Chapter 24

[732]W. Lübeke,Geschichte der Architektur(6te Auflage), i. 425; Franz-Pasha,Die Baukunst des Islams(third volume of part 2 ofHandbücher der Architektur), 52, 67.[733]Mas-Latrie,Trésor de Chronologie, and papers on commercial relationship between Cyprus and Asia Minor inBibl. de École des Chartes; Lane-Poole, ‘Successors of the Seljuks in Asia Minor,’Journ. Royal Asiatic Soc., 1882, new series, xiv. 773-80 (Lane-Poole did not avail himself of the precious indications in Ibn Batutah and Shehabeddin, but trusted altogether to Gibb’s translation of Seadeddin’s unreliable chronology. Seadeddin did not have access to as good source-material as Lane-Poole himself!); Clément Huart, ‘Épigraphie arabe d’Asie Mineure,’Revue sémitique, 1894-5.[734]Muralt, in the bibliography of hisChronographie Byzantine, puts Ibn Batutah at 1320. There can be no doubt about this being an error, for when Ibn Batutah visited the Ottoman domains, Orkhan was ruling, and Nicaea had been captured. I put 1340 as latter limit, because Ibn Batutah speaks of some places captured by Orkhan before 1340 as being still independent.[735]Quatremère, inNotices et Extraits, xiii. 152-3, cannot reach a definite conclusion as to whether Shehabeddin is from Damascus, Marash, or Morocco. But I find that Hadji Khalfa,Dict. Bibl., Paris MS., fol. 1832, under no. 10874, records him as a ‘writer of Damascus’.[736]Bibl. Nat., Paris, fonds arabe 2325. For Quatremère trans. see Bibliography.[737]Ibid., fol. 123 vº.[738]Notices et Extraits, xiv, partie 2, to face p. 77.[739]See discussion of source-material in Bibliography.[740]If one asks why Adana and Marash are included in thisrésumé, it must be remembered that these are regions which might legitimately be included in Asia Minor as a portion of the latter Konia Seljuk dominions which we are discussing. In the division of the Roman Empire in the fifth century, Cilicia is given underDiocesis Oriensrather than underDiocesis Asianawith the rest of Asia Minor. To regard Cilicia as belonging to Syria was common up to the days of Mehemet Ali. Ibn Khaldun,Notices et Extraits, xix. 1èrepartie, p. 143, speaks of Adana as being ‘at the extremity of Syria’, while Cilicia is included in Syria in Abdul Ali Bakri’s description of Africa, Bibl. Nat., Paris, fonds arabe no. 2218, p. 103. Both the Latin and Orthodox Churches made Cilicia depend ecclesiastically upon Antioch: cf. Le Quien,Oriens Christianus, ii. col. 869, iii. col. 1181. But, in modern times, we have come to regard this region as a portion of Asia Minor.[741]Shehabeddin, 339, 369; Ibn Batutah, ii. 295-310; Cant. ii. 28, pp. 470-3; 25, p. 455, iii. 192; Greg. xvi. 6, p. 834; Ducas, 7, pp. 29-30; 18, p. 79; Schlumberger,Numismatique de l’Orient latin, 481-5; for Venice’s share in crusade against Smyrna, Romanin, iii. 147; for complete list of princes, Karabeck, inNumismatische Zeitschrift, Vienna, 1877, ix. 207.[742]Shehabeddin, 365.[743]Ibn Batutah, ii. 267. Shehabeddin, 360, gives Akridur under Hamid.[744]Ibn Batutah, ii. 285.[745]Leunclavius,Ann., v. 40; Hadji Khalfa,Djihannuma, fol. 1769; Sarre, 21. Cf. struggles between Murad and Bayezid and the Karamanlis, pp. 165-7, 187-90 above.[746]Bosio, ii. 221-2, 237-8; Mas-Latrie,Hist. de Chypre, iii. 175, 335. Cf. authorities for Karamania, Tekke, and Satalia, andBibl. de l’École des Chartes, 2esérie, i. 326, 328, 498, 505; ii. 138-41.[747]Not in 1354 by Soleiman, as Cant. iv. 37, p. 284, infers. Hadji Khalfa,Djihannuma, fol. 1852-6.[748]Pachymeres, vii. 13, p. 589.