THE SONGS

The Ghost-dance songs are of the utmost importance in connection with the study of the messiah religion, as we find embodied in them much of the doctrine itself, with more of the special tribal mythologies, together with such innumerable references to old-time customs, ceremonies, and modes of life long since obsolete as make up a regular symposium of aboriginal thought and practice. There is no limit to the number of these songs, as every trance at every dance produces a new one, the trance subject after regaining consciousness embodying his experience in the spirit world in the form of a song, which is sung at the next dance and succeeding performances until superseded by other songs originating in the same way. Thus, a single dance may easily result in twenty or thirty new songs. While songs are thus born and die, certain ones which appeal especially to the Indian heart, on account of their mythology, pathos, or peculiar sweetness, live and are perpetuated. There are also with each tribe certain songs which are a regular part of the ceremonial, as the opening song and the closing song, which are repeated at every dance. Of these the closing song is the most important and permanent. In some cases certain songs constitute a regular series, detailing the experiences of the same person in successive trance visions. First in importance, for number, richness of reference, beauty of sentiment, and rhythm of language, are the songs of the Arapaho.

Ähyä′to—Kiowa name; meaning unknown; the Kiowa call the wild plum by the same name.Ano′s-anyotskano—Kichai name.Ärä′păho—popular name; derivation uncertain; but, perhaps, as Dunbar suggests, from the Pawnee wordtirapihuorlarapĭhu, “he buys or trades,” in allusion to the Arapaho having formerly been the trading medium between the Pawnee, Osage, and others on the north, and the Kiowa, Comanche, and others to the southwest (Grinnell letter).Äräpăkata—Crow name, from word Arapaho.Bĕtidĕĕ—Kiowa Apache name.Detseka′yaa—Caddo name, “dog eaters.”Hitäniwo′ĭv—Cheyenne name, “cloud men.”Inûna-ina—proper tribal name, “our people,” Or “people of our kind.”KaninahoicorKanină′vish—Ojibwa name; meaning unknown.Komse′ka-K̔iñahyup—former Kiowa name; “men of the worn-out leggings;” fromkomse′, “smoky, soiled, worn out;”kati, “leggings;”k̔̔iñahyup, “men.”Maqpi′ăto—Sioux name, “blue cloud,” i. e., clear sky; reason unknown.Niă′rharĭ′s-kûrikiwă′s-hûski—Wichita name.Sani′ti′ka—Pawnee name, from the Comanche name.Särĕtĭka—Comanche and Shoshoni name, “dog eaters,” in allusion to their special liking for dog flesh.Sarĕtika—Wichita name, from the Comanche name.

Ähyä′to—Kiowa name; meaning unknown; the Kiowa call the wild plum by the same name.

Ano′s-anyotskano—Kichai name.

Ärä′păho—popular name; derivation uncertain; but, perhaps, as Dunbar suggests, from the Pawnee wordtirapihuorlarapĭhu, “he buys or trades,” in allusion to the Arapaho having formerly been the trading medium between the Pawnee, Osage, and others on the north, and the Kiowa, Comanche, and others to the southwest (Grinnell letter).

Äräpăkata—Crow name, from word Arapaho.

Bĕtidĕĕ—Kiowa Apache name.

Detseka′yaa—Caddo name, “dog eaters.”

Hitäniwo′ĭv—Cheyenne name, “cloud men.”

Inûna-ina—proper tribal name, “our people,” Or “people of our kind.”

KaninahoicorKanină′vish—Ojibwa name; meaning unknown.

Komse′ka-K̔iñahyup—former Kiowa name; “men of the worn-out leggings;” fromkomse′, “smoky, soiled, worn out;”kati, “leggings;”k̔̔iñahyup, “men.”

Maqpi′ăto—Sioux name, “blue cloud,” i. e., clear sky; reason unknown.

Niă′rharĭ′s-kûrikiwă′s-hûski—Wichita name.

Sani′ti′ka—Pawnee name, from the Comanche name.

Särĕtĭka—Comanche and Shoshoni name, “dog eaters,” in allusion to their special liking for dog flesh.

Sarĕtika—Wichita name, from the Comanche name.

Southern Arapaho, “rub noses;” northern Arapaho, “mother people;” Gros Ventres of the Prairie, “belly people.”

