An immediate search of the Mayor's house showed that the family were not only cognizant of the hostilities, but also participated in them. Shots were fired into the street from the locked cellar, the key of which the family declared to have been lost, and it had to be forcibly opened; a stand had even been moved to the cellar window, in order to make their position easier for the marksmen (App. 1), and a musketeer was positively certain that he had noticed a shot fired from the house (App. 1). The Mayor's son alone could be held responsible for the actual deed; hidden away by his family, he was fetched out of a dark room (App. 1). But since the whole family were guilty of the Colonel's murder after having received him with such "hospitality," according to Belgian reports, both father and son were shot on the following day, August 20 (App. 2).
At the town Governor's instigation, Captain Karge, officer commanding the Military Mounted Police, was lodged in the house of the Mayor's brother, and thus he too shared the same fate (Apps. 2, 3).
According to the nature of the firing, no doubt remains of its being a case of a systematic and murderous attack on the German garrison. This was also admitted to Captain Karge by a civilian prisoner of the educated classes (App. 3). The participation of the Mayor's whole family proves that the Belgian authorities supported such treacherous deeds against the German troops—deeds that were, unhappily, only too frequent. In Aerschot this mischievous official authority led to the ruthless murder of the commanding officer.
Berlin,January 17th, 1915.
Military Court of Inquiry into the Violation of Military Law.
Signed: MajorBauer.Signed: Dr.Wagner, Member of the Supreme Court of Judicature.
A. App. 1.
Present:Lieutenant of ReserveKlauss, Officer of the Court.Acting-Sergeant-MajorRoss, Clerk of the Court.
Roubaix,November 6th, 1914.
At the inquiry concerning the events in Aerschot, on the night of August 19-20, 1914, there appeared as witnesses:
1. The Adjutant of the 8th Infantry Brigade, Captain Schwarz.
2. The Orderly Officer of the 8th Infantry Brigade, Lieutenant of Reserve Beyersdorff. After they had been acquainted with the nature of the inquiry, and their attention had been called to the importance of the oath, they were separately examined, as follows:
1. Captain Schwarz.
As to Person: My name is Carl Schwarz. I am 34 years of age, of the Protestant faith.
As to Case: On the 19th of August I was sent in advance of Colonel Stenger, who later was shot, and was commanding the 8th Infantry Brigade, to Aerschot, to find quarters for the staff. The Mayor of Aerschot suggested to me that his own house, situated in the market-place, would provide the best accommodation. I entered this house, and was received in the most friendly manner by the Mayor's wife. Between four and five in the afternoon, Colonel Stenger and the Orderly Officer, Lieutenant of Reserve Beyersdorff, arrived.
Shortly before eight in the evening, soon after I had had a short interview with the Colonel in his room, there suddenly arose a brisk rifle-fire in the town; it was directed on the troops, who were partly passing through and partly halting in the market-place. The first shots, which, according to the sound, seemed to come from a northerly direction, I thought came from the enemy's fire, who had been reported as advancing from the north. But I was soon convinced by the shots directed on our house that they were intended for us. The shots did not emanate from our troops. After a short pause, the firing was renewed with equal violence. In the meantime, the Mayor was brought to me by the men of the 140th Infantry Regiment. I had to protect him from the fury of the men. I now went through the streets with the Mayor, and through him tried to bring the citizens to reason. After the firing had died down, I handed the Mayor over to the commandant of the town, Major Jenrich.
As I now returned to the Mayor's house to receive orders from Colonel Stenger, I found him lying seriously wounded on the floor of his room. Owing to the many shots fired at our adjoining rooms, and to the fact that the townsfolk obviously knew that the commander was billeted in the Mayor's house (indicated on the door), and further, that Colonel Stenger could be seen through the wide-open doors of the balcony, I was under the impression that the fire was specially directed against the Colonel.
After Colonel Jenrich had given the command that the troops should leave Aerschot, I personally, accompanied by a few men of the 140th Infantry Regiment, made a thorough search of the Mayor's house, from which shots were supposed to have been fired. On this occasion, by my orders, the locked cellar doors, of which the keys were alleged to have been lost, were broken in with axes. In the cellar, in front of the window which opened on to the street, I found a conspicuous stand from which shots must have been fired. The window-panes were completely shattered. Whilst we were searching the living-rooms, the Mayor's son came towards us from a darkened room. I, personally, handed him over to the sentry in the market-place. Those calumnies about our doings in the Mayor's house, published in a foreign newspaper, are untrue.
The negotiations concerning the housing and catering were conducted on both sides in a friendly fashion, mostly with the Mayor's wife, as the Mayor was occupied at the town hall. It was natural that, after the shooting of Colonel Stenger, the friendly tone which had reigned should have been changed to a strictly official one, and I did not omit to show my horror at the sad event.
Read over, approved, signed.
Signed:Schwarz.
Hereupon the witness took the oath.
2. Reserve Lieutenant Beyersdorff of the 12th Dragoon Regiment.
As to Person: I am called Bruno Beyersdorff. I am 31 years of age, and a Protestant.
As to Case: At the hearing of the witness it turned out that his evidence agreed with the evidence of Captain Schwarz. Therefore Captain Schwrarz's deposition was read to him, whereupon he declared this evidence to be correct, and confirmed it and added a few more details.
With the exception of a few short intervals, I was at the time in question in the same room with Captain Schwarz. The negotiations concerning the housing and catering, which we both had with the Mayor and his wife, were conducted in an entirely friendly fashion.
I am, for similar reasons, of the same opinion as Captain Schwarz, that the fire which was directed on our quarters was especially intended for Colonel Stenger. In referring to this, I want to add that Colonel Stenger, especially noticeable by his decorations, sat for some time on his balcony, and could be clearly seen from the whole market-place. I also, with Captain Schwarz, left the room after the first sounds of firing, and proceeded to the market-place to restore order there amongst the troops, who had become disorganised through the firing. When the shooting began soon after, for the second time, I went alone to Colonel Stenger's room, to ask him for orders. As no one opened the door after repeated knocking, I entered, and found him stretched on the floor in the middle of the room, with his face on his bended arm, in his death-agony. As I could observe wounds, and there was copious bleeding, I immediately fetched a doctor, who certified that the Colonel had since died. I cannot give the name of the doctor. I was not present at the searching of the rooms, which took place later. There is no question of our having behaved in a rough manner in the Mayor's house, as is supposed to have been stated in a foreign newspaper. After the Colonel's body had been found, we did adopt a strictly official tone towards the Mayor's wife. On leaving the house, Captain Schwarz said to the Mayor's wife, "Your husband had been frequently warned, and you will have to bear the consequences." I also wish to add to this, that, after the firing had ceased, Captain Karge, as far as I know, gave command for at least three houses to be set on fire, from which shots were supposed to have been fired. I myself ascertained that during the burning of the house belonging to the Mayor's neighbour, exploding munition was distinctly heard. It was noticeable from the separate detonations.
Read over, approved, signed.
Signed:Beyersdorff.
The witness thereupon took the oath.