[749]How does Schlumberger reconcile the continuance of Ayasoluk, or Ephesus, as capital of Aïdin with the Rhodian conquest? Cf. Wood.Discoveries at Ephesus, pp. 12, 183, for coins which prove that the chevaliers held the city in 1365. Cf. Palatchia, for treaty made by Venice with an independent prince here in 1403. Ibn Batutah states expressly that Guzel Hissar, or Birgui, was the capital of Aïdin.[750]Ibn Batutah, ii. 317. Evliya effendi, ii. 19, distinguishes between Balikesri and Karasi in his enumeration of the conquests of Orkhan.[751]Ibn Batutah, ii. 340.[752]Sherefeddin, iii. 256; Howorth, iii. 749.[753]Shehabeddin, 338, 358, 366; Ibn Batutah, ii. 275, 277; Reclus,Géog. univ., ix. 633, 645; Baedeker,Kleinasien, 2. Aufl., 390. Mas-Latrie,Trésor de Chronologie, makes an error in extending the northern boundary of Denizli, which he calls Thingizlu, to the emirate of Marmora.[754]Panaretos, 13.[755]Lane-Poole,Mohammedan Coins in British Museum, 21-4, 35; ibid.,Mohammedan Coins in Bodleian Library, 12.[756]Hadji Khalfa,Djihannuma, fol. 1119; Sherefeddin, iii. 257.[757]Ibn Batutah, ii. 279; Shehabeddin, 370; Bosio, ii. 4.[758]Ibn Batutah, ii. 270.[759]Ibn Batutah, ii. 267; Hammer, xvii. 98; Sarre, 21. See also under Akridur, and Nazlu.[760]Shehabeddin, 339.[761]Shehabeddin, 363; Ibn Batutah, ii. 326-9; Hammer, xvii. 99.[762]‘Ledit Karaman haioit fort le Grant Turc, dont il eust la sœur.’ Bertrandon de la Broquière, Schéfer ed., 120. Bertrandon visited the court of the emir of Konia in 1443 with a Cypriote ambassador.[763]In time of Osman and Orkhan, Nicolay, 148-9; Howorth, iii. 428; Byzantine historians in Stritter, iii. 1092; Anon.,Hist. de Géorgie, i. 642; Shehabeddin, 346, 375; Ibn Batutah, ii. 284 (calls them emirs of Larenda); Hammer, i. 262 fol.; Rasmussen, 116; Feridun letters, Bibl. Nat., fonds turc, no. 79, p. 1. In time of Murad and Bayezid, Feridun letters, ibid., pp. 18-20, 30, 33-4, and references in text of this book. For fifteenth century, from re-establishment by Timur, Sherefeddin, iv. 33; Bertrandon de la Broquière, 118-20; Mas-Latrie,Hist. de Chypre, iii. 3;Bibl. de l’École des Chartes, 2esérie, i. 326, 510; ii. 138; Sanuto, in Muratori, xxii. 962. For coins, Lane-Poole,Bodleian Collection, 12;British Museum, 21-6. The power of Karamania in the fifteenth century will be discussed in a later volume.[764]Shehabeddin, 350, 357, 372. Cf. Hertzberg, 471.[765]Shehabeddin, 361; Ibn Batutah, ii. 343-7;Bibl. de l’École des Chartes, 2esérie, i. 325; Hammer, i. 90, 309-11; Clavijo, 20 vº.[766]Ibn Batutah, ii. 339.[767]Ashikpashazadé, Vatican MS., 33.[768]Hadji Khalfa,Djihannuma, 617, 1807-9. It is curious that Hadji Khalfa does not mention the famous potteries of Kutayia.[769]Persian letter in collection of Feridun, Bibl. Nat., fonds turc no. 79, p. 18.[770]Shehabeddin, Paris MS., fonds arabe no. 583, fol. 144 rº-vº; Ibn Batutah, ii. 270-1; Hammer, ii. 133, xvii. 98; Schéfer, preface to his edition of Bertrandon de la Broquière, lxi. For expedition of Bayezid against, Phr. i. 26, p. 82; Ducas, 18-19; Chalc. ii, pp. 64-6.[771]Panaretos, 49, 52.[772]Hammer, v. 28.[773]Shehabeddin, 358, 366. In speaking of the propinquity of Denizli and Marmora, one wonders if Mas-Latrie has not confused the Scamander and Maeander rivers. Both of these rivers are called Menderes in Turkish.[774]Its last emir died without issue in 1425. M. de Ste. Croix, inAcad. des Inscriptions, nouv. série, ii. 569-75; Hammer, i. 300-1, xvii. 98; Ducas, 18, p. 79; Lane-Poole,Coins in British Museum, 33-4.[775]Mordtmann, inZeitschrift d. m. G., lxv (1911), p. 105.[776]See above, p. 225.[777]Shehabeddin, 360.[778]Shehabeddin, 367.[779]Clavijo, fol. 6 vº, 60 vº.[780]Mas-Latrie, inBibl. de l’École des Chartes, 5esérie, v. 219-31, quotingPacta, vi. 129 vº, andCommem., ii. 231, iii. 374.