The Arapaho, with their subtribe, the Gros Ventres, are one of the westernmost tribes of the wide-extending Algonquian stock. According to their oldest traditions they formerly lived in northeastern Minnesota and moved westward in company with the Cheyenne, who at that time lived on the Cheyenne fork of Red river. From the earliest period the two tribes have always been closely confederated, so that they have no recollection of a time when they were not allies. In the westward migration the Cheyenne took a more southerly direction toward the country of the Black hills, while the Arapaho continued more nearly westward up the Missouri. The Arapaho proper probably ascended on the southern side of the river, while the Gros Ventres went up the northern bank and finally drifted off toward the Blackfeet, with whom they have ever since been closely associated, although they have on several occasions made long visits, extending sometimes over several years, to their southern relatives, by whom they are still regarded as a part of the “Inûna-ina.” The others continued on to the great divide between the waters of the Missouri and those of the Columbia, then turning southward along the mountains, separated finally into two main divisions, the northern Arapaho continuing to occupy the head streams of the Missouri and the Yellowstone, in Montana and Wyoming, while the southern Arapaho made their camps on the head of the Platte, the Arkansas, and the Canadian, in Colorado and the adjacent states, frequently joining the Comanche and Kiowa in their raids far down into Mexico. From their earliest recollection, until put on reservations, they have been at war with the Shoshoni, Ute, Pawnee, and Navaho, but have generally been friendly with their other neighbors. The southern Arapaho and Cheyenne have usually acted in concert with the Comanche, Kiowa, and Kiowa Apache.

They recognize among themselves five original divisions, each having a different dialect. They are here given in the order of their importance:

1.Na′kasinĕ′na,Ba′achinĕnaorNorthern Arapaho. Nakasinĕna, “sagebrush men,” is the original name of this portion of the tribe and the divisional name used by themselves. The name Baachinĕna, by which they are commonly known to the rest of the tribe, is moremodern and may mean “red willow (i. e., kinikinik) men,” or possibly “blood-pudding men,” the latter meaning said to have been an allusion to a kind of sausage formerly made by this band. They are commonly known as northern Arapaho, to distinguish them from the other large division living now in Oklahoma. The Kiowa distinguished them as Tägyä′ko, “sagebrush people,” a translation of their proper name, Baachinĕna. Although not the largest division, the Baachinĕna claim to be the “mother people” of the Arapaho, and have in their keeping the grand medicine of the tribe, the sĕicha or sacred pipe.

2.Na′wunĕna, “southern men,” orSouthern Arapaho, calledNawathi′nĕha, “southerners,” by the northern Arapaho. This latter is said to be the archaic form. The southern Arapaho, living now in Oklahoma, constitute by far the larger division, although subordinate in the tribal sociology to the northern Arapaho. In addition to their everyday dialect, they are said to have an archaic dialect, some words of which approximate closely to Cheyenne.

3.Aä′ninĕna,Hitu′nĕna, orGros Ventres of the Prairie. The first name, said to mean “white clay people” (fromaäti, “white clay”), is that by which they call themselves. Hitunĕna or Hitunĕnina, “begging men,” “beggars,” or, more exactly, “spongers,” is the name by which they are called by the other Arapaho, on account, as these latter claim, of their propensity for filling their stomachs at the expense of someone else. The same idea is intended to be conveyed by the tribal sign, which signifies “belly people,” not “big bellies” (Gros Ventres), as rendered by the French Canadian trappers. The Kiowa call them Bot-k̔iñ′ago, “belly men.” By the Shoshoni, also, they are known as Sä′pani, “bellies,” while the Blackfeet call them Atsina, “gut people.” The Ojibwa call them Bahwetegow-ēninnewug, “fall people,” according to Tanner, whence they have sometimes been called Fall Indians or Rapid Indians, from their former residence about the rapids of the Saskatchewan. To the Sioux they are known as Sku′tani. Lewis and Clark improperly call them “Minnetarees of Fort de Prairie.” The Hidatsa or Minitari are sometimes known as Gros Ventres of the Missouri.

4.Bä′sawunĕ′na, “wood lodge men,” or, according to another authority, “big lodge people.” These were formerly a distinct tribe and at war with the other Arapaho. They are represented as having been a very foolish people in the old times, and many absurd stories are told of them, in agreement with the general Indian practice of belittling conquered or subordinate tribes. They have been incorporated with the northern Arapaho for at least a hundred and fifty years, according to the statements of the oldest men of that band. Their dialect is said to have differed very considerably from the other Arapaho dialects. There are still about one hundred of this lineage among the northern Arapaho, and perhaps a few others with the two other main divisions. Weasel Bear, the present keeper of the sacred pipe, is of the Bäsawunĕna.

