The Project Gutenberg eBook ofThe Gentleman's Magazine, January 1731

The Project Gutenberg eBook ofThe Gentleman's Magazine, January 1731This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this ebook or online atwww.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this eBook.Title: The Gentleman's Magazine, January 1731Author: VariousRelease date: October 23, 2016 [eBook #53351]Most recently updated: October 23, 2024Language: EnglishCredits: Produced by Charlene Taylor, Jonathan Ingram and the OnlineDistributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE GENTLEMAN'S MAGAZINE, JANUARY 1731 ***

This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this ebook or online atwww.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this eBook.

Title: The Gentleman's Magazine, January 1731Author: VariousRelease date: October 23, 2016 [eBook #53351]Most recently updated: October 23, 2024Language: EnglishCredits: Produced by Charlene Taylor, Jonathan Ingram and the OnlineDistributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net

Title: The Gentleman's Magazine, January 1731

Author: Various

Release date: October 23, 2016 [eBook #53351]Most recently updated: October 23, 2024

Language: English

Credits: Produced by Charlene Taylor, Jonathan Ingram and the OnlineDistributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE GENTLEMAN'S MAGAZINE, JANUARY 1731 ***

Transcriber’s Note: Obvious printer’s errors have been repaired, but period and inconsistent spelling have not. The printer’s use of italics was somewhat haphazard.

THEGentleman’sMagazine:Or, TRADER’sMonthly Intelligencer.Number I.forJANUARY.CONTAINING,I. A view of the WeeklyEssaysandControversies, viz. Of Q.Elizabeth; Ministers; Treaties; Liberty of the Press; Riot act; Armies; Traytors; Patriots; Reason; Criticism; Versifying; Ridicule; Humours; Love; Prostitutes; Music; Pawn-Brokers; Surgery; Law.II.Poetry,viz.TheOdefor the new Year, byColly Cibber, Esq; Remarks upon it; Imitiations of it, by way ofBurlesque; Verses on the same Subject; ingenious Epitaphs and Epigrams.III.DomestickOccurrences,viz.Births, Deaths, Marriages, Preferments, Casualties, Burials and Christenings inLondon.IV. Melancholy Effects of Credulity inWitchcraft.V. Prices of Goods and Stocks, and a List of Bankrupts.VI. A correct List of the Sheriffs for the current Year.VII. RemarkableAdvertisements.VIII.ForeignAffairs, with an Introduction to this Year’s History.IX. Books and Pamphlets publish’d.X. Observations inGardening, and the Fairs inFeb.XI. A Table of Contents.BySYLVANUS URBANofAldermanbury, Gent.Prodesse & Delectare.TheThird Edition.LONDON:Printed forR. Newton, at StJohn’s Gate, and Sold by theBooksellers, MDCCXXXI. (PriceSix-Pence.)

Or, TRADER’sMonthly Intelligencer.

Number I.forJANUARY.

CONTAINING,

I. A view of the WeeklyEssaysandControversies, viz. Of Q.Elizabeth; Ministers; Treaties; Liberty of the Press; Riot act; Armies; Traytors; Patriots; Reason; Criticism; Versifying; Ridicule; Humours; Love; Prostitutes; Music; Pawn-Brokers; Surgery; Law.II.Poetry,viz.TheOdefor the new Year, byColly Cibber, Esq; Remarks upon it; Imitiations of it, by way ofBurlesque; Verses on the same Subject; ingenious Epitaphs and Epigrams.III.DomestickOccurrences,viz.Births, Deaths, Marriages, Preferments, Casualties, Burials and Christenings inLondon.

II.Poetry,viz.TheOdefor the new Year, byColly Cibber, Esq; Remarks upon it; Imitiations of it, by way ofBurlesque; Verses on the same Subject; ingenious Epitaphs and Epigrams.

III.DomestickOccurrences,viz.Births, Deaths, Marriages, Preferments, Casualties, Burials and Christenings inLondon.