[781]Cf. St. Pierre de Thomas, in Bollandist Coll.[782]The currency of Byzantine money among the maritime emirates of Asia Minor demonstrates this. See Makrisi, 7, and Stickel, inZeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft, viii. 837-9.[783]Shehabeddin, 339, 360, 368-9; Ibn Batutah, ii. 313;Commemor., ii. 231; Greg. xi. 2, p. 530; xv. 5, p. 763; Cant. ii. 29-30, pp. 480-4; iii. 96, pp. 591-6; Ducas, 18, p. 79; Hadji Khalfa,Djihannuma, fol. 1820; for relations of Genoese and Byzantines with, Sauli, i. 256-7; for coins, Schlumberger, 479-81; Lane-Poole,Bodleian, 12;British Museum, 31-2.[784]‘Aussi y est Satalie, située en rivages maritimes de Cilicie: d’où a prins son nom le Goulphe de Satalie, anciennement appelé Issa: et a présent la Iasse et en cest endroit Alexandre vainquit Daire ...’ Nicolay, 148. This passage, which shows Adalia confused with Adana, would have helped Bruun in his note on p. 123 of the Hakluyt edition of Schiltberger.[785]In Bibl. Nat., Paris, MS. fonds turc no. 62, there is a marginal note in Armand’s handwriting which terminates thus: ‘La dynastie des Seljuks de Rum finit en la personne de Kaï Kobad, fils de Feramorg, fils de Kaï Kaous le 14equi aye regné qui fut exterminé lui ettoute sa racepar Gazankhan.’ This view was taken by several Orientalists of Armand’s day, but there is good authority for Ghazi Tchelebi’s ancestry.[786]Fallmerayer,Originalberichte, ii. 15, 319; Stella, cited by Muralt, ii. 533; Ibn Batutah, ii. 343.[787]Matteo Villani, in Muratori, xiv. 663.[788]Shehabeddin, 359; Ibn Batutah, ii. 277.[789]Shehabeddin, 371; Ibn Batutah, 258-9, 265; Bustron,Chronique de Chypre, 296; Mas-Latrie,Trésor, col. 1802; Matteo Villani, in Muratori, xiv, col. 662; Urban V,Epp. secr., i. 161; Rasmussen, 45; Schiltberger, 19. (I cannot agree with Bruun that Adana is meant, for there is no reason to believe that the Osmanlis crossed the Taurus into Cilicia for more than one hundred years after the events Schiltberger was describing. See above, p. 296,n.3.)[790]See note for Mikhalitch.[791]Weil, iv. 504-624; Heyd, passim under Tarsus, Lajazzo, Adana, and Alexandretta; Mas-Latrie,Bibl. de l’École des Chartes, vi. 310-11; Le Nain de Tillemont (éd. Gaulle), iii. 9; iv. 459; Abulfaradj,Chron. Syr., 572; Bertrandon de la Broquière (éd. Schéfer), introd., lv. 90-1.[792]Finlay, iv. 386-92; Panaretos,passim.[793]Ibn Batutah, ii. 314; Cant. ii. 13, pp. 388-90; Phr. i. 8, p. 37; Greg. xi. 9, p. 554; Sauli, i. 256-7. See also in text of this book under Orkhan.[794]Matteo Villani, in Muratori, xiv. 650, under spring of 1360, says: ‘E per tante guerre e divisioni de’ Turchi gli paesi loro erano rotti e in grande tribulazione. E per questa cagione i Greci havieno minore persecuzione da loro. E più ciò fu materia al Re di Cipro di fare l’impresa sopra loro con honore e vittoria grande.’ Mas-Latrie, inBibl. de l’École des Chartes, 2esérie, ii. 122-3, says that the Karamanian army was defeated before Gorhigos in 1361, and that Cyprus, then at the height of its power, was able to impose tribute on the emirs of Asia Minor.[795]Ibn Batutah, ii. 288-95.[796]See above under Smyrna, Aïdin, Menteshe, Fukeh, and Tawas. Also in text of book, p. 44.[797]Cf. Weil, iv.passim.[798]See above, p. 123.[799]The ordinals following the names of Byzantine emperors are a cause of confusion, as there is no universal agreement as to the method of numbering. Some historians count by sovereignsof the same familybearing a particular name (i. e. John I Palaeologos and John II Palaeologos), while others number by the imperial line as a whole (i. e. John V Palaeologos, John VI Cantacuzenos, John VII Palaeologos). I have used the second system.