5.Ha’nahawunĕnaorAanû’hawă(meaning unknown). These, like the Bäsawunĕna, lived with the northern Arapaho, but are now practically extinct.

There seems to be no possible trace of a clan or gentile system among the Arapaho, and the same remark holds good of the Cheyenne, Kiowa, and Comanche. It was once assumed that all Indian tribes had the clan system, but later research shows that it is lacking over wide areas in the western territory. It is very doubtful if it exists at all among the prairie tribes generally. Mr Ben Clark, who has known and studied the Cheyenne for half a lifetime, states positively that they have no clans, as the term is usually understood. This agrees with the result of personal investigations and the testimony of George Bent, a Cheyenne half-blood, and the best living authority on all that relates to his tribe. With the eastern tribes, however, and those who have removed from the east or the timbered country, as the Caddo, the gentile system is so much a part of their daily life that it is one of the first things to attract the attention of the observer.

In regard to the tribal camping circle, common to most of the prairie tribes, the Arapaho state that on account of their living in three main divisions they have had no common camping circle within their recollection, but that each of these three divisions constituted a single circle when encamped in one place.

Among the northern Arapaho, on the occasion of every grand gathering, the sacred pipe occupied a special large tipi in the center of the circle, and the taking down of this tipi by the medicine keeper was the signal to the rest of the camp to prepare to move. On the occasion of a visit of several hundred Cheyenne and Arapaho to the Kiowa and Comanche at Anadarko, in the summer of 1892, each of the visiting tribes camped in a separate circle adjacent to the other. The opening of the circle, like the door of each tipi, always faces the east.

Under the name of Kanenăvish the Arapaho proper are mentioned by Lewis and Clark in 1805, as living southwest of the Black hills. As a tribe they have not been at war with the whites since 1868, and took no part in the outbreak of the Cheyenne, Kiowa, and Comanche in 1874. At present they are in three main divisions. First come the Gros Ventres, numbering 718 in 1892, associated with the Asiniboin on Fort Belknap reservation in Montana. There are probably others of this band with the Blackfeet on the British side of the line. Next come the northern Arapaho, numbering 829, associated with the Shoshoni on Wind River reservation in Wyoming. They were placed on this reservation in 1876, after having made peace with the Shoshoni, their hereditary enemy, in 1869. They are divided into three bands, the “Forks of the River Men” under Black Coal, the head chief of the whole division; the “Bad Pipes” under Short Nose, and the “Greasy Faces” under Spotted Horse. The third division, the southern Arapaho, associated with the Cheyenne in Oklahoma, constitute the main bodyof the tribe and numbered 1,091 in 1892. They have five bands: 1, Wa′quithi, “bad faces,” the principal band and the one to which the head chief, Left Hand, belongs; 2, Aqa′thinĕ′na, “pleasant men;” 3, Gawunĕ′na or Ga′wunĕhäna (Kawinahan, “black people”—Hayden), “Blackfeet,” so called because said to be of part Blackfoot blood, the same name being applied to the Blackfoot tribe; 4, Ha′qihana, “wolves,” because they had a wolf (not coyote) for medicine; 5, Säsa′bä-ithi, “looking up,” or according to another authority, “looking around, i. e., watchers or lookouts.” Under the treaty of Medicine Lodge in 1867, they and the southern Cheyenne were placed on the reservation which they sold in 1890 to take allotments and become citizens. Their present chief is Left Hand (Nawat), who succeeded the celebrated Little Raven (Hosa) a few years ago. The whole number of the Arapaho and Gros Ventres, including a few in eastern schools, is about 2,700.

Fig. 88—Arapaho tipi and windbreak.

Until very recently the Arapaho have been a typical prairie tribe, living in skin tipis and following the buffalo in its migrations, yet they retain a tradition of a time when they were agricultural. They are of a friendly, accommodating disposition, religious and contemplative, without the truculent, pugnacious character that belongs to their confederates, the Cheyenne, although they have always proven themselves brave warriors. They are also less mercenary and more tractable than the prairie Indians generally, and having now recognized the inevitable of civilization have gone to work in good faith to make the best of it.Their religious nature has led them to take a more active interest in the Ghost dance, which, together with the rhythmic character of their language, has made the Arapaho songs the favorite among all the tribes of Oklahoma. The chief study of the Ghost dance was made among the Arapaho, whom the author visited six times for this purpose. One visit was made to those in Wyoming, the rest of the time being spent with the southern branch of the tribe.

song[[audio/mpeg]MusicXML]

[[audio/mpeg]MusicXML]

Eyehe′! nä′nisa′na,Eyehe′! nä′nisa′na,Hi′nä chä′să′ äticha′nĭ′na He′eye′!Hi′nä chä′să′ äticha′nĭ′na He′eye′!Na′hăni nä′nithä′tuhŭ′na He′eye′!Na′hăni nä′nithä′tuhŭ′na He′eye′!Bi′taa′wu′ da′naa′bäna′wa He′eye′!Bi′taa′wu′ da′naa′bäna′wa He′eye′!