Signed:Klauss, Lieutenant of Reserve and Officer of the Court.Signed:Ross, Acting-Sergeant-Major, as Clerk to the Military Court.
A. App. 2.
Present:Lieutenant of ReserveKlauss, as Officer to the Military Court.Acting-Sergeant-MajorRoss, as Secretary to the Court.
Ostel,November 3rd, 1914.
At the inquiry concerning the events of the night of August 19 and 20, 1914, in Aerschot, there appeared as witness the officer commanding the 140th Infantry Regiment, Colonel Jenrich. After he had been acquainted with the subject of the inquiry, and his attention had been drawn to the importance of the oath, he was examined as follows:
My name is Andreas Jenrich. I am 56 years of age; Protestant. On August 19th I came personally with the staff of my regiment to Aerschot, after the 3rd Division had had a fight with Belgian troops in that neighbourhood. I was commander of the place, and had to make preparations for internal administration, as well as for safety. The Staff of the 8th Infantry Brigade were already in Aerschot, and were billeted in the Mayor's house. I at once sent for this gentleman and asked him whether there were any disbanded Belgian soldiers hidden away, or if there were otherwise any Belgian soldiers in civilian clothing in the houses. He denied this. I pointed out the consequence to him, for which he and the town would be held responsible, if anything was undertaken by the populace against the German troops; and especially I left him in no doubt as to the death penalty awaiting him should an attack by the civilians against the German soldiers take place. I felt justified in this threat, as on the day before, in Schaaffen, near Siest, civilians fired at our soldiers, killing several of them. As far as I know, at midday on August 19, 1914, the General commanding the II. Army Corps, Von Linsingen, had likewise warned the Mayor and the population.
I also ordered the civilians to give up all their weapons in front of the town hall in the market-place. After an hour I ascertained that only a small quantity of arms had been given up. I then renewed my commands to the Mayor that he should see to the handing over of all weapons. To my especial astonishment, 36 rifles were then brought forth, which had evidently been intended for the purpose of public shows and for the Garde Civique. Portions of ammunition for these rifles were found packed away in a case. After repeated and serious warning to the Mayor, a larger quantity of weapons was given up. Towards 8 o'clock the troops had just marched in, and still found themselves in the streets. All at once, at 8 o'clock exactly, firing suddenly began from all the houses, and this was naturally returned by our men. I should especially like to point out that before the commencement of the general firing, a particularly loud report was heard, which must have been the alarm signal. I succeeded, with several other officers, amongst whom I may mention Brigade Adjutant Captain Schwarz, in stopping the fire of our soldiers in the market-place. Soon after I heard from Captain Schwarz that the officer commanding the brigade had been found shot dead in his room in the Mayor's house. At about 8.30 in the evening I commanded the evacuation of the town, and we bivouacked outside the place on the way to Wispelaer.
In the meantime the houses had been searched by the troops, and a considerable number of inhabitants taken prisoners, who were proved to have taken part in the attacks on the soldiers. Of the male population taken prisoners the Mayor, with his son as well as his brother, and every third man, were shot the next morning.
Read over, approved, signed.
Signed:Jenrich.
Hereupon the witness was sworn.
Signed:Klauss, Lieutenant of Reserve and Officer to the Military Court.Signed:Ross, Acting-Sergeant-Major and Secretary to the Military Court.
A. App. 3.
Present:President of the Military Court,Hottendorff.Secretary to the Military Court,Westphal.
Tourcoing,November 15th, 1914.
At the investigation concerning the events in Aerschot on the night of August 19th to 20th, 1914, there appeared as witness Captain Karge of the cavalry, officer commanding the troops of the Field Cavalry Police of the II. Army Corps, who, after his attention had been drawn to the importance and sanctity of the oath, was examined as follows:
As to Person: My Christian name is Hans. I am 42 years of age; Protestant.
As to Case: The witness was handed the supplement to this Record and declared:
I have given my evidence in writing in the supplement. Witness then further added to the Record, after this supplement had been read through:
I acknowledge the supplement just read as my own. Several German officers told me that, according to report, the Belgian Government, and especially the King of the Belgians, had intimated that it was the duty of every male Belgian to do the German Army as much harm as possible.
An Order of this kind was also supposed to have been found on a captured Belgian soldier. I also heard that Belgian soldiers had been discharged in their native towns, so that they could there fight in plain clothes against the Germans. It is true that a number of Belgian soldiers, who were partly clothed as civilians, were made prisoners. An officer, who was present at the attack in Aerschot, told me that on the belfry tower of a certain place in the neighbourhood of Aerschot he had himself read that Belgians who caught German officers were not allowed to keep them prisoners on parole, but were to shoot them. I cannot exactly repeat this officer's words, but they contained the meaning I have just given.
A college teacher from Aerschot, whom I have already mentioned in the supplement, assured me, as I now positively remember, that the Garde Civique had orders to do the German Army as much harm as possible.
Read over, approved, signed.
Signed:Karge.
The witness thereupon took the oath.
Proceedings closed.
Signed:Hottendorff. Signed:Westphal.
Supplement to A. App. 3.
On August 19th, 1914, towards 8 o'clock in the evening, I stood at an open window in the quarters which had been offered me by the Mayor of Aerschot, whose brother's house it was, situated in a street which led to the market-place. It may have been a few minutes to eight when I heard a shot. A column was just marching down the street towards the market-place. I leant out of the window, under the impression that perhaps one of the soldiers had carelessly fired a shot from his rifle; immediately there was a fusillade. I had just looked in the direction from which the single shot had been fired, and I could ascertain that from the ledge of the roof of a red corner-house, situated opposite my billet, towards the right, the smoke and dust were ascending. My certainty that the first shot had been fired from this spot was strengthened, and I now distinctly saw a second volley being fired from the same place, appearing in thin clouds of smoke. The shots may have been fired from about eight or ten rifles, and from the regularity of the volley I had the impression that we had to do with a well-organised and perhaps military operation. Shortly after the second volley a third was heard, and added to that a brisk and rapid firing took place, which did not proceed only from the house mentioned, but also from the other houses in this street.
Apparently this firing did not only come from the windows, but also from the openings in the roof and prepared loopholes in the attics of the houses; it is because of this that one can explain the small harm done to the men and animals. The street was narrow, and the rifles had to be placed in an unnaturally slanting position, if they were to be aimed at the halting columns in the middle of the street. The drivers and soldiers of the supply column had in the meantime left their waggons and horses and sought shelter from the fire in the doorways of the houses. Some of the waggons had collided with each other, and the restless horses, having lost their drivers, had broken loose.
As shots also came my way, I sought shelter against the partition wall between the windows. After a short time, I thought I heard the firing returned by our soldiers in the market-place. Soon after, signals and calls were heard to "cease fire." The firing did then cease for a time, but was apparently renewed on both sides, though not so violently as before.
