Wise, Rich, grave, prize Brave, Benefactors, Replant, want, continue still good Actors. finde, and bring kinde, eyes Be to blind; By Gods great might, give Indians light. Bloud, money, to doe Spend that good, That may give Indians heav'nly food. no lesse, God You still And shall blesse; Both you and yours the Lands possesse. S. M.
See here behold as in a Glasse, All that is, or is and was. T. T. 1624.
Samuel Purchas of his friend Captaine JohnSmith, and his Virginia.
Lo here Smiths Forge, where Forgery's Roague-branded, True Pegasus is shoo'd, fetters are forged For Silke-sotts, Milk-sops, base Sloth, farre hence landed, (Soile-chang'd, {FN-1} Soule-soil'd still) Englands dregs, discharged, To plant (supplant!) Virginia, home-disgorged: Where vertues praise frames good men Stories armour 'Gainst Time, Achilles-like, with best Arts charged; Pallas, all-arm'd, all-learn'd, can teach Sword-Grammer, Can Pens of Pikes; Armes t' Arts; to Scholar, Souldier, hammer: Can Pilgrim make a Maker; all so well Hath taught Smith scoure my rustic out-worne Muse, And so conjur'd her in Virginian Cell, That things unlearned long by want of use, Shee fresh areeds me read, without abuse By fabling. Arthurs great Acts little made By greater lies she saith; scales Faith excuse {FN-2} T' Island, Groonland, Estotiland to wade After lie-legends; Malgo, Brandon, are Wares braide. The Fryer of Linne {FN-3} frights her with his black Art; Nor Brittish Bards can tell where Madoc {FN-4} planted. Cabots, Thorns, Elyots truth have wonne her heart, Eldest discov'rers of New Worlds Cont'nent (granted So had just Fates.) Colon and Vespuce panted; This got the name, {FN-5} last, least of Three; the Other New Worlds Isles found first: Cabot is most chanted In Three-Mens-song; did more New World discover Then both, then any; an hundred degrees coasted over. Haile Sir Sebastian, Englands Northern Pole, Virginia's finder; Virgin Eliza nam'd it, Gave 't Raleigh. (Rut, Prat, Hore, I not enrole) Amadas rites to English right first fram'd it. Lane planted, return'd, nor had English tam'd it: Greenviles and Whites men all slaine; New Plantation James founds, Sloth confounds, feare, pride, faction sham'd it: Smiths Forge mends all, makes chaines for Savage Nation, And feeds the rest; the rest reade in his Bookes Relation.
{FN-1}Caelumnon animum Mutant.
{FN-2}These are said a thousand years agoe to have been in the North parts of America.
{FN-3}He is said to discover the Pole 1360.
{FN-4}Madoc ap Owen Planted some remote Western parts. 1170.
{FN-5}America named of Americus Vesputius which discovered less than Colon or Sir Sebastian Cabot, and the continent later. Colon first found the Isles 1492. the Continent 1498. Above a year after Cabot had done it. He was set forth by Henry 7. and after by Hen. 8. Knighted, and made grand Pilot of England by Ed. 6 Under whom he procured the sending of Sir Hugh Willoughby, & discovery of Greenland and Russia: having by himself discovered on America from 67 North lat. to neere 40 South.
Thomas Macarnesse to his worthy friend and Countryman, Captaine John Smith.Who loves to live at home, yet looke abroad, And know both passen and unpassen road, The prime Plantation of an unknowne shore, The men, the manners, fruitfulnesse, and store: Read but this little Booke, and then confesse, The lesse thou lik'st and lov'st, thou liv'st the lesse. He writ it with great labour, for thy good, Twice over, now in paper, 'fore in blood; It cost him deare, both paines, without an ayme Of private profit, for thy publicke gaine. That thou mightst read and know and safely see, What he by practice, thou by Theoree. Commend him for his loyall loving heart, Or else come mend him, and take thou his part.
To his friend Captaine John Smith, and his Worke.I Know not how Desert more great can rise, Then out of Danger t'ane for good mens Good; or who doth better winne th' Olympian prize, Than he whose Countryes Honor stirres his bloud; Private respects have private expectation, Publicke designes, should publish reputation. This Gentleman whose Volumne heere is stoard With strange discoverie of Gods strangest Creatures, Gives us full view, how he hath Sayl'd, and Oar'd, And Marcht, full many myles, whose rough defeatures, Hath beene as bold, as puissant, up to binde Their barbarous strength's, to follow him dog-linde. But wit, nor valour, now adayes payes scores For estimation; all goes now by wealth, Or friends; tush! thrust the beggar out of dores That is not Purse-lyn'd; those which live by stealth Shall have their haunts; no matter what's the guest In many places; monies well come best. But those who well discerne, esteeme not so: Nor I of thee brave Smith, that hast beat out Thy Iron thus; though I but little know To what t' hast seene; yet I in this am stout: My thoughts, maps to my minde some accidents, That makes mee see thy greater presidents. Jo: Done.