Eyehe′! nä′nisa′na,

Hi′nä chä′să′ äticha′nĭ′na He′eye′!

Na′hăni nä′nithä′tuhŭ′na He′eye′!

Bi′taa′wu′ da′naa′bäna′wa He′eye′!

Translation

O, my children! O, my children!Here is another of your pipes—He′eye′!Here is another of your pipes—He′eye′!Look! thus I shouted—He′eye′!Look! thus I shouted—He′eye′!When I moved the earth—He′eye′!When I moved the earth—He′eye′!

O, my children! O, my children!

Here is another of your pipes—He′eye′!

Look! thus I shouted—He′eye′!

When I moved the earth—He′eye′!

This opening song of the Arapaho Ghost dance originated among the northern Arapaho in Wyoming and was brought down to the southern branch of the tribe by the first apostles of the new religion. By “another pipe” is probably meant the newer revelation of the messiah, the pipe being an important feature of all sacred ceremonies, and alltheir previous religious tradition, having centered about the sĕicha or flat pipe, to be described hereafter. The pipe, however, was not commonly carried in the dance, as was the case among the Sioux. In this song, as in many others of the Ghost dance, the father or messiah,Hesûna′nin, is supposed to be addressing “my children,”nänisa′na. The tune is particularly soft and pleasing, and the song remains a standard favorite. The second reference is to the new earth which is supposed to be already moving rapidly forward to slide over and take the place of this old and worn-out creation.

Sĕ′icha′ hei′ta′wuni′na—E′yahe′eye,Sĕ′icha′ hei′ta′wuni′na—E′yahe′eye.He′sûna′nini—Yahe′eye′,He′sûna′nini—Yahe′eye′.Ûtnitha′wuchä′wahănänina—E′yahe′eye′,Ûtnitha′wuchä′wahănänina—E′yahe′eye′.He′sana′nini—E′yahe′eye,He′sana′nini—E′yahe′eye.

Sĕ′icha′ hei′ta′wuni′na—E′yahe′eye,

Sĕ′icha′ hei′ta′wuni′na—E′yahe′eye.

He′sûna′nini—Yahe′eye′,

He′sûna′nini—Yahe′eye′.

Ûtnitha′wuchä′wahănänina—E′yahe′eye′,

Ûtnitha′wuchä′wahănänina—E′yahe′eye′.

He′sana′nini—E′yahe′eye,

He′sana′nini—E′yahe′eye.

Translation

The sacred pipe tells me—E′yahe′eye!The sacred pipe tells me—E′yahe′eye!Our father—Yahe′eye′!Our father—Yahe′eye′!We shall surely be put again (with our friends)—E′yahe′eye!We shall surely be put again (with our friends)—E′yahe′eye!Our father—E′yahe′eye!Our father—E′yahe′eye!

The sacred pipe tells me—E′yahe′eye!

Our father—Yahe′eye′!

We shall surely be put again (with our friends)—E′yahe′eye!

Our father—E′yahe′eye!

The sĕicha or flat pipe is the sacred tribal medicine of the Arapaho. According to the myth it was given to their ancestors at the beginning of the world after the Turtle had brought the earth up from under the water. It was delivered to them by the Duck, which was discovered swimming about on the top of the water after the emergence of the land. At the same time they were given an ear of corn, from which comes all the corn of the world. The Arapaho lost the art of agriculture when they came out upon the buffalo plains, but the sacred pipe the Turtle long since changed to stone, and the first ear of corn, also transformed to stone, they have cherished to this day as their great medicine. The pipe, turtle, and ear of corn are preserved among the northern Arapaho in Wyoming, who claim to be the “mother people” of the tribe. They are handed down in the keeping of a particular family from generation to generation, the present priestly guardian being Se′hiwûq, “Weasel Bear” (fromsea, weasel, andwûq, bear; the name has also been rendered “Gray Bear,” fromse, gray, andwûq, bear), of the Bäsawunĕ′na division.