IV. Melancholy Effects of Credulity inWitchcraft.V. Prices of Goods and Stocks, and a List of Bankrupts.VI. A correct List of the Sheriffs for the current Year.VII. RemarkableAdvertisements.VIII.ForeignAffairs, with an Introduction to this Year’s History.IX. Books and Pamphlets publish’d.X. Observations inGardening, and the Fairs inFeb.XI. A Table of Contents.

IV. Melancholy Effects of Credulity inWitchcraft.

V. Prices of Goods and Stocks, and a List of Bankrupts.

VI. A correct List of the Sheriffs for the current Year.

VII. RemarkableAdvertisements.

VIII.ForeignAffairs, with an Introduction to this Year’s History.

IX. Books and Pamphlets publish’d.

X. Observations inGardening, and the Fairs inFeb.

XI. A Table of Contents.

BySYLVANUS URBANofAldermanbury, Gent.

Prodesse & Delectare.

TheThird Edition.

LONDON:

Printed forR. Newton, at StJohn’s Gate, and Sold by theBooksellers, MDCCXXXI. (PriceSix-Pence.)

THEGentleman’sMagazine:JANUARY, 1731.

Mr.Oldcastlehaving begun his remarks on the conduct of the Kings ofEngland, to shew how the spirit ofFaction, and the spirit ofLibertyhad exerted themselves at different times and occasions, had brought his Observations down to the reign of Q.Elizabeth. He begins No. 234, with an Eulogium upon her prudent conduct in the most arduous difficulties that attended her accession to the Throne. These difficulties he explains at large, and goes on No. 235, to speak more largely of the means whereby she establish’d her glory and confirm’d herself in the affections of her People. Her first principle was to be neitherfear’d nor despis’dby those she govern’d. He mentions some instances wherein she discover’d her wisdom in both these respects, particularly in maintaining herPrerogative, which altho’ she was fond of, yet took care it never should be grievous, or if it should happen so to particular persons, that it should appear specious to the publick. The effects, he says, of a bare-fac’dPrerogativeare not so dangerous toLibertyas the attempts which are made to surprize and undermine it. Wherefore Q.Eliz.never kept up aStanding Army, but placed her security in the affection of her People. With respect topartieshe extols her moderation and equity, by which conduct she stood on firmer ground, and had less to fear from the spirit ofFaction. She neither hastily espoused the party which she favour’d, nor inflam’d the spirits of the adverse party. ThePapistsandPuritansshe used with lenity, ’till their evil practices made it necessary to execute rigours, and even then she distinguishedPapists in conscience from Papists in Faction, nor condemn’d the Zeal of the Puritans, but sometimes censured their Violence. He says fromCambden, she bestowed her favours with so much caution, and so little distinction, as to prevent either party from gaining the ascendant over her, whereby she remained Mistress of her own self, and preserved both their affections and her own power and authority entire.

He proceeds to justify Q.Eliz.from the imputation of avarice, by observing that she neither hoarded up, nor was lavish of the publick money. Quotes a saying of the famousBurleigh, that,He never cared to see the treasury swell like a disorder’d spleen, when the other parts of the common-wealth were in a Consumption; and his mistress thought thatmoney in the pockets of her subjects was better than in her own.

It was her maxim to save for the publick not for herself, and to measure her riches by the riches of the nation; refused supplies offered, and remitted payment of supplies granted, when the publick service did not require it. The two great principles of her Œconomy were1st.Not suffering her Officers to enrich themselves by fraud or clandestine management.2d.Never attempting to do any thing with money that could be done with wisdom or courage. (See p. 319.) For which cites several instances; and observes how greatly she promoted commerce, and increased the fleet ofEngland, which before was inconsiderable.

All his oratory here is pointed at the person of acertain great manwhom he represents as affecting all the qualities and requisites of the most consummate statesman, without any qualifications in him necessary for so high a post. He ridicules him for a ready habit oflying, because it is sometimes proper for a politician to conceal the truth: Charges him with a dark mysterious proceeding on all Occasions, becausesecrecyis requir’d in a statesman, and adds, that ’tis a proof that his secret services are great by the large sums requir’d for carrying them on. Says,good Intelligenceis another excellent property in an able statesman, and therefore ourmock-ministerapes him in this particular; gives a long detail of instances to illustrate what he advances.