To my worthy friend Captaine John Smith.How great a part of knowledge had wee lost, Both of Virginia and the Summer Isles, Had not thy carefull diligence and cost Inform'd us thus, with thy industrious stile! Like Caesar now thou writ'st what thou hast done, These acts, this Booke will live while ther's a Sunne. Edw: Worseley.
To his much respected friend Captaine John Smith.Envie avant. For Smith, whose Anvill was Experience, Could take his heat, knew how and when to Strike, Wrought well this Peece; till After-negligence Mistaking temper, Cold, or Scorch'd; or like Unskilfull workmen, that can never Fyle Nor Pollish it, that takes in Forge such toyle: Heere Noble Smith, thou shewest the Temper true, Which other Tampring-Tempres never knew. Ro: Norton.
To his loving friend Captaine John Smith.Where actions speake the praises of a man, There, Pennes that use to flatter silent be, Or if they speake, it is to scorne or scanne; For such with vertue seldome doe agree. When I looke backe on all thy labours past, Thy travels, perils, losses oft sustaind By Sea and Land; and (which is worst and last) Neglect or small reward, so dearely gaind, I doe admire thy still undanted spirit; unwearied yet to worke thy Countries good. This be thy praise then, due unto thy merit; For it th' hast venter'd life; and lost thy blood.
Edw: Ingham.
To my deare friend by true Vertue ennobled Captaine John Smith.More then enough I cannot thee commend: Whose both abilities and Love doe tend So to advance the good of that Estate, By English charge, and Planters propagate Through heapes of painfull hazards; in the first Of which, that Colony thy Care hath nurst. And often that effected but with ten That after thee, and now, three hundred men Have faild in, 'mong the Salvages; who shake At bruit of Thee, as Spaine at Name of Drake. Which well appeares; considering the while Thou governedst, nor force of theirs, ne guile Lessend a man of thine; but since (I rue) In Brittish blood they deeply did imbrue Their Heathen hands. And (truth to say) we see, Our selves wee lost, untimely leaving Thee. Nor yet perceive I any got betweene Thee and thy merit; which hath better beene In prayse; or profit much; if counted just; Free from the Weales abuse, or wronged trust. Some few particulars perhaps have sped; But wherein hath the publicke prospered? Or is there more of those Vast Countries knowne, Then by thy Labours and Relations showne First, best? And shall we love Thee now the lesse? Farre be it! fit condignely to expresse Thankes, by new Charge, or recompence; by whom, Such past good hath, such future good may come. David Wiffin.
Noble Captaine Smith, my worthy Friend.Not like the Age wherein thou liv'st, to lie Buried in basenesse, sloth, or Ribaldrie (For most doe thus) hast thou thy selfe applide; But, in faire Actions, Merits height descride: Which (like foure Theaters to set thee forth) The worlds foure Quarters testifie thy worth. The last whereof (America) best showes Thy paines, and prayse; and what to thee shee owes, (Although thy Sommer shone on th' Elder Three, In as great Deeds as great varietie) For opening to Her Selfe Her Selfe, in Two {FN} Of Her lame Members; Now Ours, to our view. Thereby endearing us to thy desart, That doubly dost them to our hands impart; There by thy Worke, Heere by thy Workes; By each Maist thou Fames lasting Wreath (for guerdon) reach. And so become, in after Times t' ensue, A President for others, So to do. William Grent.
{FN}Virginia now inhabited, and New-England.
To his worthily affected Friend, Captaine John Smith.Amongst so many that by learned skill, Have given just praise to thee, and to thy Booke, Deare friend receive this pledge of my good will, Whereon, if thou with acceptation looke, And thinke it worthie, ranke amongst the rest: Use thy discretion, I have done my best. Ανωνυμος.
CONTAINING THE
For the Stories of Arthur, Malgo, and Brandon, that say a thousand yeares agoe they were in the North of America; or the Fryer of Linn that by his blacke Art went to the North pole in the yeare 1360. in that I know them not, let this suffice.
A.D. 1170.
The Chronicles of Wales report, that Madock, sonne to Owen Quineth, Prince of Wales seeing his two brethren at debate who should inherit, prepared certaine Ships, with men and munition, and left his Country to seeke adventures by Sea: leaving Ireland North he sayled west till he came to a Land unknowne. Returning home and relating what pleasant and fruitfull Countries he had seene without Inhabitants, and for what barren ground his brethren and kindred did murther one another, he provided a number of Ships, and got with him such men and women as were desirous to live in quietnesse, that arrived with him in this new Land in the yeare 1170: Left many of his people there and returned for more. But where this place was no History can show.