The three sacred things are preserved carefully wrapped in deerskins, and are exposed only on rare occasions, always within the sacred tipiand in the presence of but a small number of witnesses, who take this opportunity to smoke the sacred pipe and pray for the things which they most desire. The pipe itself is of stone, and is described as apparently made in double, one part being laid over the other like the bark of a tree, the outer part of both bowl and stem being of the regular red pipestone, while the inner part of both is of white stone. The stem is only about 10 inches long, while the bowl is large and heavy, with the characteristic projection for resting the end upon the ground. Both bowl and stem are rounded, but with a flange of perhaps an inch in width along each side of the stem and up along the bowl. From this comes its name of sĕicha, or “flat pipe.” When exposed on such occasions, the devotees sit around the fire in a circle, when the bundle is opened upon the ground so that all may see the sacred objects. The medicine keeper then lights the pipe and after taking one or two whiffs passes it to the one next him, who takes a single whiff and passes it on to the next. It thus goes sunwise (?) around the circle. In taking the sĕicha the devotees do not grasp the stem, as when smoking on other occasions, but receive it upon the outstretched palm of the right hand, smoke, and pass it on around the circle. The flanges along the side of the pipe allow it to rest flat upon the hand. After all have smoked, the priest recites the genesis myth of the origin of the land, and the manner in which the pipe and the corn were given to their ancestors. The corresponding myth of the Cheyenne occupies “four smokes” (i. e., four consecutive nights) in the delivery, but I am unable to state whether or not this is the case with the Arapaho. So sacred is this tradition held that no one but the priest of the pipe dares to recite it, for fear of divine punishment should the slightest error be made in the narration. At the close of the recital the devotees send up their prayers for the blessings of which they stand most in need, after which the priest again carefully wraps up the sacred objects in the skins. Before leaving the lodge the worshipers cover the bundle with their offerings of blankets or other valuables, which are taken by the medicine keeper as his fee.

When encamped in the tribal circle, the sacred pipe and its keeper occupied a large tipi, reserved especially for this purpose, which was set up within the circle and near its western line, directly opposite the doorway on the east. In the center of the circle, between the doorway and the sacred tipi, was erected the sweat-house of theChi′nachichinĕ′naor old men of the highest degree of the warrior order. The taking down of the sacred tipi by the attendants of the pipe keeper was the signal for moving camp, and no other tipi was allowed to be taken down before it. When on the march, the pipe keeper proceeded on foot—never on horse—carrying the sacred bundle upon his back and attended by a retinue of guards. As a matter of course, the sacred pipe was not carried by war parties or on other expeditions requiring celerity of movement. Of late years the rules haveso far relaxed that its present guardian sometimes rides on horseback while carrying the pipe, but even then he carries the bundle upon his own back instead of upon the saddle. He never rides in a wagon with it. Since the tribe is permanently divided under the modern reservation system, individuals or small parties of the southern Arapaho frequently make the long journey by railroad and stage to the reservation in Wyoming in order to see and pray over the sĕicha, as it is impossible, on account of the ceremonial regulations, for the keeper to bring it down to them in the south.

So far as known, only one white man, Mr J. Roberts, formerly superintendent of the Arapaho school in Wyoming, has ever seen the sacred pipe, which was shown to him on one occasion by Weasel Bear as a special mark of gratitude in return for some kindness. After having spent several months among the southern Arapaho, from whom I learned the songs of the pipe with much as to its sacred history, I visited the messiah in Nevada and then went to the northern Arapaho in Wyoming, with great hope of seeing the sĕicha and hearing the tradition in full. On the strength of my intimate acquaintance with their relatives in the south and with their great messiah in the west, the chiefs and head-men were favorable to my purpose and encouraged me to hope, but on going out to the camp in the mountains, where nearly the whole tribe was then assembled cutting wood, my hopes were dashed to the ground the first night by hearing the old priest, Weasel Bear, making the public announcement in a loud voice throughout the camp that a white man was among them to learn about their sacred things, but that these belonged to the religion of the Indian and a white man had no business to ask about them. The chief and those who had been delegates to the messiah came in soon after to the tipi where I was stopping, to express their deep regret, but they were unable to change the resolution of Weasel Bear, and none of themselves would venture to repeat the tradition.

Ate′bĕ tiăwu′nănu′, nä′nisa′nă,Ate′bĕ tiăwu′nănu′, nä′nisa′nă,Ni′athu′ă′, Ni′athu′ă′,Ni′binu′ ga′awa′ti′na,Ni′binu′ ga′awa′ti′na.