[732]W. Lübeke,Geschichte der Architektur(6te Auflage), i. 425; Franz-Pasha,Die Baukunst des Islams(third volume of part 2 ofHandbücher der Architektur), 52, 67.

[733]Mas-Latrie,Trésor de Chronologie, and papers on commercial relationship between Cyprus and Asia Minor inBibl. de École des Chartes; Lane-Poole, ‘Successors of the Seljuks in Asia Minor,’Journ. Royal Asiatic Soc., 1882, new series, xiv. 773-80 (Lane-Poole did not avail himself of the precious indications in Ibn Batutah and Shehabeddin, but trusted altogether to Gibb’s translation of Seadeddin’s unreliable chronology. Seadeddin did not have access to as good source-material as Lane-Poole himself!); Clément Huart, ‘Épigraphie arabe d’Asie Mineure,’Revue sémitique, 1894-5.

[734]Muralt, in the bibliography of hisChronographie Byzantine, puts Ibn Batutah at 1320. There can be no doubt about this being an error, for when Ibn Batutah visited the Ottoman domains, Orkhan was ruling, and Nicaea had been captured. I put 1340 as latter limit, because Ibn Batutah speaks of some places captured by Orkhan before 1340 as being still independent.

[735]Quatremère, inNotices et Extraits, xiii. 152-3, cannot reach a definite conclusion as to whether Shehabeddin is from Damascus, Marash, or Morocco. But I find that Hadji Khalfa,Dict. Bibl., Paris MS., fol. 1832, under no. 10874, records him as a ‘writer of Damascus’.

[736]Bibl. Nat., Paris, fonds arabe 2325. For Quatremère trans. see Bibliography.

[737]Ibid., fol. 123 vº.

[738]Notices et Extraits, xiv, partie 2, to face p. 77.

[739]See discussion of source-material in Bibliography.