Confesses, indeed, that the fluctuation of affairs hath oblig’d the ministry to go fromcourt to court; to make treaties, which (as obsrv’d by the author of theLondon Journal)it is by no means proper to execute——and adds,They found us engag’d in a treaty with the Emperor; but they have very wisely vary’d from it——They made a Treaty withFrance; and have hitherto very wisely observ’d it——they sent a large squadron of ships, with an hostile appearance, and without any declaration of war, into theWest-Indies; but they wisely gave the Admiral instructions not to make use of any other force than perswasion——They sent another squadron into theBaltick; and a third into theMediterranean; but they very wisely gave the Commanders of them the same pacifick instructions; even tho’Spainwas actually at war with us, and attacking one of our most valuable possessions——They afterwards enter’d into a treaty withSpain; but they have hitherto very wisely declin’d to put it in execution; and if they are now negotiating another treaty atVienna, as we have been told, I doubt not that the same wisdom will appear in it, whether it is design’d to be put in execution or not.

He concludes by reducing his harangue into a kind of problematical order, and makes a great many bold interrogatories, and answering of which, he imagines, would lay his opponents under the dilemma, of disapproving their own conduct, or allowing the justness of his arguments; such as these;Will our M——r execute the treaty ofSeville, or will he not? would a Reconciliation atVienna, tho’ justifiable in other persons, be so in him? hath not theEmperorshewn that he does not fear us? will he not affect to show that he doth not want us?and many other queries to the like purpose. SeeLondon Journalof the 16th. p. 6, 7. andFree Britonof the 14th, p. 16, 17.

Complains of the hardship that the authors of theCraftsmanlye under; that a certain gentleman makes use of his authority to restrain their pens, while he employs others to throw about scandal at random; and others are suffer’d to call the authors of theCraftsman, traytors and villains!

Makes some reflections on theLondon Journal Jan. 9.which had took to pieces hisHagueLetter, concerning the report of a negotiation atVienna.

MrOsbornein theLondon Journalhaving exposed a paradox from theCraftsman, that the ministry are never right; when they do what theCraftsmencount wrong: and yet wrong, when they do what theCraftsmencount right; theCraftsmanobserves, that ’tis allow’d that an accommodation with the Emperor is a right measure, but attended with fatal consequences, and almost insuperable difficulties; because such measures might be resented by other courts as an infraction of treaties, which Mr.Osbornesays, were only occasional and temporal.

TheCraftsmansupposes these alliances to be such, but then asks, Will our allies understand ’em in the samesense! If not, what may be the consequences?

As to what theCraftsmanhad granted, that the fulness of time was come to desert one ally, and to Mr.Osborne’s reasons for such desertion, he replies by demanding, Whether it was not equally reasonable long ago?

Osbornehad ask’d——if upon the non-execution of this treaty, occasion’d by the different views of the allies, another court should grow stubborn, what must we do? This theCraftsmananswers by another question, that is, Whether the different views of the allies do not proceed from their different interests?

From the Minutes of Mr.Oldcastle.

This paper continues remarks on Q.Elizabeth’s reign; and is a longEncomiumon her management of treaties with foreign powers, which she always conducted in such a manner as was best suited to the good of her people and the honour and dignity of the nation. HerMinistrywent wisely and steadily on to their own great purposesof preserving the peace ofEurope, and the trade and prosperity of the Kingdom.(SeeFree Brit.p. 8, 326.)

Maintains the liberty of thePress, in opposition to those who argue for the necessity ofsomerestraint, which, if granted, he says, might be made use of to destroy all newspapers whatsoever, except theGazette.

After repeating most of the points in debate, he defends hisHagueletter (for which the government thought fit to call him to an account) in as much as there was nothing in it asserted, but only supposed; and adds, he has as much right to reason upon suppositions as Mr.Osborne; and to censure the conduct of ministers, as he hath to approve it; for unless the right is reciprocal, the liberty of the press is no liberty at all.

As to what Mr.Walsinghamhad allow’d, that we have a right to reason upon political affairs, tho’ not to lay down false facts; he replies, that he has asserted no falsehoods, and only exercised the natural right of everyFree Briton, to offer his opinion on affairs.

