Chapter 8

COLONIAL COURT-HOUSE. PHILADELPHIA, 1707.COLONIAL COURT-HOUSE. PHILADELPHIA, 1707.

THE HOUSEHOLD HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES AND ITS PEOPLE.For Young Americans.ByEdward Eggleston. Richly illustrated with 350 Drawings, 75 Maps, etc. Square 8vo. Cloth, $2.50.

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INDIAN’S TRAP.INDIAN’S TRAP.

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GENERAL PUTNAM.GENERAL PUTNAM.

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JOHN BACH MCMASTER.JOHN BACH MCMASTER.

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CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.

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IMAGE FOUND AT SANTO DOMINGO.IMAGE FOUND AT SANTO DOMINGO.

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FOOTNOTES:[1]While we may look for the former treasure region in Sumatra, the latest researches make it probable that Ophir represented not only Sofala, but also the coasts and interior of East Africa south of it, including Mozambique, Monomotapa, and the country of the ruins of Zimbabue (Mashonaland). This conclusion appears more credible than the opinion persistently maintained by Montesino that Ophir was Peru. The difficulties of a long sea-voyage from Ezion-Geber to the western coast of South America would be partly removed if we could accept Professor Haeckel’s hypothesis of a continent of Lemuria having once stood in the Indian Ocean, and should also suppose the Western Atlantis to have existed—which the natives of Australia sought in the eastern part of their quarter of the globe.[2]Journal of the Admiral, published by Navarrete, from the “Historia apologética de las Indias” of Bartolomeo de Las Casas, MSS. at Madrid.[3]Decada iii.[4]Emeralds may also have been shown to the Spaniards then; for in the capitulation with Ojeda, on his second voyage, July 5, 1501, islands are mentioned, near Quiquevacoa, on the mainland, where the green stones were of which specimens had been brought to him. Quiquevacoa, or Coquivacoa, was the Indian name for the country around the Gulf of Venezuela.[5]The name of “The Rich Coast,” Costa Rica, is still attached to that part of Central America north of Chiriqui.[6]Ojeda and Diego de Nicuesa.[7]Quintana, and Herrera, dec. i. lib. x. cap. iii.[8]The discovery of Mexico by Córdova and its conquest afterward by Cortés affected the Spanish colonies south of the Isthmus very little. The influence of the colonization of the Mexican table-land extended no farther than to Yucatan, Guatemala, and a part of Honduras. The booty which the Spaniards gained there, partly in gold, was not great. The presents which the chiefs at Tenochtitlan sent to the seacoast to Cortés were lost at sea, and all the treasures which the Mexicans had accumulated in their great “pueblo” in the lagoon were ruined by the inundation during the retreat of July 1, 1519, or were burned during the subsequent attack.[9]Decada i., p. 267.[10]“Relacion de los sucesos de Pedrarias Davila,” etc.[11]“Historia general del nuevo Reyno de Granada, 1688.”[12]Zamora treats these ceremonies as fabulous, but they are vouched for by Piedrahita, Pedro Simon, and others, as having once existed.[13]A group of ten golden figures has been found in the lagoon of Siecha, representing thebalsawith thedorado.[14]Bacatá—the extreme cultivated land.[15]Dec. iv. lib. iv. cap. i., p. 101.[16]Dr. Clements R. Markham supposes, following Oviedo y Baños (“Historia de Venezuela,” 1728), that Dalfinger died from a wound in 1530; but this appears to be erroneous, as is the assertion, too, of the same author that Dalfinger got no farther than the Rio Cesar. As to the latter point, Herrera, who is very exact in relating the deeds of the Europeans, mentions very plainly his reaching the cool country (adonde halló tierra fria). Dalfinger’s death can hardly have taken place before 1532. Nicolaus Federmann, Dalfinger’s provincial successor, says that he went to San Domingo in 1530 to be cured of a fever. When Federmann returned, in 1532, from his first expedition (southward to the plain of Meta), the governor was still living. Herrera’s statement (dec. iv. lib. ii. cap. ii.) that Dalfinger died at Coro in 1532 is the probable one. Federmann went back to Europe, but we shall see him later seeking for thedorado. Hans Seissenhoffer (Juan Aleman) succeeded him as governor of Coro, but died soon afterward without having undertaken anything. His successor, Georg von Speyer, was likewise inactive till the year 1535.[17]Called Motolinia, “the poor” “Historia de los Indios de Nueva España.”[18]“Hist. gen. y nat. de Indias,” lib. xxiv. cap. i.[19]Herrera, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. i.