[740]If one asks why Adana and Marash are included in thisrésumé, it must be remembered that these are regions which might legitimately be included in Asia Minor as a portion of the latter Konia Seljuk dominions which we are discussing. In the division of the Roman Empire in the fifth century, Cilicia is given underDiocesis Oriensrather than underDiocesis Asianawith the rest of Asia Minor. To regard Cilicia as belonging to Syria was common up to the days of Mehemet Ali. Ibn Khaldun,Notices et Extraits, xix. 1èrepartie, p. 143, speaks of Adana as being ‘at the extremity of Syria’, while Cilicia is included in Syria in Abdul Ali Bakri’s description of Africa, Bibl. Nat., Paris, fonds arabe no. 2218, p. 103. Both the Latin and Orthodox Churches made Cilicia depend ecclesiastically upon Antioch: cf. Le Quien,Oriens Christianus, ii. col. 869, iii. col. 1181. But, in modern times, we have come to regard this region as a portion of Asia Minor.

[741]Shehabeddin, 339, 369; Ibn Batutah, ii. 295-310; Cant. ii. 28, pp. 470-3; 25, p. 455, iii. 192; Greg. xvi. 6, p. 834; Ducas, 7, pp. 29-30; 18, p. 79; Schlumberger,Numismatique de l’Orient latin, 481-5; for Venice’s share in crusade against Smyrna, Romanin, iii. 147; for complete list of princes, Karabeck, inNumismatische Zeitschrift, Vienna, 1877, ix. 207.

[742]Shehabeddin, 365.

[743]Ibn Batutah, ii. 267. Shehabeddin, 360, gives Akridur under Hamid.

[744]Ibn Batutah, ii. 285.

[745]Leunclavius,Ann., v. 40; Hadji Khalfa,Djihannuma, fol. 1769; Sarre, 21. Cf. struggles between Murad and Bayezid and the Karamanlis, pp. 165-7, 187-90 above.

[746]Bosio, ii. 221-2, 237-8; Mas-Latrie,Hist. de Chypre, iii. 175, 335. Cf. authorities for Karamania, Tekke, and Satalia, andBibl. de l’École des Chartes, 2esérie, i. 326, 328, 498, 505; ii. 138-41.

[747]Not in 1354 by Soleiman, as Cant. iv. 37, p. 284, infers. Hadji Khalfa,Djihannuma, fol. 1852-6.

[748]Pachymeres, vii. 13, p. 589.

[749]How does Schlumberger reconcile the continuance of Ayasoluk, or Ephesus, as capital of Aïdin with the Rhodian conquest? Cf. Wood.Discoveries at Ephesus, pp. 12, 183, for coins which prove that the chevaliers held the city in 1365. Cf. Palatchia, for treaty made by Venice with an independent prince here in 1403. Ibn Batutah states expressly that Guzel Hissar, or Birgui, was the capital of Aïdin.

[750]Ibn Batutah, ii. 317. Evliya effendi, ii. 19, distinguishes between Balikesri and Karasi in his enumeration of the conquests of Orkhan.

[751]Ibn Batutah, ii. 340.

[752]Sherefeddin, iii. 256; Howorth, iii. 749.

[753]Shehabeddin, 338, 358, 366; Ibn Batutah, ii. 275, 277; Reclus,Géog. univ., ix. 633, 645; Baedeker,Kleinasien, 2. Aufl., 390. Mas-Latrie,Trésor de Chronologie, makes an error in extending the northern boundary of Denizli, which he calls Thingizlu, to the emirate of Marmora.

[754]Panaretos, 13.

[755]Lane-Poole,Mohammedan Coins in British Museum, 21-4, 35; ibid.,Mohammedan Coins in Bodleian Library, 12.

[756]Hadji Khalfa,Djihannuma, fol. 1119; Sherefeddin, iii. 257.

[757]Ibn Batutah, ii. 279; Shehabeddin, 370; Bosio, ii. 4.

[758]Ibn Batutah, ii. 270.

[759]Ibn Batutah, ii. 267; Hammer, xvii. 98; Sarre, 21. See also under Akridur, and Nazlu.

[760]Shehabeddin, 339.