A.D. 1492.
The Spaniards say Hanno a Prince of Carthage was the first: and the next Christopher Cullumbus, a Genoesiar, whom they sent to discover those unknowne parts, 1492.
A.D. 1497.
But we finde by Records, Cullumbus offered his service in the yeare 1488. to King Henry the seaventh; and by accident undertooke it for the Spanyards. In the Interim King Henry gave a Commission to John Cabot, and his three sonnes, Sebastian, Lewis, and Sautius. John and Sebastian well provided, setting sayle, ranged a great part of this unknowne world, in the yeare 1497. For though Cullumbus had found certaine Iles, it was 1498. ere he saw the Continent, which was a yeare after Cabot. Now Americus came a long time after, though the whole Continent to this day is called America after his name, yet Sebastian Cabot discovered much more then them all, for he sayled to about forty degrees Southward of the lyne, and to sixty-seaven towards the North: for which King Henry the eight Knighted him and made him grand Pilate of England. Being very aged King Edward the sixt gave him a Pention of 1661. 13s. 4d. yearely. By his directions Sir Hugh Willowby was sent to finde out the Country of Russia, but the next yeare he was found frozen to death in his Ship, and all his Company.
A.D. 1576.
Mr. Martin Frobisher was sent in the yeare 1576. by our most gracious Queene Elizabeth, to search for the Northwest passage, and Meta incognita: for which he was Knighted, honored, and well rewarded.
A.D. 1583.
Sir Humphrey Gilbert a worthy Knight attempted a Plantation in some of those parts: and obtained Letters Pattents to his desire: but with this Proviso, He should [1.2.] maintaine possession in some of those vast Countries within the tearme of sixe yeares. Yet when he was provided with a Navy able to incounter a Kings power, even here at home they fell in divisions, and so into confusion, that they gave over the Designe ere it was begun, notwithstanding all this losse, his undanted spirit began againe, but his Fleet fell with New-foundland, and he perished in his returne, as at large you may read in the third Volume of the English Voyages, written by Mr. Hackluit.
Upon all those Relations and inducements, Sir Walter Raleigh, a noble Gentleman, and then in great esteeme, undertooke to send to discover to the Southward. And though his occasions and other imployments were such he could not goe himselfe, yet he procured her Majesties Letters Pattents, and perswaded many worthy Knights and Gentlemen to adventure with him to finde a place fit for a Plantation. Their Proceedings followeth.
A.D. 1584.
The most famous, renowned, and ever worthy of all memory, for her courage, learning, judgement, and vertue, Queene Elizabeth, granted her Letters Patents to Sir Walter Raleigh for the discovering and planting new Lands & Countries, not actually possessed by any Christians. This Patenty got to be his assistants Sir Richard Grenvell the valiant, Mr. William Sanderson a great friend to all such noble and worthy actions, and divers other Gentlemen and Marchants, who with all speede provided two small Barkes well furnished with all necessaries, under the command of Captaine Philip Amidas and Captaine Barlow. The 27. of Aprill they set sayle from the Thames, the tenth of May passed the Canaries, and the tenth of June the West Indies: which unneedfull Southerly course, (but then no better was knowne) occasioned them in that season much sicknesse.
Their arrival.Abundance of Grapes{MN}
The second of July they fell with the coast of Florida in shoule water, where they felt a most dilicate sweete smell, though they saw no land, which ere long they espied, thinking it the Continent: an hundred and twenty myles they sayled not finding any harbor. The first that appeared, with much difficulty they entred, and anchored, and after thankes to God they went to view the next Land adjoyning to take possession of it for the Queenes most excellent Majestie: which done, they found their first landing place very sandy and low, {MN} but so full of grapes that the very surge of the Sea sometimes over-flowed them: of which they found such plenty in all places, both on the sand, the greene soyle and hils, as in the plaines as well on every little shrub, as also climbing towards the tops of high Cedars, that they did thinke in the world were not the like abundance.
The Ile of Wokokon.In Lybanus are not many.{MN-1}Conference with a Salvage.{MN-2}
We passed by the Sea-side towards the tops of the next hills being not high: from whence we might see the Sea on both sides, and found it an Ile of twentie myles in length, and six in breadth, the vallyes replenished with goodly tall Cedars, Discharging our Muskets, such a flocke of Cranes, the most white, arose by us, with such a cry as if an Army of men had shouted altogether. This He hath many goodly Woods, and Deere, Conies, and Foule in incredible abundance, and using the Authors owne phrase, the Woods are not such as you finde in Bohemia, Moscovia, or Hercinia, barren and fruitlesse, but the highest and reddest Cedars of the world, {MN-1} bettering them of the Assores, Indies, or Libanus: Pynes, Cypres, Saxefras, the Lentisk that beareth Mastick, and many other of excellent smell and qualitie. Till the third day we saw not any of the people, then in a little Boat three of them appeared, one of them went on shore, to whom wee rowed, and he attended us without any signe of feare; {MN-2} after he had spoke much though we understood not a word, of his owne accord he came boldly aboord us, we gave him a shirt, a hat, wine and meate, which he liked well, and after he had well viewed the barkes and us, he went away in his owne Boat, and within a quarter of a myle of us in halfe an houre, had loaden his Boat with fish, with which he came againe to the poynt of land, and there devided it in two parts, poynting one part to the Ship, the other to the Pinnace, and so departed.