Concludes with saying, that if he should be call’d upon to defend himself in a court of justice he must submit to the law; and abide the judgment of his country.Seep. 298.

TheCraftsmanhaving in his saidJournaladvanced several arguments for the disbanding theArmyand repealing theRiot Act, the Author of theLondon Journalundertakes here to confute them. He admits that a Government ought to have no more power than is necessary for the safety and protection, the preservation and happiness of the people, but adds that the laws alone, without a power to execute, and provide against all sudden emergencies, and possible dangers, will not answer these ends. Asserts that the possibility of powers being abused is not a sufficient reason to strip the Government of such a security, or to lodge the safety of the King in the affections of the people, which are variable and easily seduced, and (as theCraftsmanallows) very precarious, when he makes a doubt whether his present Majesty enjoys them. Not onlyArmiesandRiot Acts, but even the very law itself, by ill designing men may be used for our destruction, which were made for our safety. But must we part with the law, because we may suffer by the law? Every nation round us is arm’d, and must we alone stand naked and defenceless? If the liberties of many nations have been destroy’d bystanding armies, the liberties of many have been preserv’d by them. MentionstheRevolutionas an instance, and believes the Pr. ofOrangewould not have so easily succeeded, had the army been as true to the King as they were to their country. That the disbanding the army after the peace ofRiswickembolden’d theFrench Kingto set his Grandson on the Throne ofSpain, and declare the Pretender, which involv’d us in a ten years war: That nothing more intimidated the Ministry in the last four years of Q.Anne’s reign, than the honesty and bravery of the gentlemen of the army.

As to the riot act, he says that power is necessary to prevent riots and tumults, and to disperse the people when so assembled. To this purpose a law is made which tells them the consequences of it; a proper officer gives them warning; and if after this they will stay and be hang’d, ’tis their own fault.

He allows, that shou’d a Justice of the peace assume the liberty of reading the proclamation where a member of parliament is chusing, he ought to be hang’d. He don’t see how this act can injure us any other way; for while the constitution is preserv’d, and our liberties taken care of by the government, the people can’t be unjustly hurt by it.

The remaining part of his discourse is spent in setting forth the unreasonableness of repealing this act, from the behaviour of the authors of theCraftsmanand their abettors, who by their conduct in exciting uneasiness in the people, have made it necessary to continue it in force.

Contains remarks upon a paper in theCraftsman, called,An extract of a letter from theHague.

The author begins with observing, that tho’ the pretence of theCraftsmanis liberty and patriotism, yet his real design is opposition to the court.

He then reflects on theCraftsman’s incoherent way of arguing, just as it serves to vent his spleen; for according to him the ministry are never right when they do what he counts wrong, and always wrong when they do what theCraftsmancounts right.

When we were broken with the Emperor we were quite wrong, and now we are going to unite with the Emperor we are equally wrong.

This paper, or letter, theJournalistsays, is made up of mere conjectures, and suppositions; or else insinuations, unsupported by facts or reason: justifies our ministry from the aspersion that we are undoing what we have been doing these five years; and insists that we have been continuing to do the same thing, that is, pursuing the peace and happiness of the nation by different means, as alterations happen’d, or circumstances varied.

He then answers theCraftsman’s charge of deserting one ally, by supposing that this ally may have views inconsistent with the two other allies, and so stand disposed to act contrary to the design of that treaty and our interest.Englandis not obliged to execute the treaty, unless the other allies will act their part.

TheCraftsmancharges the ministry with obstinate perseverance in bad measures, and now with a precipitate alteration of councils. This the author of thisJournaldenies, and says, it should be more justly called, a wise and prudent accommodating themselves to the late unfortunate juncture of affairs. Changing hands is not an alteration of councils, but a conduct which wise and honest men ought to observe.

Reflections on the present State of Affairs, occasion’d by theCraftsman, Jan. 9.