[20]The knowledge of this river was so imperfect at this time that we cannot be sure this statement is correct, although Herrera says (dec. iv. lib. x. cap. ix.): “Diego de Ordás reached the Rio Marañon with the intention of beginning his explorations there.”[21]Fromarna, tiger.[22]Herrera, dec. iv. lib. x. cap. x.[23]Oviedo, lib. xxiv. cap. vii.[24]According to Oviedo there were two San Miguels: the “house of contention,” where D’Ortal landed, “en aquel golpho é costa de Paria” (lib. xxxiv. cap. viii.); and the later San Miguel de Neveri, east of Piritú. Oviedo and Herrera do not agree concerning the latter post.[25]Huyapari was one of the many names of the Orinoco. It is also written Biapari and Uiapari.[26]The height of water in the Orinoco in the interior of Guiana varies from twenty-eight to thirty-four feet annually.[27]Oviedo.[28]Oviedo, lib. xxiv. cap. xv.[29]Oviedo, lib. xxiv. cap. xvi.[30]“Relacion de Nicolaus Federmann le Jeune,” cap. ii. Translated by Ternaux-Compans. The original was printed at Haguenau in 1557. We here follow almost exclusively the story of Federmann himself. Oviedo does not mention Federmann’s next campaign, but says that he was in Coro during the rest of Dalfinger’s life. Herrera also says nothing about it. Hence his own account is our only authority.[31]Probably near the present Barquicimeto.[32]We should add to this that nobody but Federmann mentions these dwarfs.[33]They are: Ananas; Cobéus (man-eater); Piraiurus (fish-snout); Pisas (net); Tapurus (tapir); Uaracus (fish); Tucunderas (ant); Jacamis (trumpet-bird); Mucuras (opossum); Taiassus (hog); Tijucos (mud); Arapassos (woodpecker); Tucanas (pepper-eater); Uacarras (crane); Ipecas (duck); Gis (axe); Coua (wasp); Corocoro (green ibis); Armadillos (armadillo); Tatus; Penimbucas (ashes). These names are somewhat similar to the designations which the Iroquois chose for their gentes, and prove, by the use of the names of peculiar animals, that the tribe of the Uaupés was certainly formed or divided up within tropical America.[34]This story related to the unfortunate expedition of Herrera.[35]The former sings in “Araucana” of Chili; the latter of La Plata in “Argentina.”[36]Dec. v. lib. viii. cap. xiv.[37]Father Gumilla says likewise in “El Orinoco ilustrado,” etc.: “Reports concerning the gilded king were current from the earliest times of the conquest at Santa Marta, as well as on the coast of Venezuela.”[38]As Fray Pedro Simon records in the fragment of his “Noticias historiales” printed by Lord Kingsborough.[39]In this act he abused his powers, which only permitted him to concede the whole government of Peru at pleasure, while single districts were put under the direction of commanders who could not be changed by him. See Herrera, dec. vi. lib. iii. cap. xi., and lib. viii. cap. vi.[40]Herrera, dec. vi. lib. viii. cap. vi.[41]It was probably the black cinnamon which Balmont de Bomaré” in his “Dictionnaire d’Histoire Naturelle” of 1765 calls “Canelle geroflée, Capelet ou Bois de Crabe.”[42]Oviedo says 230; Zarate, 200, and 4000 Indians.[43]“Historia del Descubrimiento y de la Conquista del Peru.”[44]“Une Barca llena de Bastimento.”[45]Fray Gaspar de Carvajal, a Dominican, who went in Orellana’s voyage, says that the current was so strong that they travelled twenty-five leagues a day.[46]On which a contemporary, Gómara, in his “Historia General de las Indias,” division, “Rio de Orellana,” lays special emphasis.[47]The later Peruvian fable of the Paytiti is connected, as Von Humboldt has justly remarked, with the last concerted efforts of the Inca tribe to hold its position on the upper tributaries of the Amazon, and has therefore no connection the realdoradolegend.[48]Herrera, dec. vii. lib. iv. cap. xii.[49]Oviedo, lib. xxvi. cap. xxx.[50]According to Oviedo (lib. xxv. cap. xvi.), 1262 pesos for the men and 1700 pesos for Von Speyer.[51]Oviedo quotes from a report of Von Speyer’s dated Coro, October 9, 1538, which has not since received any attention. Possibly it no longer exists.[52]Benzoni, “Storia di Nuovo Mondo,” etc., says that Von Speyer came to a tragical end, and was murdered in bed by the Spaniards. There is no further evidence on this point. Benzoni was in America, it is true, from 1541 to 1556, but his statements have not nearly the value of those of Oviedo, who was very much interested in Von Speyer, was personally acquainted with him, and would at least have spoken of such a crime with indignation, especially as Benzoni himself says the King of Spain caused the murderers to be punished. Benzoni has probably confounded Von Speyer’s death with some later bloody event.[53]Oviedo.[54]It appears that Welser’s agents were, besides, creditors of most of the soldiers who went in this campaign, so that their interests commanded them to give the men all possible assistance, in order that they might recover what was due them.