I had taken the opportunity to leave my billet during the cessation of the firing, and go to the market-place, to inform a Colonel there of the proceedings I had witnessed. At the same time, I asked permission to set fire to the house from which the signal shot—as I took it to be—had been fired, and from which the volley had also come. In my opinion, the ringleaders were assembled there. The Colonel refused my request. I hereupon returned to my street, but was there detained a moment by a rifleman, who, standing in a doorway, called out, "Just now I plainly saw a shot fired from the house opposite." He then pointed out the house, which I recognised as that of the Mayor.
I now took a few soldiers who were standing near by (of the 140th Infantry Regiment), and proceeded with them to the house from which the first shots had been fired, and in the attic of which I guessed the instigators and leaders still to be. In the meantime the regiment arrived, and—giving my commands to the officer and his men—I ordered the doors and windows on the ground floor, which were firmly locked, to be battered in. The house had a front door and a shop door. I then also forced my way into the house, and with the help of a fairly large quantity of turpentine, which was found in a tin can holding about 20 litres, and which I had partly poured on the first floor, I succeeded, after a short time, in setting the house on fire. Further, I gave orders to the men who had so far taken no part in this affair to occupy the entrances to the houses and arrest all men seeking to escape.
As I left the burning house several civilians, amongst them a young priest, were arrested in the neighbouring houses. I had them taken to the market-place, where in the meantime my troop of Field Cavalry Police had assembled. I then ordered the columns to march out of the town, and took over the command of all the prisoners, but released the women, boys, and girls.
I received from a staff officer (divisional commander of Artillery Regiment No. 17) the order to shoot all the captured men. Then I gave orders to a part of my police force to conduct the columns out of the town, whilst the others were told to escort the prisoners and take them away. At the exit of the town a house was burning, and by its light I saw the guilty men, 88 in number, shot, but not before I had taken away three cripples from among them.
Later on I met a second batch of prisoners. I picked out the most intelligent looking, and told him all the prisoners would be shot, but that I would save his life if he told me the truth concerning the organisation of the attack. For I looked upon the whole affair as such. This man, who spoke German and was a teacher at a college in Aerschot, confessed to its having been a great mistake of the people of Aerschot to have sheltered some fugitive Belgian soldiers, and to have hidden them and clothed them in civilian garments. These had joined the Garde Civique, and they had then organised an attack.
If I consider all the circumstances of the strange and remarkable behaviour of the Mayor, his brother, and other citizens with whom I came into contact, then I have no doubt that a great part of the civil population were all agreed in carrying out their hostile intentions.
Signed:Karge, Captain of Cavalry.
A. App. 4.
Present:President of the Military Court,Jüngst.Secretary to the Court,Appel.
Gnesen,November 29th, 1914.
At the investigation concerning the events of the night between August 19th and 20th, 1914, at Aerschot, Captain Schleusener of the 49th Infantry Regiment, at present in Gnesen, appeared as witness, and after his attention had been called to the importance of the oath, was examined as follows:
My name is Georg Schleusener, Captain and Company Commander, 6th Pomeranian Infantry Regiment No. 49, machine-gun section. I am 35 years of age, Protestant, and I live in Gnesen.
Late in the afternoon of August 19th, 1914, I arrived with my machine-gun section, on a special mission, in this little town of Aerschot, by the northern exit. About 350 yards from the market-place I heard a few isolated shots, which I took to be exploding ammunition. But I soon found I was mistaken, as I encountered some returning cavalry patrols and their waggons, belonging to the 3rd Infantry Division, trying to beat a hasty retreat. After having succeeded in stopping our own firing, I myself saw shots fired from the houses, whereupon I ordered our machine-guns to be directed on the house fronts to the left. I was told that shots had been fired from a house on the right. As I commanded the guns to be turned round in order to open fire, a medical officer told me that there were wounded in the house. At my instigation a search was made, and five men were found in the house. I did not allow this house to be fired on.
Captain Folz, at present attached to the General Staff in Berlin, is supposed to be able to give more direct information concerning the death of Colonel Stenger.
Read over, approved, signed.
Signed:Schleusener.
The witness was hereupon legally sworn.
Signed:Jüngst, President of the Military Court.Signed:Appel, Secretary of the Military Court.
A. App. 5.
Present:President of the Military Court,Bernhards.Clerk of the Military Court,Hofmann.
Darmstadt,January 12th, 1915.
There appeared as witness at the inquiry concerning the detailed circumstances of the attack of the civil population in Aerschot, Captain Folz. After he had been acquainted with the subject-matter of the inquiry, and his attention had been drawn to the importance of the oath, he made the following statement:
My name is Hermann Folz. I am 32 years of age; Protestant; Captain, 49th Infantry Regiment, at present with the Reserve Flying Corps, Section 3. On a day in August, the date of which I have forgotten, I arrived in Aerschot, as my regiment's billeting officer, with the Staff of the 8th Infantry Brigade. It was between three and four in the afternoon when we rode into the place. Of German troops, the 3rd Infantry Division had already passed through in batches, and already the narrow and angular little town was full of commissariat, artillery, and ammunition columns. We had been about three hours in the little town, when suddenly violent firing began. The firing seemed to come from the north-west exit of the village.
Immediately afterwards the Medical Corps, I believe it to have been the 2nd (including a certain Dr. Wild) as well as a section of the supplies of the 3rd Division, came towards us, under incessant fire, and informed us they had been fired upon. A Belgian battalion was supposed to be advancing. With difficulty we managed to make headway with our machine-gun company, and by taking a seat on the last waggon, with the company leader, Captain Schleusener, I proceeded in the direction of the alleged advance of the Belgian force. About three kilometres before the town, near a windmill, we discovered that there was no enemy at hand. I thereupon returned on foot to Aerschot. We had already, during our march out of the town, heard continuous firing. Entering Aerschot by a bridge, I noticed that our troops were being fired upon from the houses. Shots came sometimes from the upper floors, sometimes from the cellars, and one could distinctly tell by the sound that both rifles and machine-guns were being used. The situation developed in such a manner that our own men had to seek cover with their backs to the houses, and as soon as a marksman was observed in the opposite house he was fired at. I saw several of our men wounded by these shots, and the bullets also whistled round my head. Near the town hall, which was to have been converted into an artillery depot, stood a captain of the 140th Infantry Regiment, who continuously ordered the bugles to sound the "Cease fire." Evidently the officer first wished to stop the firing of our men in order to be able to settle upon a plan of action. Brigade Adjutant Schwarz, since fallen, met me in the market-place and informed me that the officer commanding the 8th Brigade, Colonel Stenger, had been shot. I immediately hurried to the Mayor's billets, which were situated in the Mayor's house in the market-place, and there found Colonel Stenger dead on his bed. The orderly officer present, Lieutenant Beyersdorff, Dragoon Regiment No. 12, told me he had found the Colonel in the room, about three metres from the window, lying dead on his face. On the spot one distinctly saw two pools of blood, and I also noticed that the wall opposite the window was marked by many bullet-holes, and the window-panes were shot through. I saw a wound on the corpse stretching from the right eye to the right ear, and also a shot through the right breast, but of the latter one saw only the broad hole caused by the bullet. The regimental doctor of the 140th Infantry Regiment, who on the following day opened the corpse in my presence, found in the passage of the breast wound a shapeless lead bullet, which had broken up on coming in contact with a hard substance. The bullet had torn a main artery and caused immediate death. According to the evidence of the doctor, the facial wound was not caused by a shot from an infantry rifle. Owing to the vertical passage of the wound, and the nature of the shot, there can be no doubt that the Colonel was not fired at from the street, but by an inhabitant of the opposite house. To judge by the calibre of the breast bullet, the weapon used must have been a muzzle-loader. The bullet taken from the body I gave into the keeping of the paymaster of the 2nd Battalion, 49th Infantry Regiment. The paymaster's name is Wirowski. The revolt was then systematically suppressed, and the houses searched for francs-tireurs. In this way about forty civilians, amongst whom were several—at least two—priests, were found with weapons in their hands. According to my observations and to the events described, there is no doubt that a systematic plan of attack on the German troops had been adopted by the Belgian civilians. The regimental adjutant, Lieutenant v. Oppen, was also witness to the events, and will be able to make a statement regarding them. The Captain of the II. Corps of Military Police, named Karge, was also present.