A.D. 1584.[I.3]The Arrival of the Kings brother.
The next day came divers Boats, and in one of them the Kings Brother, with forty or fifty men, proper people, and in their behaviour very civill; his name was Granganameo, the King is called Wingina, the Country Wingandacoa. Leaving his Boats a little from our Ships, he came with his trayne to the poynt: where spreading a Matte he sat downe. Though we came to him well armed, he made signes to us to sit downe without any shew of feare, stroking his head and brest, and also ours, to expresse his love. After he had made a long speech unto us, we presented him with divers toyes, which he kindly accepted. He was greatly regarded by his people, for none of them did sit, nor speake a word, but foure, on whom we bestowed presents also, but he tooke all from them, making signes all things did belong to him.
The King himselfe in a conflict with a King his next neighbour and mortall enemy, was shot in two places through the body, and the thigh, yet recovered: whereby he lay at his chiefe towne six dayes journey from thence.
Trade with the Salvages.
A day or two after shewing them what we had, Granganameo taking most liking to a Pewter dish, made a hole in it, hung it about his necke for a brest-plate: for which he gave us twenty Deere skins, worth twenty Crownes; and for a Copper Kettell, fiftie skins, worth fiftie Crownes. Much other trucke we had, and after two dayes he came aboord, and did eate and drinke with us very merrily. Not long after he brought his wife and children, they were but of meane stature, but well favoured and very bashfull; she had a long coat of Leather, and about her privities a peece of the same, about her forehead a band of white Corrall, and so had her husband, in her eares were bracelets of pearle, hanging downe to her middle, of the bignesse of great Pease; the rest of the women had Pendants of Copper, and the Noblemen five or sixe in an eare; his apparrell as his wives, onely the women weare their haire long on both sides, and the men but on one; they are of colour yellow, but their hayre is blacke, yet we saw children that had very fayre Chesnut coloured hayre.
Note{MN}
After that these women had beene here with us, there came downe from all parts great store of people, with Leather, Corrall, and divers kinde of dyes, but when Granganameo was present, none durst trade but himselfe, and them that wore red Copper on their heads, as he did. When ever he came, he would signifie by so many fires he came with so many boats, that we might know his strength. Their Boats are but one great tree, which is but burnt in the forme of a trough with gins and fire, till it be as they would have it. For an armour he would have ingaged us a bagge of pearle, but we refused, as not regarding it, that wee might the better learn where it grew. He was very just of his promise, for oft we trusted him, and he would come within his day to keepe his word. He sent us commonly every day a brace of Bucks, Conies, Hares, and fish, sometimes Mellons, Walnuts, Cucumbers, Pease, and divers rootes. {MN} This the Author sayth, their corne groweth three times in five moneths; in May they sow, in July reape; in June they sow, in August reape; in July sow, in August reape. We put some of our Pease in the ground, which in ten dayes were 14. ynches high.
The Ile Roanoak.{MN-1}The Great courtesie of a Woman.{MN-2}
The soyle is most plentifull, sweete, wholesome, and fruitfull of all other, there are about 14. severall sorts of sweete smelling tymber trees: the most parts of the underwood, Bayes and such like: such Okes as we, but far greater and better. After this acquaintance, my selfe with seaven more went twenty myle into the River Occam, that runneth toward the Cittie Skicoack, {MN-1} and the evening following we came to an Ile called Roanoak, from the harbour where we entred 7. leagues; at the North end was 9. houses, builded with Cedar, fortified round with sharpe trees, and the entrance like a Turnpik. When we came towards it, {MN-2} the wife of Granganameo came running out to meete us, (her husband was absent) commanding her people to draw our Boat ashore for beating on the billowes, other she appoynted to carry us on their backes aland, others to bring our Ores into the [I.4.] house for stealing. When we came into the other roome, (for there was five in the house) she caused us to sit downe by a great fire; after tooke off our clothes and washed them, of some our stockings, and some our feete in warme water, and she her selfe tooke much paines to see all things well ordered, and to provide us victuall.