[55]Herrera, dec. vi. lib. ix. cap. iii.[56]Lib. l. cap. xxiv.[57]“El Nuevo Descubrimiento del gran Rio de las Amazonas,” Madrid, 1664.[58]“Historia del reyno de Quito.”[59]The third of the able monsters of that name who lived in South America in the middle of the sixteenth century.[60]“Noticias historiales” Part I., Noticia VI., cap. i.[61]Cap. xviii.[62]Cap. xxiii.[63]“Hist. Nat. general de las Indias,” lib. ii. cap. vi.[64]The Bay of Santa Cruz, in the present State of Florida, appears to have been the point where Narvaez landed.[65]This province comprised the undefined northwest of Mexico, while New Biscay included the northeast, on the coast of the Mexican gulf.[66]Mar del Sur, the Pacific Ocean, in distinction fromMar del Norte, the Northern Sea, the name by which the Atlantic Ocean was known in the sixteenth century.[67]Particularly the first syllable,Bac, a corruption ofBat Ki—old house—as it often appears in the names of places in Arizona, e.g.,San Xavier del Bac,Tubac, etc.[68]The large former settlement of the Opatas at Casas Grandes, at the western foot of the Sierra Madre in Chihuahua, cannot be considered in connection with this discussion, for it was called “Hue-hueri-gi-ta,” and was already deserted in the sixteenth century.[69]The application by the whites of foreign names to Indian tribes is very frequent in America.[70]We may remark further that interchanges ofbandvwere common with the early Spanish writers, and that Fray Marcos de Nizza was a Piedmontese, who, writing in the Italian style, wroteCifor the EnglishChi; thus the similarity between Shiuano and Chivola becomes greater, and the difference limits itself to such a confusion of sounds and such exchanges of letters arising from it as are often and strikingly exemplified in the Indian names of places in New Mexico; for example, in the Tehua language,Ta-uiintoTaos; in the Queres,Pa-goorPa-yo-qo-naintoPecos,HamishintoJemez,Qo-tyi-tiintoCochiti; the Tigua wordTuth-la-nayintoTutahaco;SarayintoXalay,Na-si-apintoNapeya; the Zuñi namesMu-guaintoMoqui,HacuquaintoAcuco. It is therefore not unreasonable to suppose that the name Cibola, as the Italian monk heard and pronounced it, was strikingly similar to the word in the Zuñi language that denotes the Zuñi country; therefore this first linguistic clue suggests that the “seven cities of Cibola” may be sought in the region of Zuñi.[71]They are also known in Sonora as Névomé.[72]As they still did at the beginning of this century.[73]Then calledMar Vermejo, the Red Sea. It was navigated for the first time by Francisco de Ulloa, in 1539.[74]Properly, uninhabited region—“desierto.”[75]Casteñeda’s work was not printed till 1838, and then in a French translation.[76]The earliest documentary data on the subject are of 1655.[77]A former mission, which the Apaches burned in 1836, and in the place of which stands a miserable hamlet.[78]The same who in his time had so inhospitably received Cabeza de Vaca and his companions.[79]It appears that he did not return to Sonora.[80]The Zuñi call them Mu-qua, whence the word Moqui is derived.[81]These helmets, or, rather, leather caps, are still in use among the Pueblos. They belong to the aboriginal equipment for war.[82]It is doubtful whether the Zuñis at that time took part in the periodical buffalo-hunts which the Pueblo Indians farther east still engaged in as late as 1881.[83]Vol. i. of the “Papers of the Archæological Institute of America,” 1883.[84]Casteñeda says he was a slave, but that is not correct. He did not belong to the tribe, and had attached himself to a family, but he was not and could not be a slave, according to the custom of the Pueblos. Every Indian has a right to be a permanent guest with them.[85]Blue turquois is rare.[86]Available only as a pigment on account of the difficulty of working it.[87]Santa Fé was not founded till ten years later.[88]The legend stands in the Martyrology under date of the 30th of November, but Gonzaga (“Orígen de la religion seráfica,” 1587, Part I., p. 105) is mistaken when he says that the event happened in the year 1560. Mota-Padilla depends on the manuscript of Don Pedro de Tobar, who fixes the date at 1542, which agrees closely with the statements of the monk’s contemporaries—Casteñeda’s error excepted.[89]Tlascala is only twenty-five miles from Cholula.[90]Five or six thousand according to his two letters, 2000 according to Bernal Diaz del Castillo, and 40,000 according to Andrés del Tápia.[91]Called by Gabriel de Rojas, Aquiach and Tlalquiach.[92]Tápia’s account is of much later date, and Bernal Diaz composed his history nearly fifty years after the massacre of Cholula.[93]See the chapter on Cibola.[94]Page 230.[95]Page 236.[96]I saw the head of one of them, which was for 800 pesos—a large sum for the conditions in New Mexico at that time.