Read over, approved, signed.
Signed:Folz.
Legally sworn.
Signed:Bernhards.Signed:Hofmann.
Supplement to the Record of November 15th, 1914.
APPENDIX B.—ANDENNE
App. B.
War Office.
Military Court of Inquiry into the Violation of the Laws of War.
Military Court of Inquiry into the Violation of the Laws of War.
Belgian Civilian Uprising in Andenne on August 20th, 1914.
Summary Report.
Andenne is a small industrial Belgian town of about 8000 inhabitants, situated on the southern bank of the Meuse, half-way between the fortresses of Huy and Namur, in the province of Namur. During their advance, the German troops had constantly come into contact with Andenne. About the 20th August 1914 two infantry regiments and a Jäger Battalion marched from Coutisse towards Andenne, towards the north, in order to be able to cross the pontoon bridge there over the Meuse. They were commanded by Major-General Freiherr von Langermann and Erlencamp; Major von Polentz was at the head of one of the infantry battalions.
The inhabitants of Andenne received the passing troops in an apparently friendly manner; they gave them water, and the soldiers believed that in the quiet of the evening they would be able to pass peaceably through Andenne and reach the Meuse, flowing northwards. But scarcely had the head of the marching column arrived at the bridge over the Meuse, when the peaceful picture presented by the town suddenly changed, and the inhabitants showed their true character, a thing which unfortunately occurred only too often in Belgium. This time their deeds were truly devilish. Bells pealed from the church tower; as they ceased, the citizens, recently so helpful, suddenly disappeared from the streets, and bolted their doors and let down the shutters. A mad fire from all sides was poured upon the unsuspecting troops. In the town they shot from the cellars and from specially prepared openings in the roofs, and bombs and hand-grenades were hurled down on the defenceless men who happened to be nearest. Machine-guns sent their murderous bullets through the soldiers' ranks. At the same time, hidden francs-tireurs began firing from the heights opposite the end of the bridge over the Meuse. Besides which men and women in wild fury poured boiling water from the half-open windows upon the German troops. Of Major v. Polentz's men alone over one hundred were scalded. Against this inhumanity the troops had to defend themselves energetically. They pressed into the houses and shot down the cowardly aggressors in their hiding-places. The houses which had served them for cover were set on fire. About two hundred inhabitants lost their lives in these fights.
These are the details of the street-fighting in Andenne, which are supplemented by the official report attached, made by Major-General von Langermann and Erlencamp; and also by the evidence on oath of Major von Polentz, as well as of Rifleman Roleff—all eye-witnesses—who gave evidence without prejudice; and by the report of Lieutenant Goetze.
Berlin,the 29th of September 1915.
Military Court of Inquiry into the Violation of the Laws of War.
Military Court of Inquiry into the Violation of the Laws of War.
Signed: MajorBauer.Signed: Dr.Wagner, Member of the Supreme Court of Judicature.
B. App. 1.
Berlin,January 21st, 1915.
Official Report.
On the afternoon of August 20, 1914, I received the command to march from Coutisse to Andenne with the brigade (1st and 2nd Guard Reserve Regiment and Guard Reserve Jäger Battalion); from there we were to cross the pontoon bridge over the Meuse. In the industrial town of Andenne we had to call a halt of about ten minutes, during which the inhabitants standing before their houses in the narrow streets willingly gave us water and behaved in a remarkably friendly manner. Just as I had crossed the bridge at the head of 1st Guard Reserve Regiment, we heard suddenly and simultaneously a furious rifle-fire coming from the heights opposite the bridge and from the houses. Not only men fired at us, but also—as I was informed—isolated women. Our men pressed into the houses from which the firing proceeded, and shot down the armed inhabitants. By my order the houses, from which firing had proceeded, were set alight. These measures were helpful; the rifle-fire gradually decreased and finally ceased altogether, but was renewed later against the troops that followed my brigade. Marvellous to relate, our losses were insignificant; the francs-tireurs had aimed badly. I saw no single French or Belgian soldier in the town or in the surrounding neighbourhood. The fire directed on us came solely from the civil population. Later it was reported to us that a document had been found—on the next day, I believe—with the Commandant of the town, showing the attack of the civil population to have been minutely planned, with a fixed hour for its commencement. Shortly before the prearranged time all the inhabitants, who had met us with such friendliness in the streets, locked themselves in, and at the given minute the fire was opened upon us. No cruelties of any sort were practised by the troops under my command, and all inhabitants found without weapons in the streets were especially spared; if they seemed to us to be of a suspicious character they were arrested.
Signed: Freiherrvon Langermann.
B. App. 2.
Berlin,November 21st, 1914.
War Office.
Military Court of Inquiry into the Violation of Military Law.
Present at the Court:Dr.Wagner, as Judge.Secretary to the Court,Pfitzner.
There appeared as witness Major von Polentz, of the above-named place, who declared:
As to Person: My name is Fredrich von Polentz. I am 42 years of age; Protestant; Major in the 3rd Foot Guards Regiment.
As to Case: In the latter half of August, as I marched through Belgium in command of the battalion of the 2nd Reserve Guard Regiment, I frequently saw the Belgian civil population take an active part in hostilities against our troops; in particular, they fired upon us. I draw attention to the fact that this happened in Birdontige, near Stavelot, as well as in Evelette, south of Andenne. The most serious case, however, occurred in Andenne (between Liège and Namur).
After we had marched in here, the bells from the church-tower suddenly began to ring out a signal at about 6.30 in the evening. Thereupon iron shutters were let down in all the houses; the inhabitants, who until then had been standing in the streets, vanished; and from different sides firing began on my troops, especially from the cellars and from openings in the roofs which the inhabitants had made by removing the tiles. Also, from many houses boiling water was poured over our men. In consequence, some bitter street-fighting ensued between the civil population and my troops, who had given no cause for this treacherous attack. That these measures were well prepared, and carried out by the whole population of the town of Andenne and its suburbs, is proved by the fact that 100—one hundred—of my men were hurt by scalding alone.