He takes notice of theCraftsman’s method of drawing of characters, in which he offends all the laws of honesty, propriety and decorum; charges without evidence or reason,and without common sense; makes hisMock-ministera composition of insolence, malice, and a small talent for ridicule, yet is not half so odious as theMock-patriotwho drest him; who, while he counterfeits publick virtue, is infamously abusing the publick: clothes himself with the love of his country, while he is making a jest of it; and injures the community, while he pretends the highest regard for it; and who, because we have tried all possible ways to preserve the peace, calls our ministersDupesof all the powers ofEurope,political Mendicants, strolling about from court to court.

TheCraftsmanhaving advanc’d, that we are inexcuseable for not having foreseen and prevented these conjunctures in which nothing can be done which is not a fault to do; our author asks, what conjunctures those are, in which a man is not at liberty to act reasonably and honestly? or can it be a fault so to act?

By the treaty ofSevillewe only yielded toSpaina point, which, in real interest, concerned some of the contending powers. It could hardly be imagin’d that the Emperor would have put himself to the expence, or hazard of a war, for the small deviation of theQuadruple Alliance, had he not been informed, that the allies could not agree about the war; or that they disagreed about the scene of action; or, for the sake of peace, the allies might all concur to waitone Yearto see what the Emperor would do. Any of these suppositions affords a reason why the treaty ofSevilleis not yet executed.

As to the queries put by theCraftsman, (p. 4.) they are all ask’d for the sake of the two last, which demand, Will not this measure of making up with the Emperor be attended with worse consequences than turning out the minister? and——Will the objections against it, be so strong, if manag’d by another hand?——he answers no; for persons don’t alter the relation of things, or change the nature of actions. If it is reasonable, ’tis equally so whoever does it.

By the behaviour of the ministry for some years past, it evidently appears, that the preserving the peace ofEurope, and securing the trade and prosperity of the kingdom, has been their greatest concern; but whether means taken to that end have been always right, is not so easily determin’d.

The sword indeed might have cut our way to peace, and added to our glory, but the event might have prov’d a general war.——Our ministry thought wisdom better than power. To this end, when our enemies arm’d we put ourselves in a posture of defence; we suffer’d little insults, as a proof that we were willing to beonewith a nation with whom it is our interest to beone. To this end we united those who were disjoin’d, and separated those who were united; still avoiding a war.

But while the ministry have been industrious in preventing confusions, and watching opportunities of accommodating differences, their adversaries have practis’d all imaginary ways to insult and embarrass them.

Osborneclears himself from the imputation which theCraftsmanhad charg’d him with,viz.that the supposition that we are going to unite with the Emperor, will be attended with perfidy, infraction of treaties, and violation of faith.

This Journal contains observations on Mr.Oldcastle’sminutes of Q.Elizabeth’s reign, which he affirms is a collection ofScrapswithout order or method, coherence or connexion, being sounds without sense, confusedly thrown at the present administration.Seep. 3.

Admits that this Queen was a wise and glorious Princess, but says that ourConstitution, and theexercise of Power at home, is vastly better than what they were in her reign, and ourForeign Affairstransacted with as much wisdom.

Quotes Mr.Oldcastle’s own words, in which he describes theWisdomandAddressof Q.Elizabeth, to describe theWisdomandAddressof the present Minister in negotiatingForeign Affairs. (See p. 3.)

Lastly, he gives several maxims out ofCambdenandFrancis Osborne’s memoirs of this Queen, such as her preferring peace to war; her delaying resentment of injuries till proper seasons; her judgment of her subjects abilities, which she dextrously fitted for her favours and their employments; her steady resolution not to ransom herself from her enemies at the price of their preferments who lov’d her.

A Letter is inserted, containing remarks on Mr.Chubb’s discourse concerningReason, in which is asserted, thatit either is, or ought to be a sufficient guide in matters of Religion.

This Proposition the remarker explains in the words of Mr.Chubb, and assents to, and then proceeds to consider it more particularly. Does not comprehend Mr.Chubb’s observation, i. e.The Question is not whether there be absolutely such a capacity in man: for if man has such a capacity, as Mr.Chubbinsists, he may be truly said to be the possessor of it. Nor can the remarker understand the sense of that clause,he ought to have, because it has no relation to the dispute between Mr.Chubband the Bp ofLondon, i. e. what mannowhas, and is capable of.