A Banquet.Skicoak a great towne.{MN}
After we had thus dryed our selves, she brought us into an Inner roome, where she set on the bord standing a long the house somewhat like frumentie, sodden venison, and rosted fish; in like manner mellons raw, boyled rootes and fruites of divers kindes. There drinke is commonly water boyled with Ginger, sometimes with Saxefras, and wholsome herbes, but whilest the Grape lasteth they drinke wine. More love she could not expresse to entertaine us; they care but onely to defend themselves from the short winter, and feede on what they finde naturall in sommer. In this feasting house was their Idoll of whom they tould us uncredible things. When we were at meate two or three of her men came amongst us with their Bowes and Arrowes, which caused us to take our armes in hand. She perceiving our distrust, caused their Bowes and Arrowes to be broken, and they beaten out of the gate: but the evening approaching we returned to our boate, where at she much grieving brought our supper halfe boyled, pots and all, but when she saw us, but put our boat a little off from the shoar and lye at Anchor, perceiving our Jelousie, she sent divers men & 30. women to sit al night on the shoare side against us, and sent us five Mats to cover us from the raine, doing all she could to perswade us to her house. Though there was no cause of doubt, we would not adventure: for on our safety depended the voyage: but a more kinde loving people cannot be. Beyond this Ile is the maine land and the great river Occam, on which standeth a Towne called Pomeiock, {MN} and six dayes higher, their City Skicoak: those people never saw it, but say there fathers affirme it to be above two houres journey about. Into this river falleth an other called Cipo, where is found many Mustells wherein are Pearles: likewise another River called Nomapona, on the one side whereof standeth a great towne called Chawanock, the Lord of the Country is not subject to Wingandacoa. Beyond him an other king they cal Menatonon. These 3. are in league each with other. Towards the south, 4. dayes journey is Sequotan, the southermost part of Wingandacoa.
Pamovik.How the Country was called Virginia.{MN}
Adjoyning to Secotan beginneth the country Pomovik, belonging to the King called Piamacum, in the Country Nusiok upon the great river Neus. These have mortall warres with Wingina, King of Wingandacoa. Betwixt Piamacum and the Lord of Secotan, a peace was concluded: notwithstanding there is a mortall malice in the Secotans, because this Piamacum invited divers men, and 30. women to a feast, and when they were altogether merry before their Idoll, which is but a meere illusion of the Devill, they sudainly slew all the men of Secotan, and kept the women for their use. Beyond Roanoak are many Isles full of fruits and other Naturall increases, with many Townes a long the side of the Continent. Those Iles lye 200. myles in length, and betweene them and the mayne, a great long sea, in some places, 20. 40. or 50. myles broad, in other more, somewhere lesse. And in this sea are 100. Iles of divers bignesses, but to get into it, you have but 3. passages and they very dangerous. Though this you see for most part be but the relations of Salvages, because it is the first, I thought it not a misse to remember them as they are written by them that returned & arived in England about the middest of September the same yeare. This discovery was so welcome into England that it pleased her Majestie to call this Country of Wingandacoa, Virginia, by which name now you are to understand how it was planted, disolved, reuned, and enlarged.
The Performers of this voyage were these following. Philip Amadas. } Arthur Barlow. } Captaines William Grenvill. Benjamin Wood. } John Wood. Simon Ferdinando. } Of the James Browewich. Nicholas Peryman. } Companie. Henry Greene. John Hewes. }
Sir Richard Grenvills, Voyage 1585.
The 9. of Aprill he departed from Plimouth with 7. sayle: the chiefe men with him in command, were Master Ralph Layne, Master Thomas Candish, Master John Arundel, Master Stukley, Master Bremige, Master Vincent, Master Heryot and Master John Clarke. The 14. day we fell with the Canaries, and the 7. of May with Dominico in the West Indies: we landed at Portorico, after with much a doe at Izabella on the north of Hispaniola, passing by many Iles. Upon the 20. we fell with the mayne of Florida, and were put in great danger upon Cape Fear. The 26. we Anchored at Wocokon, where the admiral had like to beene cast away, presently we sent to Wingina to Roanoak, and Master Arundel went to the mayne, with Manteo a salvage, and that day to Crooton. The 11. The Generall victualled for 8. dayes, with a selected company went to the maine, and discovered the Townes of Pomeiok, Aquascogoc, Secotan, and the great Lake called Paquipe. At Aquascogoc the Indians stole a silver Cup, wherefore we burnt the Towne and spoyled their corne, so returned to our fleete at Tocokon. Whence we wayed for Hatorask, where we rested, and Granganameo, King Wingina's brother with Manteo came abord our Admirall, the Admirall went for Weapomeiok, & Master John Arundel for England. Our Generall in his way home tooke a rich loaden ship of 300. tunns, with which he arived at Plimouth the 18. of September, 1585.
These were left under the command of Master Ralph Layne to inhabite the Country, but they returned within a yeare.
With divers others to the number of 108.
A.D. 1585-86.Their first Plantation.