[761]Shehabeddin, 363; Ibn Batutah, ii. 326-9; Hammer, xvii. 99.

[762]‘Ledit Karaman haioit fort le Grant Turc, dont il eust la sœur.’ Bertrandon de la Broquière, Schéfer ed., 120. Bertrandon visited the court of the emir of Konia in 1443 with a Cypriote ambassador.

[763]In time of Osman and Orkhan, Nicolay, 148-9; Howorth, iii. 428; Byzantine historians in Stritter, iii. 1092; Anon.,Hist. de Géorgie, i. 642; Shehabeddin, 346, 375; Ibn Batutah, ii. 284 (calls them emirs of Larenda); Hammer, i. 262 fol.; Rasmussen, 116; Feridun letters, Bibl. Nat., fonds turc, no. 79, p. 1. In time of Murad and Bayezid, Feridun letters, ibid., pp. 18-20, 30, 33-4, and references in text of this book. For fifteenth century, from re-establishment by Timur, Sherefeddin, iv. 33; Bertrandon de la Broquière, 118-20; Mas-Latrie,Hist. de Chypre, iii. 3;Bibl. de l’École des Chartes, 2esérie, i. 326, 510; ii. 138; Sanuto, in Muratori, xxii. 962. For coins, Lane-Poole,Bodleian Collection, 12;British Museum, 21-6. The power of Karamania in the fifteenth century will be discussed in a later volume.

[764]Shehabeddin, 350, 357, 372. Cf. Hertzberg, 471.

[765]Shehabeddin, 361; Ibn Batutah, ii. 343-7;Bibl. de l’École des Chartes, 2esérie, i. 325; Hammer, i. 90, 309-11; Clavijo, 20 vº.

[766]Ibn Batutah, ii. 339.

[767]Ashikpashazadé, Vatican MS., 33.

[768]Hadji Khalfa,Djihannuma, 617, 1807-9. It is curious that Hadji Khalfa does not mention the famous potteries of Kutayia.

[769]Persian letter in collection of Feridun, Bibl. Nat., fonds turc no. 79, p. 18.

[770]Shehabeddin, Paris MS., fonds arabe no. 583, fol. 144 rº-vº; Ibn Batutah, ii. 270-1; Hammer, ii. 133, xvii. 98; Schéfer, preface to his edition of Bertrandon de la Broquière, lxi. For expedition of Bayezid against, Phr. i. 26, p. 82; Ducas, 18-19; Chalc. ii, pp. 64-6.

[771]Panaretos, 49, 52.

[772]Hammer, v. 28.

[773]Shehabeddin, 358, 366. In speaking of the propinquity of Denizli and Marmora, one wonders if Mas-Latrie has not confused the Scamander and Maeander rivers. Both of these rivers are called Menderes in Turkish.

[774]Its last emir died without issue in 1425. M. de Ste. Croix, inAcad. des Inscriptions, nouv. série, ii. 569-75; Hammer, i. 300-1, xvii. 98; Ducas, 18, p. 79; Lane-Poole,Coins in British Museum, 33-4.

[775]Mordtmann, inZeitschrift d. m. G., lxv (1911), p. 105.

[776]See above, p. 225.

[777]Shehabeddin, 360.

[778]Shehabeddin, 367.

[779]Clavijo, fol. 6 vº, 60 vº.

[780]Mas-Latrie, inBibl. de l’École des Chartes, 5esérie, v. 219-31, quotingPacta, vi. 129 vº, andCommem., ii. 231, iii. 374.

[781]Cf. St. Pierre de Thomas, in Bollandist Coll.

[782]The currency of Byzantine money among the maritime emirates of Asia Minor demonstrates this. See Makrisi, 7, and Stickel, inZeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft, viii. 837-9.

[783]Shehabeddin, 339, 360, 368-9; Ibn Batutah, ii. 313;Commemor., ii. 231; Greg. xi. 2, p. 530; xv. 5, p. 763; Cant. ii. 29-30, pp. 480-4; iii. 96, pp. 591-6; Ducas, 18, p. 79; Hadji Khalfa,Djihannuma, fol. 1820; for relations of Genoese and Byzantines with, Sauli, i. 256-7; for coins, Schlumberger, 479-81; Lane-Poole,Bodleian, 12;British Museum, 31-2.