FOOTNOTES:

[1]While we may look for the former treasure region in Sumatra, the latest researches make it probable that Ophir represented not only Sofala, but also the coasts and interior of East Africa south of it, including Mozambique, Monomotapa, and the country of the ruins of Zimbabue (Mashonaland). This conclusion appears more credible than the opinion persistently maintained by Montesino that Ophir was Peru. The difficulties of a long sea-voyage from Ezion-Geber to the western coast of South America would be partly removed if we could accept Professor Haeckel’s hypothesis of a continent of Lemuria having once stood in the Indian Ocean, and should also suppose the Western Atlantis to have existed—which the natives of Australia sought in the eastern part of their quarter of the globe.

[2]Journal of the Admiral, published by Navarrete, from the “Historia apologética de las Indias” of Bartolomeo de Las Casas, MSS. at Madrid.

[3]Decada iii.

[4]Emeralds may also have been shown to the Spaniards then; for in the capitulation with Ojeda, on his second voyage, July 5, 1501, islands are mentioned, near Quiquevacoa, on the mainland, where the green stones were of which specimens had been brought to him. Quiquevacoa, or Coquivacoa, was the Indian name for the country around the Gulf of Venezuela.

[5]The name of “The Rich Coast,” Costa Rica, is still attached to that part of Central America north of Chiriqui.

[6]Ojeda and Diego de Nicuesa.

[7]Quintana, and Herrera, dec. i. lib. x. cap. iii.

[8]The discovery of Mexico by Córdova and its conquest afterward by Cortés affected the Spanish colonies south of the Isthmus very little. The influence of the colonization of the Mexican table-land extended no farther than to Yucatan, Guatemala, and a part of Honduras. The booty which the Spaniards gained there, partly in gold, was not great. The presents which the chiefs at Tenochtitlan sent to the seacoast to Cortés were lost at sea, and all the treasures which the Mexicans had accumulated in their great “pueblo” in the lagoon were ruined by the inundation during the retreat of July 1, 1519, or were burned during the subsequent attack.

[9]Decada i., p. 267.

[10]“Relacion de los sucesos de Pedrarias Davila,” etc.

[11]“Historia general del nuevo Reyno de Granada, 1688.”

[12]Zamora treats these ceremonies as fabulous, but they are vouched for by Piedrahita, Pedro Simon, and others, as having once existed.

[13]A group of ten golden figures has been found in the lagoon of Siecha, representing thebalsawith thedorado.

[14]Bacatá—the extreme cultivated land.

[15]Dec. iv. lib. iv. cap. i., p. 101.

[16]Dr. Clements R. Markham supposes, following Oviedo y Baños (“Historia de Venezuela,” 1728), that Dalfinger died from a wound in 1530; but this appears to be erroneous, as is the assertion, too, of the same author that Dalfinger got no farther than the Rio Cesar. As to the latter point, Herrera, who is very exact in relating the deeds of the Europeans, mentions very plainly his reaching the cool country (adonde halló tierra fria). Dalfinger’s death can hardly have taken place before 1532. Nicolaus Federmann, Dalfinger’s provincial successor, says that he went to San Domingo in 1530 to be cured of a fever. When Federmann returned, in 1532, from his first expedition (southward to the plain of Meta), the governor was still living. Herrera’s statement (dec. iv. lib. ii. cap. ii.) that Dalfinger died at Coro in 1532 is the probable one. Federmann went back to Europe, but we shall see him later seeking for thedorado. Hans Seissenhoffer (Juan Aleman) succeeded him as governor of Coro, but died soon afterward without having undertaken anything. His successor, Georg von Speyer, was likewise inactive till the year 1535.