The remarker goes on to shew, that the author’s argument to prove that manoughtto have such a capacity, is needless, because it is universally assented to.

Mr.Chubbargues,That as our species was no ways accessary toAdam’stransgression, ’tis unreasonable and unequal that they should suffer by it.

To this is answer’d, that there are other difficulties in the general scheme of providence as hard to be solved; as that, whole families are involved in misery by the mismanagement of their ancestor; the entailment of chronick and terrible disorders on children by the debaucheries of a father, for that it iswrong intolerable, and against reason to punish children for the crimes of their fathers. But all these difficulties which seem to clash with the wisdom and goodness of God, are rectify’d in a future state, for which we are manifestly fitted and design’d.

This paper begins with a piece of humourous irony; observing that as criticks never appear so disappointed as when they meet with beauties in an author; so the present sett of disaffected political writers conceive no small joy to see their country involv’d in difficulties; nor can they be worse mortified than to see this nation flourish in trade, wealth and credit.

ThatOsborne(writer of theLondon Journal) andWalsingham(of theFree Briton) affirm, That the present crew of factious writers proceeds on this principle. Descants upon the measures for some years past; the destruction of theSpanishFleet in theMediterranean, wherebySicilywas gain’d for the Emperor, and the preservation of the balance ofEuropeso ill settled by that wicked treaty ofUtrecht.

Mentions some of the great Actions which have stirr’d up the envy of the disaffected; as, the sending annual fleets into theBaltick; the treaty ofHanover; the maintaining a body ofHessiantroops; sending squadrons to the coasts ofSpainand theWest-Indies, the expedition toSpitheadand lastly, the treaty ofSeville. This last, he ironically says, had like to have kill’dthe disaffected quite, because it was so wisely calculated for establishing a general tranquillity, and for the advancing the trade ofGreat Britain!

He goes on throwing his sarcasms at the writers on the side of the present ministry, who having challeng’d the disaffected to show any one step taken destructive of the true interest of their country, instances in the opening the harbour ofDunkirk, the Island of St.Luciaplanted by theFrench; raising recruits inIrelandfor the service ofFrance; all which the two writers aforemention’d, convinced the world were groundless, by telling the authors of these reports, they lyed.

He makes some reflections on Mr.Osborne’s observations of the ill conduct of the ministry in the latter end of Q.Anne’s reign; as the endeavours to break the power of the Dissenters, and to weaken the security of theHanoversuccession; setting aside theQuaker’s affirmation; the disbanding the army. All whichFoglaughs at! and concludes with his surprize, that when he considers with how much good sense these two writers have exposed the actions of thatToryministry, and how they have defended the measures of the present, there should be a disaffected person left in the kingdom.

This Paper consists of reflections on a pamphlet, intituled,A Defence of the Measures of the present Administration.

He begins with the observation which the author had made: “That complaints and outcries are no foundation for supposing defects in publick counsels; for in a frame of government like ours, a continuance of the same administration will always lessen the popularity of the ministry.

“The frequent use of this observation,Fogsays, is enough to shew its good sense. ’Twas first started by the Rev. Author of the Enquiry, all the anniversary pamphlets have had it since, and it has been repeated by Mr.Osborne75 times; by Mr.Walsinghamtwice as many; nor is there any thing in this pamphlet but what has the authority of, at least, 50 repetitions”: yet he cannot subscribe to his opinion; for supposing it true, it is a sure sign that affairs are well conducted; but if the contempt of all men of sense be added to this clamour, oh! then we pronounce him an angel.

He goes on to quote another passage; “That the Peace ofUtrechtleft us on good terms withSpain, which might have turn’d to our advantage, had our affairs been wisely manag’d in the late reign; but as they were not, it laid the foundation of the several perplexities that have since attended us.”

This conduct of the last reign,Fogsays, ought to be apply’d to a person or two since dead, and not to the present ministers. Adds, that he might have spar’d his encomium of theUtrechttreaty, or shewn us the folly of cultivating a good understanding with theEmperorandSpainat the same time, by which our affairs, every where were left ina stupid calm; for had they contriv’d to make either of ’em our enemy, we should always have had a quarrel and a treaty depending, and so have given vent to our humours and money too.