[784]‘Aussi y est Satalie, située en rivages maritimes de Cilicie: d’où a prins son nom le Goulphe de Satalie, anciennement appelé Issa: et a présent la Iasse et en cest endroit Alexandre vainquit Daire ...’ Nicolay, 148. This passage, which shows Adalia confused with Adana, would have helped Bruun in his note on p. 123 of the Hakluyt edition of Schiltberger.

[785]In Bibl. Nat., Paris, MS. fonds turc no. 62, there is a marginal note in Armand’s handwriting which terminates thus: ‘La dynastie des Seljuks de Rum finit en la personne de Kaï Kobad, fils de Feramorg, fils de Kaï Kaous le 14equi aye regné qui fut exterminé lui ettoute sa racepar Gazankhan.’ This view was taken by several Orientalists of Armand’s day, but there is good authority for Ghazi Tchelebi’s ancestry.

[786]Fallmerayer,Originalberichte, ii. 15, 319; Stella, cited by Muralt, ii. 533; Ibn Batutah, ii. 343.

[787]Matteo Villani, in Muratori, xiv. 663.

[788]Shehabeddin, 359; Ibn Batutah, ii. 277.

[789]Shehabeddin, 371; Ibn Batutah, 258-9, 265; Bustron,Chronique de Chypre, 296; Mas-Latrie,Trésor, col. 1802; Matteo Villani, in Muratori, xiv, col. 662; Urban V,Epp. secr., i. 161; Rasmussen, 45; Schiltberger, 19. (I cannot agree with Bruun that Adana is meant, for there is no reason to believe that the Osmanlis crossed the Taurus into Cilicia for more than one hundred years after the events Schiltberger was describing. See above, p. 296,n.3.)

[790]See note for Mikhalitch.

[791]Weil, iv. 504-624; Heyd, passim under Tarsus, Lajazzo, Adana, and Alexandretta; Mas-Latrie,Bibl. de l’École des Chartes, vi. 310-11; Le Nain de Tillemont (éd. Gaulle), iii. 9; iv. 459; Abulfaradj,Chron. Syr., 572; Bertrandon de la Broquière (éd. Schéfer), introd., lv. 90-1.

[792]Finlay, iv. 386-92; Panaretos,passim.

[793]Ibn Batutah, ii. 314; Cant. ii. 13, pp. 388-90; Phr. i. 8, p. 37; Greg. xi. 9, p. 554; Sauli, i. 256-7. See also in text of this book under Orkhan.

[794]Matteo Villani, in Muratori, xiv. 650, under spring of 1360, says: ‘E per tante guerre e divisioni de’ Turchi gli paesi loro erano rotti e in grande tribulazione. E per questa cagione i Greci havieno minore persecuzione da loro. E più ciò fu materia al Re di Cipro di fare l’impresa sopra loro con honore e vittoria grande.’ Mas-Latrie, inBibl. de l’École des Chartes, 2esérie, ii. 122-3, says that the Karamanian army was defeated before Gorhigos in 1361, and that Cyprus, then at the height of its power, was able to impose tribute on the emirs of Asia Minor.

[795]Ibn Batutah, ii. 288-95.

[796]See above under Smyrna, Aïdin, Menteshe, Fukeh, and Tawas. Also in text of book, p. 44.

[797]Cf. Weil, iv.passim.

[798]See above, p. 123.

[799]The ordinals following the names of Byzantine emperors are a cause of confusion, as there is no universal agreement as to the method of numbering. Some historians count by sovereignsof the same familybearing a particular name (i. e. John I Palaeologos and John II Palaeologos), while others number by the imperial line as a whole (i. e. John V Palaeologos, John VI Cantacuzenos, John VII Palaeologos). I have used the second system.

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