[17]Called Motolinia, “the poor” “Historia de los Indios de Nueva España.”

[18]“Hist. gen. y nat. de Indias,” lib. xxiv. cap. i.

[19]Herrera, dec. v. lib. ii. cap. i.

[20]The knowledge of this river was so imperfect at this time that we cannot be sure this statement is correct, although Herrera says (dec. iv. lib. x. cap. ix.): “Diego de Ordás reached the Rio Marañon with the intention of beginning his explorations there.”

[21]Fromarna, tiger.

[22]Herrera, dec. iv. lib. x. cap. x.

[23]Oviedo, lib. xxiv. cap. vii.

[24]According to Oviedo there were two San Miguels: the “house of contention,” where D’Ortal landed, “en aquel golpho é costa de Paria” (lib. xxxiv. cap. viii.); and the later San Miguel de Neveri, east of Piritú. Oviedo and Herrera do not agree concerning the latter post.

[25]Huyapari was one of the many names of the Orinoco. It is also written Biapari and Uiapari.

[26]The height of water in the Orinoco in the interior of Guiana varies from twenty-eight to thirty-four feet annually.

[27]Oviedo.

[28]Oviedo, lib. xxiv. cap. xv.

[29]Oviedo, lib. xxiv. cap. xvi.

[30]“Relacion de Nicolaus Federmann le Jeune,” cap. ii. Translated by Ternaux-Compans. The original was printed at Haguenau in 1557. We here follow almost exclusively the story of Federmann himself. Oviedo does not mention Federmann’s next campaign, but says that he was in Coro during the rest of Dalfinger’s life. Herrera also says nothing about it. Hence his own account is our only authority.

[31]Probably near the present Barquicimeto.

[32]We should add to this that nobody but Federmann mentions these dwarfs.

[33]They are: Ananas; Cobéus (man-eater); Piraiurus (fish-snout); Pisas (net); Tapurus (tapir); Uaracus (fish); Tucunderas (ant); Jacamis (trumpet-bird); Mucuras (opossum); Taiassus (hog); Tijucos (mud); Arapassos (woodpecker); Tucanas (pepper-eater); Uacarras (crane); Ipecas (duck); Gis (axe); Coua (wasp); Corocoro (green ibis); Armadillos (armadillo); Tatus; Penimbucas (ashes). These names are somewhat similar to the designations which the Iroquois chose for their gentes, and prove, by the use of the names of peculiar animals, that the tribe of the Uaupés was certainly formed or divided up within tropical America.

[34]This story related to the unfortunate expedition of Herrera.

[35]The former sings in “Araucana” of Chili; the latter of La Plata in “Argentina.”

[36]Dec. v. lib. viii. cap. xiv.

[37]Father Gumilla says likewise in “El Orinoco ilustrado,” etc.: “Reports concerning the gilded king were current from the earliest times of the conquest at Santa Marta, as well as on the coast of Venezuela.”

[38]As Fray Pedro Simon records in the fragment of his “Noticias historiales” printed by Lord Kingsborough.

[39]In this act he abused his powers, which only permitted him to concede the whole government of Peru at pleasure, while single districts were put under the direction of commanders who could not be changed by him. See Herrera, dec. vi. lib. iii. cap. xi., and lib. viii. cap. vi.

[40]Herrera, dec. vi. lib. viii. cap. vi.

[41]It was probably the black cinnamon which Balmont de Bomaré” in his “Dictionnaire d’Histoire Naturelle” of 1765 calls “Canelle geroflée, Capelet ou Bois de Crabe.”

[42]Oviedo says 230; Zarate, 200, and 4000 Indians.

[43]“Historia del Descubrimiento y de la Conquista del Peru.”

[44]“Une Barca llena de Bastimento.”

[45]Fray Gaspar de Carvajal, a Dominican, who went in Orellana’s voyage, says that the current was so strong that they travelled twenty-five leagues a day.