Touching the most remarkeable things of the Country and our proceeding from the 17. of August 1585. till the 18. of June 1586. we made Roanoack our habitation. The utmost of our discovery Southward was Secotan as we esteemed 80. leagues from Roanoack. The passage from thence was thought a broad sound within the maine, being without kenning of land, yet full of flats and shoules that our Pinnasse could not passe, & we had but one boat with 4. ores, that would carry but 15. men with their provisions for 7. dayes: so that because the winter approached we left those discoveries till a stronger supply. To the Northward our farthest was to a Towne of the Chesapeacks, from Roanoack 130. myles. The passage is very shallow and dangerous by reason of the breadth of the sound and the little succour for a storme, but this teritory being 15. myle from the shoare, for pleasantnest of seate, for temperature of climate, fertility of soyle and comoditie of the Sea, besides beares, good woods, Saxefras, Walnuts &c. is not to be excelled by any other whatsoever.
There be sundry other Kings they call Weroances as the Mangoacks, Trypaniks, and Opposians, which came to visit us.
Chawonoack.[I.6]
To the northwest our farthest was Chawonock from Roanoack 130. myles our passage lyeth through a broad sound, but all fresh water, and the channell Navigable for a Ship, but out of it full of shoules.
Chawonock.{MN-1}700.men.{MN-2}
The townes by the way by the water, are Passaquenock the womens towne, Chepanoc, Weapomeiok; from Muscamunge wee enter the river and jurisdiction of Chawonock, there it beginneth to straiten, and at Chawonock it is as Thames at Lambeth: betwixt them as we passed is goodly high land on the left hand, and there is a towne called Ohanock, where is a great corne field, {MN-1} it is subject to Chawonock, which is the greatest Province upon the river, {MN-2} and the Towne it selfe can put seven hundred men into the field, besides the forces of the rest. The King is lame, but hath more understanding then all the rest.
Menatonon his relations of the Ile of Pearle, and a rich mine, & the Sea by it.{MN}
The river of Moratoc is more famous then all the rest, and openeth into the sound of Weapomeiok, and where there is but a very small currant in Chawonock, it hath so strong a currant from the Southwest, as we doubted how to row against it. Strange things they report of the head of this river, and of Moratoc it selfe, a principall towne on it, & is thirtie or fortie dayes Journey to the head. This lame King is called Menatonon. {MN} When I had him prisoner two dayes, he told mee that 3. dayes Journey in a Canow up the river Chawonock, then landing & going foure dayes Journey Northeast, there is a King whose Country lyeth on the Sea, but his best place of strength is an Iland in a Bay invironed with deepe water, where he taketh that abundance of Pearle, that not onely his skins, and his nobles, but also his beds and houses are garnished therewith. This king was at Chawonock two yeares agoe to trade with blacke pearle, his worst sort whereof I had a rope, but they were naught; but that King he sayth hath store of white, and had trafficke with white men, for whom he reserved them; he promised me guides to him, but advised me to goe strong, for he was unwilling strangers should come in his Country, for his Country is populous and valiant men. If a supply had come in Aprill, I resolved to have sent a small Barke to the Northward to have found it, whilest I with small Boates and 200. men would have gone to the head of the river Chawonock, with sufficient guides by land, inskonsing my selfe every two dayes, where I would leave Garrisons for my retreat till I came to this Bay.
Very neare unto it is the river of Moratoc, directly from the West, the head of it springeth out of a mayne Rocke, which standeth so neare the Sea, that in stormes the Sea beats over it into this fresh spring, that of it selfe at the surse is a violent streame. I intended with two Wherries and fortie persons to have Menatonons sonne for guide, to try this presently, till I could meete with some of the Moratocks, or Mangoaks, but hoping of getting more victuall from the Salvages, we as narrowly escaped starving in that Discovery as ever men did.
Pemissapan his trechery.The discovery of the river Moratoc.{MN-1}A noble resolution.{MN-2}
For Pemissapan who had changed his name of Wingina upon the death of his brother Granganameo, had given both the Chawonests, and Mangoaks word of my purpose: also he told me the Chawonocks had assembled two or three thousand to assault me at Roanok, urging me daily to goe against them, and them against us; {MN-1} a great assembly I found at my comming thether, which suddaine approach did so dismay them, that we had the better of them: & this confederacy against us was procured by Pemissapan himselfe our chiefe friend we trusted; he sent word also to the Moratoks and the Mangoaks, I came to invade them, that they all fled up into the high Country, so that where I assured my selfe both of succour and provision, I found all abandoned. But being thus farre on my journey 160. myles from home, and but victuals for two dayes, besides the casualties of crosse winds, stormes, and the Salvages trechery, though we intended no hurt to any: I gave my Company to understand we were onely drawne forth upon these vaine hopes by the Salvages to bring us to confusion: {MN-2} a Councell we held, to goe forward or returne, but they all were absolutely resolved but three, that whilst there was but one pynt of Corne for a man, they would not leave the search of that river; for they had two Mastive Dogs, which boyled with Saxefras leaves [I.7.] (if the worst fell out) upon them and the pottage they would live two dayes, which would bring them to the sound, where they should finde fish for two dayes more to passe it to Roanock, which two dayes they had rather fast then goe backe a foote, till they had seene the Mangoaks either as friends or foes.