Also the marching column of troops following me was attacked by the civil population of Andenne, as well as those sections of the marching column preceding me, who were fired upon.
In Lenze, north of Namur, I was met by the priest of the place, who at first assured me in a friendly manner, on his word of honour, that no hostilities of any sort need be expected from the people in his parish. In spite of this, shots from six or eight houses were heard fifteen minutes later. These shots could only have come from the civil population, as the regular enemy troops had long since been pressed back.
Read over, approved, signed.
Signed:von Polentz.
The witnesses were thereupon sworn as above.
Signed:Wagner. Signed:Pfitzner.
B. App. 3.
Berlin,December 5th, 1915.
Present:President of the Military Court,Stack.Secretary to the Military Court, Non-commissioned OfficerWesselmann.
There appeared as witness Rifleman Hugo Roleff, of the 11th Company of the 2nd Reserve Guards Regiment, and after his attention had been called to the importance of the oath, he made the following statement:
As to Person: My name is Hugo Roleff. I am 28 years of age; Protestant Reformed Church; by profession a ribbon-weaver, living in Elberfeld, Osterbaum 9.
As to Case: I joined the 2nd Company of the 2nd Reserve Guards Regiment as private, and went with the regiment to the front.
On August 20, 1914, the first half of the 2nd Company was to serve as cover to the Artillery Munition Column. We arrived at Andenne in the evening. As everything was quiet we rode into the town. All went smoothly through a few streets, but as we were going to turn into the main street, bells were suddenly heard. At the same time we received a murderous rifle-fire out of all the windows and from all sides. Hand-bombs and hand-grenades were used against us, and machine-guns were also employed. I noticed this as I lay wounded in the street, and also that regular shots came from the cellar windows, and that the characteristic noise of machine-guns could be heard.
Our horses broke loose, our waggon was struck by a hand-grenade, the horses were thrown to the ground, the waggon was overturned, and, the following waggons driving into it, a wild confusion ensued. As the waggon was overthrown, I fell out and crushed the calves of my legs. We immediately returned the fire, for it had been recommended to us, and we were prepared in consequence. Before the munition column could be set in order again and proceed, we had to endure half an hour of continuous firing, until the defence guard came to our help.
On account of my wound I was just taken to the market-place, and then lay for two days in the house of a doctor, who was, however, absent. After that I was cared for in the schoolhouse, which had been turned into a hospital. Some German families, who had lived in this place for a considerable time, looked after us here. These told us that the whole attack had been planned, and that the clergy had issued directions from the pulpits.
Read over, approved, signed.
Signed:Hugo Roleff.Signed:Stack.Signed:Rudolf Wesselmann.
B. App. 4.
Namur,January 8th, 1915.
Reportof the Inquiry into the alleged atrocities in Andenne.
Reportof the Inquiry into the alleged atrocities in Andenne.
At the command of the Imperial Military Government of Namur I went, on the 5th inst., to Andenne, in order to obtain information from the Mayor Emile de Jaer regarding the atrocities of war that were said to have occurred in Andenne. He only knew that on August 20, at 7 o'clock in the evening, a murderous fire was opened on our troops, who wanted to cross the bridge leading to Seilles. At my request he handed me over a list of those who had been shot; it contained 234 names. On examining this list it turned out that only 196 persons had been shot without any doubt whatsoever; 28 were missing. I instructed the Mayor to procure a number of trustworthy witnesses, who in his opinion were in a position to give information concerning the events.
Thereupon appeared:
1. Hermann Frerand, Place du Perron, merchant. He could give no evidence, as he had been a prisoner from August 21 to 23.
2. Alexander Wery, Rue Brun, merchant. He declared that he had kept in hiding during the days of agitation. He therefore knows nothing, but only heard reports.
3. Léon Lambert, Place des Tilleuls, merchant. He knows nothing of the events, as he had been in hiding in his cellar.
4. Florent Sebrun, factory director, Rue Wouters. On the evening of August 20, at 7 o'clock, he was in the garden of his brother-in-law, Dr. Melin, Grande Rue. A large aeroplane appeared at a great height, and the German troops immediately fired at it. Suddenly fire opened from all sides of the town.
5. Madame Ermine Blanchart, Rue de l'Hôtel de Ville, will state personal grievances, but knows nothing of the events.
6. Ernest Thys, Rue Brun, merchant, hid himself for five days in his cellar.
7. Dr. Isidor Loroy, Rue de l'Industrie, only knows that the Mayor, Camus, who was a doctor in private life, was shot in the Rue du Pont on August 20, after having spent the night as a hostage, together with the priest, in the town hall. He was released towards the morning. Loroy only knows of the events by report.
8. Pane Tillmann, Rue Bran, chemist, had been wounded since August 21, and can give no evidence.
9. Louis Cartiaux, Place du Chapitre, priest, was arrested on August 19, at 9 o'clock in the evening, and taken to the town hall. Here he met the Mayor, Camus, who had already been taken as hostage. Cartiaux was, however, released during the night. About the alleged events he could only state that a detachment of troops had already made an inquiry in September, and that three suspected persons had been arrested, who were, however, not inhabitants of Andenne. He did not know what had happened to these three people. He refers the matter of the boy who was supposed to have been shot because he carried a cartridge on his person, to George Belin, schoolmaster, Rue Bertrand. The latter had told him that a boy was going to be shot because he wore some lead as a charm that had been given him by his brother.
10. Achilles Rambeaux, Rue Bertrand, assistant to a notary, has nothing to report, as he had kept in hiding in his cellar.
11. G. Belin, the schoolmaster referred to in No. 9, was heard at Namur on the morning of January 6. He was asked if he was prepared to swear to his alleged statement concerning the shooting of a boy. He denied ever having made such a statement in the most vigorous terms. Pressure being brought to bear, he admits further that in Andenne the opinion is held that a Belgian soldier of the 8th Line Infantry Regiment stayed behind, put on civilian clothes, and actually fired on the German troops. This soldier was universally known to the townsfolk by the nickname of "Le Petit Roux," and was Flemish. Another Flemish soldier, also in mufti, had been in his company. Both had deserted from their detachments.
Furthermore all the above-named persons declared unanimously that another doctor (not Mayor Camus), aged 64 years, had not been shot. Those rumours were also false which gave out that seven members of one family had been killed by German bullets; this matter concerned two families and, moreover, two brothers of the name of Savin.
That a number of people had been brought out from the cellars, threatened with death, and placed in front of the machine-guns, in case of firing from the nearest barricades, could be proved from no side. It was universally admitted, however, that rumours went round the town, including those that gave out that inhabitants had been killed with blows from an axe.
In Andenne itself 25 houses were destroyed, 12 in the suburb Peau d'Eau, together therefore 37, while Andenne contained 1900 houses. Not a single factory was destroyed or burnt. Naturally, as is unavoidable in street-fighting, many houses were damaged by gun-shots, but not so severely as to cause the owners any considerable losses. It is true that a large number of window-panes were shattered when the cannon fired from the market-place.