The author having said, that when the present ministry came into power, they observ’d from the complexion of things mischief must be gath’ring some where, which prov’d to be an alliance betwixtSpainand theEmperor. This,Fogaffirms, was very sagacious; but that the treaty he speaks of was, and still is deny’d by both the parties.

He then criticises on several other parts of the discourse, especially on those which extol the conduct of our ministry and their management of our affairs, relating to the inaction of thesquadron sent to theWest Indies, and keeping back theSpanishTreasure, thereby rendring it useless, as to any dangerous purposes.

The wisdom of this conduct,Fogtakes notice, proved itself in the Event; TheSpaniardswere provoked; sent out their privateers, and pillag’d our merchants!

As to humouring the Q. ofSpainin settling theItaliandukedoms on DonCarlos, says, sneeringly, besides obliging a fair Lady,Great Britainhas gain’d the treaty ofSeville!

The Press, says he,has lately swarm’d with writingproandcon, upon the present posture of affairs, by which we find that one party is of opinion, that ministers of state are no more thanmen; t’other will have ’em to beangels(that is while they continue in power.)——Here you read, that Affairs are in no better situation than they should be——there, that we have neither past miscarriages, or present grievances to complain of, and that the nation never was in so flourishing a condition. OneD’Anvers, and, if I mistake not, oneFog, are accused of seditiously asserting that aCrowis black, but the writers on the other side, have with infinite Wit, proved ablack Crowto be thewhitestbird of all the feather’d kind.

He proceeds thus merrily to remark on a pamphlet intitled,Considerations on the present state of affairs, with regard to the Number of Forces in the Pay ofGreat Britain; and endeavours, in his ironical way, to overthrow the several arguments advanced by the author for maintaining theHessiantroops, and concludes with giving his opinion that they will be very far from convincing the disaffected.

Dr.Quibuschuses for the subject of his discourse the operation designed to be performed on the ears of oneRey, a condemn’d malefactor, by Mr.Cheselden. This he treats in a ludicrous manner, and supposes that if Mr.Reyshould prove so unphilosophical as to give the surgeon the slip as soon as the operation is over, we should be as much in the dark as we were before. He declares his opinion, that not only the drum, but the whole organ, or the ear it self, is of no use at all in hearing, and would know the truth of his conjecture by seeing the ears of some malefactor entirely extirpated. Recommends it as a thing of great use, if instead of executing malefactors they were made to undergo such kind of experiments. Trial may be made whether theRetinaof the eye is of any use in seeing. A needle might be introduced into the eye, and theRetinaquite remov’d. The spleen might be taken out of some vile malefactor, and an observation made whether their inclinations to evil courses depend not on a superfluity of theAtra Bilis. Another experiment he recommends as of great consequence, that is, whether the tying up one of the testicles would not determine the sex of a child begotten at such a time. By this means, he says, many illustrious families might be inform’d of a just and certain method of obtaining an heir to their estates.Seep. 19.

The author begins with theLaureat’s new-year’s ode (for whichsee p. 20.) and subjoins to it some explanatory notes; the substance of which is contain’d in the following short remarks.

Line1. The eternity of the world is here maintain’d, tho’ Dr.Clarkehad objected against it.

3. OldJanus, a heathenish emblem, is supplanted byold Time, as more familiar to christian readers.

5. To this is objected, makingSpring a living person calling for birthas itwere toold Time; whereasold Timehad bidspring pass, so no occasion forspring to call. Which is defended thus; Whentime bids spring pass, it might not be ready, but as soon as it was, itcalls for birth.

Line 7.Harvestinsummeris very early, and something unusual.

9. But not soon enough, it seems, because hereeach seasonis saidto bringTHEIRstoresTOwinter’s wants,tillwarmer genial suns recall the spring——However Mr.Cibber’s authority makes it current.

15. An admirable improvement ofNocte pluit tota, &c. which to set in a true light is translated and imitated:

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