Ate′bĕ tiăwu′nănu′, nä′nisa′nă,

Ni′athu′ă′, Ni′athu′ă′,

Ni′binu′ ga′awa′ti′na,

Ni′binu′ ga′awa′ti′na.

Translation

My children, when at first I liked the whites,My children, when at first I liked the whites,I gave them fruits,I gave them fruits.

My children, when at first I liked the whites,

I gave them fruits,

I gave them fruits.

This song referring to the whites was composed by Nawat or Left Hand, chief of the southern Arapaho, and can hardly be considered dangerous or treasonable in character. According to his statement, inhis trance vision of the other world the father showed him extensive orchards, telling him that in the beginning all these things had been given to the whites, but that hereafter they would be given to his children, the Indians.Nia′tha, pluralNia′thuă, the Arapaho name for the whites, signifies literally, expert, skillful, or wise.

A′bä′ni′hi′,A′bä′ni′hi′,Ätichä′bi′näsänă,Ätichä′bi′näsänă,Chi′chita′nĕ,Chi′chita′nĕ.

A′bä′ni′hi′,

Ätichä′bi′näsänă,

Chi′chita′nĕ,

Chi′chita′nĕ.

Translation

My partner, my partner,Let us go out gambling,Let us go out gambling,Atchi′chita′nĕ, atchi′chita′nĕ.

My partner, my partner,

Let us go out gambling,

Atchi′chita′nĕ, atchi′chita′nĕ.

Chi′chita′nĕis a favorite game of contest with the boys, in which the player, while holding in his hands a bow and an arrow ready to shoot, keeps in the hand which grasps the string a small wisp of grass bound with sinew. He lets this drop and tries to shoot it with the arrow before it touches the ground. The wisp is about the size of a man’s finger.

The song came from the north, and was suggested by a trance vision in which the dreamer saw his former boy friends playing this game in the spirit world.

A′-nisûna′a′hu′,A′-nisûna′a′hu′,Ä′chĭshinĭ′qahi′na,Ä′chĭshinĭ′qahi′na,E′hihä′sina′kăwu′hu′nĭt,E′hihä′sina′kăwu′hu′nĭt.

A′-nisûna′a′hu′,

Ä′chĭshinĭ′qahi′na,

E′hihä′sina′kăwu′hu′nĭt,

E′hihä′sina′kăwu′hu′nĭt.

Translation

My father, my father,While he was taking me around,While he was taking me around,He turned into a moose,He turned into a moose.

My father, my father,

While he was taking me around,

He turned into a moose,

He turned into a moose.

This song relates the trance experience of Waqui′si or “Ugly Face Woman.” In his vision of the spirit world he went into a large Arapaho camp, where he met his dead father, who took him around to the various tipis to meet others of his departed friends. While they were thus going about, a change came o’er the spirit of his dream, as so oftenhappens in this fevered mental condition, and instead of his father he found a moose standing by his side. Such transformations are frequently noted in the Ghost-dance songs.

PL. CXXARAPAHO BED

PL. CXX

ARAPAHO BED

E′yehe′! Wû′nayu′uhu′—E′yehe′! Wû′nayu′uhu′—A′ga′nă′,A′ga′nă′.

E′yehe′! Wû′nayu′uhu′—

A′ga′nă′,

A′ga′nă′.

Translation

E′yehe′!they are new—E′yehe′!they are new—The bed coverings,The bed coverings.

E′yehe′!they are new—

The bed coverings,

The bed coverings.

The composer of this song is a woman who, in her trance, was taken to a large camp where all the tipis were of clean new buffalo skins, and the beds and interior furniture were all in the same condition.

Fig. 89—Bed of the prairie tribes.

Fig. 90—Shinny stick and ball.

Fig. 91—Wakuna or head-feathers.

The bed of the prairie tribes is composed of slender willow rods, peeled, straightened with the teeth, laid side by side and fastened together into a sort of mat by means of buckskin or rawhide strings passed through holes at the ends of the rods. The bed is stretched upon a platform raised about a foot above the ground, and one end of the mat is raised up in hammock fashion by means of a tripod and buckskin hanger. The rods laid across the platform, forming the bed proper, are usually about 3½ or 4 feet long (the width of the bed), while those forming the upright part suspended from the tripod are shorter as theyapproach the top, where they are only about half that length. The bed is bordered with buckskin binding fringed and beaded, and the exposed rods are painted in bright colors. The hanging portion is distinct from the part resting upon the platform, and in some cases there is a hanger at each end of the bed. Over the platform portion are spread the buckskins and blankets, which form a couch by day and a bed by night. A pillow of buckskin, stuffed with buffalo hair and elaborately ornamented with beads or porcupine quills, is sometimes added. The bed is placed close up under the tipi. In the largest tipis there are usually three beds, one being opposite the doorway and the others on each side, the fire being built in a hole scooped out in the ground in the center of the lodge. They are used as seats during waking hours, while the ground, with a rawhide spread upon it, constitutes the only table at meal time (platecxxi;figure 89). In going to bed there is no undressing, each person as he becomes sleepy simply stretching out and drawing a blanket over himself, head and all, while the other occupants of the tipi continue their talking, singing, or other business until they too lie down to pleasant dreams.