According to the statement of the schoolmaster Belin, the population of Andenne is rather a simple-minded one, which accounts for the incredible rumours abroad in the town.
Signed:Goetze, Lieutenant.
APPENDIX C.—DINANT
App. C.
War Office.
Military Court of Inquiry into the Violation of the Laws of War.
Military Court of Inquiry into the Violation of the Laws of War.
Belgian Civilian Warfare in Dinant from August 21st to August 24th, 1914.
Summary Report.
Immediately after crossing the Belgian frontier the XII. Army Corps had difficulties with the civilian population of Belgium, which reached their climax in and around Dinant. For the advance of the Army Corps Dinant had especial importance, since here it was that the crossing of the Meuse was to take place. The town with its suburbs, Leffe and Les Rivages on the right bank of the Meuse, and Neffe, St. Médard, and Bouvignes on the left bank, lies along the river in a deep section of the valley. Both banks rise up in terraces, steep and frequently rocky, to a height of some 70 metres, the right bank somewhat higher than the left. On the right bank about the centre of the town stands the fortress, about 100 metres in height. Close by, to the north, the high road from Sorinnes enters the town. Two further approaches from the east are found in the deep-cut flanking valleys which come to an end in Leffe and Les Rivages.
On August 15th, 1914, the operations of the German cavalry, in which among others Jäger Battalion No. 12 took part, led to the temporary occupation of the right bank of the Meuse. Owing to superior enemy forces, it was again evacuated on the same day; numerous dead and some wounded were left behind.
On August 17th the enemy forces on the left bank of the Meuse withdrew. From this time onward Dinant, Leffe, and Les Rivages were free from the presence of any regular enemy troops.
On August 21st the XII. (1st Royal Saxon) Army Corps engaged in operations before Dinant. The 2nd Battalion of Rifle (Fusilier) Regiment No. 108, together with a company of pioneers, undertook on the evening of this day a strong reconnaissance towards Dinant. As the first houses on the road coming from Sorinnes were reached, the sound of a signal shot was suddenly heard. The next moment there came a rattle of musketry from all sides. Shots were fired from all the houses, and the slopes were lighted up with the flashes. The houses were firmly barricaded, so that rifle-butts, hatchets, and hand-grenades had to be used to force an entrance. Trip-wires were drawn across the road. Numerous wounds were inflicted on our men by the discharge of small shot. They were even pelted with stones (Apps. 2-5).
The battalion penetrated as far as the bridge, ascertained that this was occupied by enemy troops, and then returned, being continually fired upon from the houses. Under the necessity of haste it was impossible to clear the place thoroughly of francs-tireurs. To some extent attempts were made to master them by setting on fire the houses from which the firing took place.
It was evident that this assault by the inhabitants on the reconnoitring detachment took place according to plan, that people known in Dinant were aware of the intended operation, and that for this purpose well-prepared measures had been adopted. Among other things indicating this preparation was the fact that numerous houses and walls had been provided with loopholes.
In view of these experiences we naturally assumed that in any further operations the civilian population would also take part in the fighting. Nevertheless, all anticipations in this direction were far exceeded through the extent and obstinacy of the people's participation in the fight.
On August the 23rd the left bank of the Meuse was to be taken by the XII. Corps. After preliminary artillery fire the infantry advanced in the direction of Dinant—the 32nd Infantry Division to the north, the 23rd Infantry Division to the south. On the left wing the (Guards) Grenadier Regiment No. 100 forced its way into the town, on the right of them Infantry Regiment No. 180, and in close conjunction Rifle Regiment No. 108, whilst in the Leffe valley Infantry Regiment No. 178 reached Leffe.
The fighting on August 23rd, accompanied by comparatively slight loss, resulted in the dislodgement of the enemy forces from the heights of the left bank of the Meuse. On the other hand, the losses which the hostile civil population of Dinant and its outskirts had inflicted on the XII. Corps on August 23rd, and the effort which was necessary to break down the completely organised resistance of the civil population on August 23rd and the following days were very considerable. Once more, as on August 21st, people in Dinant and the neighbourhood had apparently secured information that a movement of the corps was imminent, and they were accordingly prepared. The 1st Battalion of the Guards Regiment, approaching from Herbuchenne, were assailed by a vigorous fire from the houses and alleys. Bit by bit, every house had to be fought for singly with the use of hand-grenades in order to dislodge from their hiding-places the inhabitants who had stowed themselves away from cellar to attic and who were making use of every possible kind of weapon. Those who were caught with weapons in their hands were immediately shot, while suspected persons were led off as hostages to the town gaol.
Despite these measures the Grenadier Guards were still further fired on by the population, and thereby suffered considerable losses, especially in officers. Here, among others, fell Lieutenant Treusch von Buttlar, and Captain Legler was severely wounded.
In the meantime, a great part of the place had been consumed by fire, caused partly by the use of hand-grenades, partly by the French and German artillery fire. All this, however, was not sufficient to convince the population of the uselessness and danger of participating in the fighting.
Until the evening, even on the march to the crossing-place at Les Rivages, the regiment was fired on from the houses (Apps. 1, 5, 7, 10, 11).
The Regiments No. 108 and No. 182 had similar experiences when they, to the north of the Guards Regiment, reached Dinant. From the moment they reached the most easterly houses they came under fire. The farm of Malais was stormed by the 1st Battalion of the Rifles (Fusilier) Regiment No. 108, and the whole of the francs-tireurs who made a stand there were destroyed. Fighting hotly for every house, our men pressed forward in the direction of the market, all the time expecting to be fired at by invisible foes from cellars, caves, and hill-sides. It was here that, among others, Major Lommatzsch of Infantry Regiment No. 182 was fatally wounded by the bullets of two civilians from the windows of a house. They even fired down from the cathedral (Apps. 12, 14, 18). Already in the course of the forenoon the Commanding Officer of the 46th Brigade recognised that it was impossible, without artillery bombardment, to gain the mastery over the fanatical population.
The troops were, however, too much involved in house-to-house fighting to be immediately withdrawn. It was only after 3 o'clock in the afternoon that it was possible to withdraw the troops to the heights north of Dinant, so that the artillery, in particular, sections of Field Artillery Regiment No. 12 and a battery of heavy artillery, could now bring Dinant, from Leffe, more effectually under their fire (Apps. 12, 19, 21).
In the early morning Infantry Regiment No. 178 had set out from Thynes on their march towards Leffe, making use of the Leffe valley road. Already before reaching Leffe the advance company was fired on from detached holdings as well as from the steep hill slopes (partially wooded), which stretched along on the right and the left of the road. This harassing fire was directed with particular activity from the paper-mill situated on the left of the road and the adjacent houses. For this reason, the slopes were searched for francs-tireurs, later on with the co-operation of the 11th Jägers, and the barricaded houses forcibly opened and cleared of inhabitants. All those caught with weapons in their hands were shot. More and more vigorously the advancing regiment was attacked by the inhabitants concealed in the houses. There was firing from all the houses, although in many of them no one was found. The marksmen crept into their hiding-places in order to leave them later on and renew their firing on the German troops. This made it necessary to set on fire a number of houses in order to drive out the marksmen from their places of concealment. A number of inhabitants were marched off as hostages to the monastery (Apps. 22-32).
