30, pp. 195-201.
[229]Cant., IV. 37, pp. 270-2; 38, p. 276; Greg., XXIX. 17-18, pp. 234-6; 49, p. 257.
[229]Cant., IV. 37, pp. 270-2; 38, p. 276; Greg., XXIX. 17-18, pp. 234-6; 49, p. 257.
[230]At least, Cantacuzenos, IV. 38, p. 276, claims that he ransomed Tzympe.
[230]At least, Cantacuzenos, IV. 38, p. 276, claims that he ransomed Tzympe.
[231]Cant., IV. 38, p. 283.
[231]Cant., IV. 38, p. 283.
[232]Rumanian Chronicle, cited by Gregorović,Relations of Serbia with her Neighbouring States, principally in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries, Kazan, 1859, in an appendix.
[232]Rumanian Chronicle, cited by Gregorović,Relations of Serbia with her Neighbouring States, principally in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries, Kazan, 1859, in an appendix.
[233]Cant., IV. 39-43, pp. 284-307; Greg., XXIX. 27-30, pp. 242-3.
[233]Cant., IV. 39-43, pp. 284-307; Greg., XXIX. 27-30, pp. 242-3.
[234]Cant., IV. 49, pp. 358-60.
[234]Cant., IV. 49, pp. 358-60.
[235]Tchorlu was the head-quarters of the Ottoman General Staff during the first month of the Balkan War. After the battle of Lulé Burgas, it became the head-quarters of the Bulgarians. From here the attack upon the defences of Constantinople was directed.
[235]Tchorlu was the head-quarters of the Ottoman General Staff during the first month of the Balkan War. After the battle of Lulé Burgas, it became the head-quarters of the Bulgarians. From here the attack upon the defences of Constantinople was directed.
[236]Muralt, ii. 640, No. 10,n.
[236]Muralt, ii. 640, No. 10,n.
[237]Greg., XXIX. 34, pp. 224-6.
[237]Greg., XXIX. 34, pp. 224-6.
[238]During the five years following the proclamation of the Constitution in 1908, I lived, and travelled extensively, in the Ottoman Empire. Rarely did I meet a foreigner engaged in business there who had the slightest sympathy with the Osmanlis in their aspirations or in their successive crushing misfortunes. This is not a criticism, but merely the record of a fact.
[238]During the five years following the proclamation of the Constitution in 1908, I lived, and travelled extensively, in the Ottoman Empire. Rarely did I meet a foreigner engaged in business there who had the slightest sympathy with the Osmanlis in their aspirations or in their successive crushing misfortunes. This is not a criticism, but merely the record of a fact.