Hi′sähi′hi, Hi′sähi′hi,Ha′nä ta′wŭnä ga′awă′ha,Ha′nä ta′wŭnä ga′awă′ha.A′tanä′tähinä′na,A′tanä′tähinä′na.

Hi′sähi′hi, Hi′sähi′hi,

Ha′nä ta′wŭnä ga′awă′ha,

Ha′nä ta′wŭnä ga′awă′ha.

A′tanä′tähinä′na,

A′tanä′tähinä′na.

Translation

My partner! My partner!Strike the ball hard—Strike the ball hard.I want to win,I want to win.

My partner! My partner!

Strike the ball hard—

Strike the ball hard.

I want to win,

I want to win.

This song refers to the woman’s game ofgû‛gă′hawa′tor “shinny,” played with curved sticks and a ball like a baseball, calledgaawă′ha,made of (buffalo) hair and covered with buckskin (figure 90). Two stakes are set up as goals at either end of the ground, and the object of each party is to drive the ball through the goals of the other. Each inning is a game. The song was composed by a woman, who met her former girl comrade in the spirit world and played this game with her against an opposing party.

Nä′nisa′na, Nä′nisa′na,Ä′-nani′ni′bi′nä′si waku′na,Ä′-nani′ni′bi′nä′si waku′na.Nä′nisa′na, Nä′nisa′na.

Nä′nisa′na, Nä′nisa′na,

Ä′-nani′ni′bi′nä′si waku′na,

Ä′-nani′ni′bi′nä′si waku′na.

Nä′nisa′na, Nä′nisa′na.

Translation

My children, my children,The wind makes the head-feathers sing—The wind makes the head-feathers sing.My children, my children.

My children, my children,

The wind makes the head-feathers sing—

The wind makes the head-feathers sing.

My children, my children.

By thewakunaor head-feathers (figure 91) is meant the two crow feathers mounted on a short stick and worn on the head by the leaders of the dance, as already described.

song[[audio/mpeg]MusicXML]

[[audio/mpeg]MusicXML]

He′! näne′th bi′shiqa′wă,He′! näne′th bi′shiqa′wă,Nä′nisa′na, Nä′nisa′na,Nä′ina′ha′tdä′bä′naq,Nä′ina′ha′tdä′bä′naq.

He′! näne′th bi′shiqa′wă,

Nä′nisa′na, Nä′nisa′na,

Nä′ina′ha′tdä′bä′naq,

Nä′ina′ha′tdä′bä′naq.

Translation

He!When I met him approaching—He!When I met him approaching—My children, my children—I then saw the multitude plainly,I then saw the multitude plainly.

He!When I met him approaching—

My children, my children—

I then saw the multitude plainly,

I then saw the multitude plainly.

This song was brought from the north to the southern Arapaho by Sitting Bull. It refers to the trance vision of a dancer, who saw themessiah advancing at the head of all the spirit army. It is an old favorite, and is sung with vigor and animation.

Nä′nisa′na, nä′nisa′na,Häna′na′wunănu ni′tawu′na′na′,Häna′na′wunănu ni′tawu′na′na′,Di′chin niănita′wa′thi,Di′chin niănita′wa′thi.Nithi′na hesûna′nĭn,Nithi′na hesûna′nĭn.

Nä′nisa′na, nä′nisa′na,

Häna′na′wunănu ni′tawu′na′na′,

Di′chin niănita′wa′thi,

Di′chin niănita′wa′thi.

Nithi′na hesûna′nĭn,

Nithi′na hesûna′nĭn.

Translation

My children, my children,I take pity on those who have been taught,I take pity on those who have been taught,Because they push on hard,Because they push on hard.Says our father,Says our father.

My children, my children,

I take pity on those who have been taught,

Because they push on hard,

Because they push on hard.

Says our father,

Says our father.