The 9th Company of the 178th Regiment occupied the garden of a villa along the Meuse and a factory which fronted the enemy on the left bank of the Meuse (Apps. 25, 30, 79).
Here again they were fired on; the villa and the factory were therefore cleared of their occupants. The proprietor and a large number of the workpeople were fetched out of the cellar of the factory and shot, whilst the women and children found there were lodged in the monastery.
Practically for the whole of the day the 178th Regiment carried on a hot fight with the population of Leffe, and suffered severe losses (Apps. 25, 26).
Infantry Regiment No. 103, which reached Leffe towards evening, was also fired on by francs-tireurs from the slopes of the Leffe ravine as well as from the houses, and defended itself in the same way by disarming and shooting the men found with arms, and by burning down single houses which could not otherwise be cleared (Apps. 33, 36).
In the evening it became quiet in Leffe. The assumption, however, that nothing more was to be feared from the inhabitants proved to be erroneous. After nightfall the left-wing outpost of the 2nd Battalion of Infantry Regiment No. 178, posted as a guard against attack along the Meuse, was assailed by a large body of the inhabitants to the south of the barracks of the 13th Belgian Infantry Regiment. A detachment of reinforcements cleared this locality and the adjoining district, being continually fired upon from the houses by francs-tireurs. A large number of persons caught with weapons in their hands were shot (Apps. 22, 24, 29).
In the night, towards 12 o'clock, the Detachment of Zeschau came from Houx by the northern entrance to Leffe. Scarcely had they reached the first houses when the foremost company received a brisk rifle fire. The houses, the doors of which were barred and the windows barricaded with furniture and beds, were stormed and set on fire as a security against francs-tireurs, who were not otherwise to be caught. The men found in them who were carrying arms were shot (App. 38).
From the factory above mentioned also the detachment, especially the Machine-Gun Company of Infantry Regiment No. 177, was briskly and continuously fired on. The shooting of the francs-tireurs only died out when the factory was set on fire (Apps. 38, 64, 65).
Whilst these events were taking place in the north of Dinant, in the south, also at Les Rivages and Anseremme, sanguinary fighting with the civil population had taken place. Late in the afternoon, Grenadier Regiment No. 101 with the 3rd Field Pioneer Company reached Les Rivages by the road which ends there, in order to cross the Meuse. The pioneers, with pontoon waggons for bridge-building, had already entered the section of Dinant occupied by the Guards Regiment.
On account of the fire which they received from the houses, and of which they could not get the mastery, despite all attempts in conjunction with the infantry to clear the houses, they had been obliged to withdraw to the heights.
The village of Les Rivages at first appeared as if deserted. On the opposite bank the houses in Neffe, struck by our artillery fire, burst into flames (Apps. 20, 39, 44).
The crossing began at once. First the 2nd, then the 11th Company of Grenadier Regiment No. 101, gained the left bank and advanced to the attack in extended order against the enemy infantry on the western heights of the river-bank. The 11th Company received about five consecutive discharges of small shot from a house in the narrow alley through which they had passed in Neffe. The barred house was broken open, and the francs-tireurs, a man and two women, were shot.
Directly after this the company, led by the company commander, reached the railway embankment. At this spot a waterway led through the embankment; before the culvert lay a civilian with a sort of carbine, shot dead; in the dark culvert people were seen. From the top of the embankment the officer advancing with another company shouted down that he had been shot at from the culvert. The company commander called out loudly, "Sortez, on ne vous fera rien" ("Come out; nothing will be done to you"). No answer came from the culvert, neither did the people leave it who were concealed there. Thereupon a number of volleys were fired into the culvert. The Grenadiers continued their advance over the railway embankment and up the heights. The detachment left behind for clearing and guarding the culvert brought out about thirty-five to forty civilians, men, half-grown lads, women, and children, and with them about eight to ten rifles, not sporting-guns, but apparently military rifles. A portion of the civilians had been killed or wounded by the fire of the Grenadiers (App. 40). In the meantime everything had still remained quiet in Les Rivages. The first person who showed himself was a lame man. He described himself as the Mayor, and protested that the inhabitants of Les Rivages were peaceable in contrast to those of Neffe. He was therefore sent over to Neffe for the purpose of warning the population in that place to keep the peace, as in that case nothing would happen to them. The commanding officer of Grenadier Regiment No. 101 forcibly collected a large number of persons from the nearest houses in order to hold them as hostages against the hostile action of the populace. It was made clear to them that their lives were guarantee for the safety of the troops. The causes for this measure were the notorious hostility of the population of Dinant, and the report just made by an officer that, close by, to the south of Les Rivages, towards Anseremme, shots had been fired from the houses. The men were placed against a garden wall to the left of the place of crossing, the women and children who came with them out of the houses, somewhat farther down the river.
The bridge-building and crossing were in progress. When the bridge had been built out about 40 metres alike from the houses of Les Rivages and from the rocky slopes close to the south of the "Rocher Bayard," francs-tireurs began to direct a hot fire upon the Grenadiers, who were waiting in close order for crossing, and on the working pioneers. The greatest consternation and confusion ensued. In consequence of this the male hostages assembled by the garden wall were shot.
The shooting of the hostages, evidently visible to the unseen francs-tireurs, resulted in the cessation of the firing and a continuation of the bridge-building (Apps. 46, 48).
Partly during the night of August 24th and partly on the next day the troops of the Corps were able to cross the Meuse at Les Rivages and Neffe. On August 25th the rear portions of the Corps also crossed the Meuse.
In no way, however, had the severe measures taken on August 23rd put any final stop to the excesses of the francs-tireurs. On the two following days also, columns passing through and single persons were shot at from the slopes and from the houses, although no longer to the same extent as on August 23rd. This necessarily led again to retaliatory measures, to the shooting of individual inhabitants caught in the act, and to the artillery bombardment of buildings which were occupied by francs-tireurs. The former measures were taken on August 24th in Neffe and St. Médard, and the latter on August 24th and 25th in all parts of the town (Apps. 49, 50). If one reviews the whole of the resistance offered to the German troops by the population of Dinant and its suburbs, the first thing that strikes one is its systematic organisation (Apps. 12, 25, 30).
Already before the 23rd of August it was known to the inhabitants of the neighbourhood of Dinant that in this place there existed an organisation for treacherous attack on the German troops (Apps. 12, 51).
It was known that the surprise attacks upon the German troops by the local inhabitants, which took place at Sorinnes and other places lying to the east of the Meuse, were partly to be traced to emissaries from Dinant.
This organised effort was distinguished by its careful preparation and by the extent of its activities.