The strange Mine of Chaunis Temoatan.
Though I did forsee the danger and misery, yet the desire I had to see the Mangoaks was, for that there is a province called Chaunis Temoatan, frequented by them and well knowne to all those Countries, where is a mine of Copper they call Wassador; they say they take it out of a river that falleth swiftly from high rocks in shallow water, in great Bowles, covered with leather, leaving a part open to receive the mettall, which by the change of the colour of the water where the spout falleth, they suddainly chop downe, and have the Bowie full, which they cast into the fire, it presently melteth, and doth yeeld in five parts at the first melting two parts mettall for three of Ore. The Mangoaks have such plenty of it, they beautifie their houses with great plates thereof: this the Salvages report; and young Skiko the King of Chawonnocks sonne my prisoner, that had beene prisoner among the Mangoaks, but never at Chaunis Temoatan, for he sayd that was twentie dayes journey overland from the Mangoaks.
The great current of the river Moratoc.{MN}
Menatonon also confirmed all this, and promised me guides to this mettall Country; by Land to the Mangoaks is but one dayes journey, but seaven by water, which made me so willing to have met them for some assay of this metall: but when we came there we found no creature, onely we might see where had beene their fires. After our two dayes journey, and our victuals spent, in the evening we heard some call as we thought Manteo, who was with me in the boat; this made us glad, he made them a friendly answer, which they answered with a song we thought for welcome, but he told us they came to fight. Presently they did let flie their Arrowes about the boat, but did no hurt, the other boat scouring the shore we landed: but they all were fled, and how to finde them wee knew not. So the next morning we returned to the mouth of the river, {MN} that cost us foure dayes rowing up, and here our dogs pottage stood us in good stead, for we had nothing els: the next day we fasted being windbound, and could not passe the sound, but the day following we came to Chippanum, where the people were fled, but their wires afforded us fish: thus being neare spent, the next day God brought us to Roanocke. I conclude a good Mine, or the South sea will make this Country quickly inhabited, and so for pleasure and profit comparable with any in the world: otherwise there will be nothing worth the fetching. Provided there be found a better harbour then yet there is, which must be Northward if there be any. Master Vaughan, no lesse hoped of the goodnesse of the Mine, then Master Heriot that the river Moratocks head, either riseth by the Bay of Mexico, or very neare the South Sea, or some part that openeth neare the same, which cannot with that facilitie be done as from the Bay of Pearles, by insconsing foure dayes journey to the Chawonoks, Mangoaks, and Moratocks, &c.
The Conspiricy of Pemissapan.{MN-1}The death of a most rare Salvage.{MN-2}
Ensenore a Salvage, father to Pemissapan, the best friend we had after the death of Granganimeo, when I was in those Discoveries, could not prevaile any thing with the King from destroying us, that all this time God had preserved, by his good counsell to the King to be friendly unto us. {MN-1} Pemissapan thinking as the brute was in this last journey we were slaine and starved, began to blaspheme our God that would suffer it, and not defend us, so that old Ensenore, had no more credit for us: for he began by all the devises he could to invade us. But in the beginning of this brute, when [I.8.] they saw us all returne, the report false, and had Manteo, and three Salvages more with us, how little we esteemed all the people we met, and feared neither hunger, killing, or any thing, and had brought their greatest Kings sonne prisoner with us to Roanock: it a little asswaged all his devises, and brought Ensenore in respect againe, that our God was good, and wee their friends, and our foes should perish, for we could doe them more hurt being dead, then living, and that being an hundred myles from them, shot, and strucke them sicke to death, and that when we die it is but for a time, then we returne againe. But that which wrought the most feare among them was the handy-worke of Almightie God. For certaine dayes after my returne, Menatonon sent messengers to me with Pearle, and Okisco King of Weopomeoke, to yeeld himselfe servant to the Queene of England. Okisco with twenty-foure of his principall men came to Pemissapan to acknowledge this dutie and subjection, and would performe it. All which so changed the heart of Pemissapan, that upon the advise of Ensenore, when we were ready to famish they came and made us wires, and planted their fields they intended to abandon (we not having one corne till the next harvest to sustaine us). {MN-2} This being done our old friend Ensenore dyed the twenty of Aprill, then all our enemies wrought with Pemissapan to put in practise his devises, which he easily imbraced, though they had planted corne by us, and at Dasamonpeack two leagues from us. Yet they got Okisco our tributary to get seven or eight hundred (and the Mandoages with the Chisapeans should doe the like) to meete (as their custome is) to solemnize the Funerall of Ensenore. Halfe of whom should lye hid, to cut off the straglers, seeking crabs and provision: the rest come out of the mayne upon the Signall by fire. Twenty of the principall of Pemissapans men had charge in the night to beset my house, put fire in the Reeds that covered it, which might cause me run out so naked and amazed, they might without danger knocke out my braines. The same order for Mr. Heriots, and the rest: for all should have beene fired at an instant. In the meane time they should sell us nothing, and in the night spoyle our wires, to make necessitie disperse us. For if we were but ten together, a hundred of them would not meddle with us. So our famine increased, I was forced to send Captaine Stafford to Croatan, with twentie to feed himselfe, and see if he could espie any sayle passe the coast; Mr. Predeox with ten to Hatarask upon the same occasion: and other small parties to the Mayne to live upon rootes and Oysters.