This is a message from the messiah to persevere in the dance. In the expressive idiom of the prairie tribes, as also in the sign language, the term for persevering signifies to “push hard.”

A-ni′qu wa′wanä′nibä′tia′—Hi′ni′ni′!A-ni′qu wa′wanä′nibä′tia′—Hi′ni′ni′!Hi′niqa′agayetu′sa,Hi′niqa′agayetu′sa,Hi′ni ni′nitu′sa nibä′tia—Hi′ni′ni′!Hi′ni ni′nitu′sa nibä′tia—Hi′ni′ni′!

A-ni′qu wa′wanä′nibä′tia′—Hi′ni′ni′!

Hi′niqa′agayetu′sa,

Hi′ni ni′nitu′sa nibä′tia—Hi′ni′ni′!

Translation

Father, now I am singing it—Hi′ni′ni!Father, now I am singing it—Hi′ni′ni!That loudest song of all,That loudest song of all—That resounding song—Hi′ni′ni!That resounding song—Hi′ni′ni!

Father, now I am singing it—Hi′ni′ni!

That loudest song of all,

That loudest song of all—

That resounding song—Hi′ni′ni!

This is another of the old favorites. The rolling effect of the vocalic Arapaho syllables renders it particularly sonorous when sung by a full chorus.Ni′qaora-ni′qu, “father,” is a term of reverential affection, about equivalent to “our father” in the Lord’s prayer. The ordinary word ishesûna′nin, fromnisû′na, “my father.”

Ha′yana′-usi′ya′!Ha′yana′-usi′ya′!Bi′ga ta′cha′wagu′na,Bi′ga ta′cha′wagu′na.

Ha′yana′-usi′ya′!

Bi′ga ta′cha′wagu′na,

Bi′ga ta′cha′wagu′na.

Translation

How bright is the moonlight!How bright is the moonlight!Tonight as I ride with my load of buffalo beef,Tonight as I ride with my load of buffalo beef.

How bright is the moonlight!

Tonight as I ride with my load of buffalo beef,

Tonight as I ride with my load of buffalo beef.

The author of this song, on meeting his friends in the spirit world, found them preparing to go on a great buffalo hunt, the prairies of the new earth being covered with the countless thousands of buffalo that have been swept from the plains since the advent of the white man. They returned to camp at night, under the full moonlight, with their ponies loaded down with fresh beef. There is something peculiarly touching in this dream of the old life—this Indian heaven where—

“In meadows wet with moistening dews,In garments for the chase arrayed,The hunter still the deer pursues—The hunter and the deer a shade.”

“In meadows wet with moistening dews,

In garments for the chase arrayed,

The hunter still the deer pursues—

The hunter and the deer a shade.”

Ha′ti ni′bät—E′he′eye′!Ha′ti ni′bät—E′he′eye′!Nä′nibä′tawa′,Nä′nibä′tawa′,He′yäya′ahe′ye!He′yäya′ahe′ye!

Ha′ti ni′bät—E′he′eye′!

Nä′nibä′tawa′,

He′yäya′ahe′ye!

Translation

The cottonwood song—E′he′eye′!The cottonwood song—E′he′eye′!I am singing it,I am singing it,He′yäya′ahe′ye!He′yäya′ahe′ye!

The cottonwood song—E′he′eye′!

I am singing it,

He′yäya′ahe′ye!

The cottonwood (Populus monilifera) is the most characteristic tree of the plains and of the arid region between the Rockies and the Sierras. It is a species of poplar and takes its name from the white downy blossom fronds, resembling cotton, which come out upon it in the spring. The cottonwood and a species of stunted oak, with the mesquite in the south, are almost the only trees to be found upon the great plains extending from the Saskatchewan southward into Texas. As it never grows out upon the open, but always close along the borders of the few streams, it is an unfailing indication of water either on or near the surface, in a region well-nigh waterless. Between the bark and the wood there is a sweet milky juice of which the Indians are very fond—as one who had been educated in the east said, “It is their ice cream”—and they frequently strip off the bark and scrape the trunk in order to procure it. Horses also are fond of this sweet juice, and in seasons when the grass has been burned off or is otherwise scarce, theIndian ponies sometimes resort to the small twigs and bark of the cottonwood to sustain life. In extreme cases their owners have sometimes been driven to the same shift. In winter the camps of the prairie tribes are removed from the open prairie to the shelter of the cottonwood timber along the streams. The tree is held almost sacred, and the sun-dance lodge is usually or always constructed of cottonwood saplings.

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