The houses were placed in a state of defence by the barricading of the doors and windows, by the construction of loopholes, and by the accumulation of a large supply of firearms and ammunition in the houses. The existence of large stocks of ammunition was proved in one way by the repeated explosions in the burning houses. In the night operations of August 21st trip-wires were drawn across the street (Apps. 3, 9, 10, 11, 18, 26, 28, 29, 31, 38, 49, 50, 52, 53, 70, 81).
From the fact that the firearms were not only in part sporting-guns and revolvers, but were partly machine-guns and Belgian military rifles (Apps. 2, 25), one may conclude that the movement had the support of the Belgian Government. The whole of Dinant with its suburbs on the right and left bank of the Meuse was prepared in the same way. Everywhere, in Leffe, in Les Rivages, in Neffe, one found the barricading of the houses, the loopholes, and the presence of weapons. At the same time it is expressly pointed out in the reports of the fighting that the belligerent Belgian civilians did not wear any kind of military badge (Apps. 4-7, 12, 15, 22, 24, 25, 31). The whole population was imbued with the same purpose—to hold up the German advance. If, by taking part in the dangers into which it knowingly ventured, some portion of it perished, it has only itself to blame.
This resistance offered to our troops was extremely obstinate. It was carried on with every kind of weapon, with military rifles and sporting-guns, with bullets and shot, with revolvers, with knives, with stones (Apps. 5, 10, 11, 25-28, 31, 35, 38, 43, 54, 55, 57, 58, 63, 67, 81). All grades, even the clergy (App. 18), took part in it, men and women, old men and children (Apps. 5, 6, 10, 12, 14, 18, 28, 29, 35, 41, 44, 54, 56, 59, 63). From the cellars of burning houses firing was still kept up. At the very moment when he was being shot by martial law, a franc-tireur discharged a revolver, which he had kept concealed, at the firing-party (App. 5). With treachery and cunning (Apps. 28, 32, 43, 44, 50, 68), themselves invisible from the outside, they fired from loopholes in the rear of passing detachments and on single officers. They disappeared before the advancing Germans (Apps. 12, 37, 64) through back ways into the caves and subterranean passages, to continue their work of assassination in some other place.
Some male francs-tireurs had put on women's clothing (Apps. 64, 65). The Geneva badge was misused by individuals and in the case of buildings in order, under its protection, to cause injury to the Germans (Apps. 9, 16-18, 32, 56, 66-70).
Even the wounded who were being transported to the rear, as well as hospital orderlies, were shot at from the houses (Apps. 71, 72).
The fanaticism of the population found its most revolting expression in the cruel murder of sleeping men, in the mutilation of the fallen, and in the burning of wounded prisoners who were bound up with wire for this purpose (Apps. 56, 59, 61, 67, 73-78).
In judging of the attitude taken by the troops of the XII. Corps in the face of the action of the civil population, which was hostile to the last degree and employed the most reprehensible methods, we must remember that the tactical aim of the XII. Corps was the rapid passage over the Meuse and the clearing of the enemy from the left bank. The speedy suppression of the resistance of the inhabitants, which was directly opposed to this aim, was a military necessity to be secured by all possible means. From this point of view, the bombardment of the town, which was taking an active part in the fighting, and the burning of the houses occupied by the francs-tireurs, as well as the shooting of inhabitants caught with weapons in their hands, were all justified.
In the same way, the shooting of the hostages in various localities was also justified. The troops fighting in the town found themselves in the direst extremity, inasmuch as they were under the artillery, machine-gun, and rifle fire of the regular troops posted on the left bank of the Meuse, and were at the same time being fired at in the rear and on the flanks by the inhabitants. The hostages were taken as security in order to put a stop to the conduct of the francs-tireurs. Despite this, and since the population continued, as before, to inflict losses on the struggling troops, the shooting of the hostages was carried out; otherwise, the holding of the hostages would have only implied an empty threat. Their execution was all the more justified, since, with the general participation of the populace in the fighting, it was hardly a case of innocent victims.
In view of the military objective mentioned above and the serious straits in which the troops found themselves, treacherously attacked as they were from the rear, such action on our part could not be avoided.
The lives of women and children were, on principle, spared, so long as they were not caught in the act, or it was not a case of self-defence against their attacks (Apps. 5, 6, 25, 26, 28, 31, 35, 41, 47, 79). The fact that, despite this, women and children were killed and wounded is intelligible from the prevailing circumstances.
They were struck partly by shots coming from the enemy on the left bank of the Meuse and partly by stray shots during the house and street fighting (App. 10). In the shooting of the hostages at Les Rivages a few women and children were also hit. This happened in the case of some who, contrary to the arrangements made, had left their station which was apart from the male hostages, and had crowded together with the latter (Apps. 45, 46). That the troops of the XII. Corps did not show themselves harsh or cruel is proved by numerous cases in which they exhibited, under the existing circumstances, a solicitude, deserving special recognition, for women, old men, and children (Apps. 52, 53, 55, 58, 80-86). A number of women confined to their beds on account of child-birth were carried from houses in the danger zone to a sheltered place and laid on mattresses near our wounded (App. 5). Wounded inhabitants—the wounds mostly originated from the enemy's fire—were bandaged and given over to conscientious medical treatment (Apps. 7, 10, 29, 44, 47, 50-52, 68, 86, 87). Little children found alone were handed over to female care (Apps. 47, 51). The large number of women and children from burning Dinant who were in Les Rivages on the night of August 24th were sheltered in a house and provided with food and drink (Apps. 45, 51). In the morning they all received coffee from the field-kitchen of the Guards Regiment.
The account given by the surviving inhabitants of Dinant about the fighting for their town, and the statements thereto appended by the Belgian Commission of Inquiry, as well as those of the hostile Press, are marked by their complete silence as regards the part taken by the populace in the fighting against our troops, and, with intentional exaggeration, solely record what our troops have done to suppress this participation in the fighting. In face of what positively occurred, it is a malicious distortion of the actual facts to maintain that, because orders had been issued to give up all weapons, the inhabitants did not fire.
Without doubt it is deeply regrettable that, in consequence of the events of August 23rd and 24th, the flourishing town of Dinant with its suburbs was burnt and laid in ruins and a great number of human lives were destroyed. The responsibility for this lies not on the German Army, but only on the population. The inhabitants collectively engaged in conflict with the German troops contrary to international law and in a fanatical and treacherous manner, and forced our troops to take those counter-measures required for the purposes of war.
Had the population held aloof from armed resistance and open participation in the fighting, scarcely any injury would have been incurred by them, as regards life or property, despite the hazardous position in which they were placed by reason of military operations.
Berlin,April 11th, 1915.
Military Department of Investigation into the Violation of the Laws of War.
Signed: MajorBauer.Signed: Councillor of the Supreme Court of Judicature, Dr.Wagner.
C. App. 1.
Extractfrom the military diary of the General Officer commanding the XII. (1st Royal Saxon) Army Corps.
Extractfrom the military diary of the General Officer commanding the XII. (1st Royal Saxon) Army Corps.