A slaughter of two Salvages.{MN-1}Pemissipan slaine and 8. others.{MN-2}
Pemissapan sequestring himselfe, I should not importune him for victuall, and to draw his troupes, found not the Chawonests so forward as he expected, being a people more faithfull and powerfull, and desired our friendships, and was offended with him for raising such tales, and all his projects were revealed to me by Skico my prisoner; who finding himselfe as well used by me, as Pemissapan tould me all. These troubles caused me send to Pemissapan, to put suspition in his head, I was to goe presently to Croatan to meete a Fleete came to me, though I knew no such matter: and that he would lend me men to fish and hunt. He sent me word he would come himselfe to Roanock; but delaying time eight dayes that all his men were there to be assembled, not liking so much company, I resolved the next day to goe visit him, but first to give them in the Ile a Canvisado, and at an instant to seaze on all their Canows about the Ile. But the towne tooke the Alarum before I ment it. {MN-1} For when I sent to take the Canows, he met one going from the shore, overthrew her and cut off two Salvages heads; whereupon the cry arose, being by their spyes perceived: for they kept as good watch over us, as we of them. Upon this they to their Bowes, and we to our Armes: three or foure of them at the first were slaine, the rest fled into the woods. The next morning I went to Dassamonpeack, and sent Pemissapan word I was going to Croatan, and tooke him in my way to complaine Osocon would have stole my prisoner Skico. Hereupon he did abide my comming, & being among eight of the principallest, I gave the watchword to my men, and immediately they had that they purposed for us. {MN-2} Himselfe being shot through with a Pistoll fell downe as dead, but presently start up and ran away from them all, till an Irish Boy shot him over the buttocks, where they tooke him and cut off his head.
A most generous courtesie of Sir Francis Drake.{MN}
Seaven dayes after Captaine Stafforton sent to me he descryed twentie-three Sayle. The next day came to me himselfe (of whom I must say this, from the first to the last, he neither spared labour, or perill by land or sea, fayre weather, or foule, to performe any serious service committed to him.) {MN} He brought me a letter from Sir Francis Drake, whose generous mind offered to supply all my defects, of shipping, boats, munition, victuall, clothes, and men to further this action: and upon good consultation and deliberation, he appointed me a ship of 70. tuns, with an hundred men, and foure moneths victuals, two Pinnaces, foure small Boats, with two sufficient Masters, with sufficient Gangs. All this being made ready for me, suddenly arose such a storme for foure dayes, that had like to have driven the whole Fleete on shore: many of them were forced to the Sea, whereof my ship so lately given me was one, with all my provision and Company appoynted.
Notwithstanding, the storme ceasing, the Generall appointed me a ship of 170. tuns, with all provisions as before, to carry me into England the next August, or when I had performed such Discoveries as I thought fit. Yet they durst not undertake to bring her into, the harbour, but she must ride in the road, leaving the care of the rest to my selfe, advising me to consider with my Company what was fittest, and with my best speed returne him answer.
Virginia abandoned.{MN}
Hereupon calling my Company together, who were all as privy of the Generals offer as my selfe; their whole request was, (in regard of all those former miseries, and no hope of the returne of Sir Richard Grenvill,) and with a generall consent, they desired me to urge him, we might all goe with him for England in his Fleete; for whose reliefe in that storme he had sustained more perill of wrack, then in all his honorable actions against his enemies. {MN} So with prayses to God we set sayle in June 1586. and arrived in Portsmouth the 27. of July the same yeare: Leaving this remembrance to posteritie.
To reason lend me thine attentive eares, Exempt thy selfe from mind-distracting cares: Least that's here thus projected for thy good; By thee rejected be, ere understood. Written by Mr. Ralph Layne, Governour.