[46]On which a contemporary, Gómara, in his “Historia General de las Indias,” division, “Rio de Orellana,” lays special emphasis.

[47]The later Peruvian fable of the Paytiti is connected, as Von Humboldt has justly remarked, with the last concerted efforts of the Inca tribe to hold its position on the upper tributaries of the Amazon, and has therefore no connection the realdoradolegend.

[48]Herrera, dec. vii. lib. iv. cap. xii.

[49]Oviedo, lib. xxvi. cap. xxx.

[50]According to Oviedo (lib. xxv. cap. xvi.), 1262 pesos for the men and 1700 pesos for Von Speyer.

[51]Oviedo quotes from a report of Von Speyer’s dated Coro, October 9, 1538, which has not since received any attention. Possibly it no longer exists.

[52]Benzoni, “Storia di Nuovo Mondo,” etc., says that Von Speyer came to a tragical end, and was murdered in bed by the Spaniards. There is no further evidence on this point. Benzoni was in America, it is true, from 1541 to 1556, but his statements have not nearly the value of those of Oviedo, who was very much interested in Von Speyer, was personally acquainted with him, and would at least have spoken of such a crime with indignation, especially as Benzoni himself says the King of Spain caused the murderers to be punished. Benzoni has probably confounded Von Speyer’s death with some later bloody event.

[53]Oviedo.

[54]It appears that Welser’s agents were, besides, creditors of most of the soldiers who went in this campaign, so that their interests commanded them to give the men all possible assistance, in order that they might recover what was due them.

[55]Herrera, dec. vi. lib. ix. cap. iii.

[56]Lib. l. cap. xxiv.

[57]“El Nuevo Descubrimiento del gran Rio de las Amazonas,” Madrid, 1664.

[58]“Historia del reyno de Quito.”

[59]The third of the able monsters of that name who lived in South America in the middle of the sixteenth century.

[60]“Noticias historiales” Part I., Noticia VI., cap. i.

[61]Cap. xviii.

[62]Cap. xxiii.

[63]“Hist. Nat. general de las Indias,” lib. ii. cap. vi.

[64]The Bay of Santa Cruz, in the present State of Florida, appears to have been the point where Narvaez landed.

[65]This province comprised the undefined northwest of Mexico, while New Biscay included the northeast, on the coast of the Mexican gulf.

[66]Mar del Sur, the Pacific Ocean, in distinction fromMar del Norte, the Northern Sea, the name by which the Atlantic Ocean was known in the sixteenth century.

[67]Particularly the first syllable,Bac, a corruption ofBat Ki—old house—as it often appears in the names of places in Arizona, e.g.,San Xavier del Bac,Tubac, etc.

[68]The large former settlement of the Opatas at Casas Grandes, at the western foot of the Sierra Madre in Chihuahua, cannot be considered in connection with this discussion, for it was called “Hue-hueri-gi-ta,” and was already deserted in the sixteenth century.

[69]The application by the whites of foreign names to Indian tribes is very frequent in America.

[70]We may remark further that interchanges ofbandvwere common with the early Spanish writers, and that Fray Marcos de Nizza was a Piedmontese, who, writing in the Italian style, wroteCifor the EnglishChi; thus the similarity between Shiuano and Chivola becomes greater, and the difference limits itself to such a confusion of sounds and such exchanges of letters arising from it as are often and strikingly exemplified in the Indian names of places in New Mexico; for example, in the Tehua language,Ta-uiintoTaos; in the Queres,Pa-goorPa-yo-qo-naintoPecos,HamishintoJemez,Qo-tyi-tiintoCochiti; the Tigua wordTuth-la-nayintoTutahaco;SarayintoXalay,Na-si-apintoNapeya; the Zuñi namesMu-guaintoMoqui,HacuquaintoAcuco. It is therefore not unreasonable to suppose that the name Cibola, as the Italian monk heard and pronounced it, was strikingly similar to the word in the Zuñi language that denotes the Zuñi country; therefore this first linguistic clue suggests that the “seven cities of Cibola” may be sought in the region of Zuñi.

[71]They are also known in Sonora as Névomé.

[72]As they still did at the beginning of this century.

[73]Then calledMar Vermejo, the Red Sea. It was navigated for the first time by Francisco de Ulloa, in 1539.

[74]Properly, uninhabited region—“desierto.”

[75]Casteñeda’s work was not printed till 1838, and then in a French translation.

[76]The earliest documentary data on the subject are of 1655.

[77]A former mission, which the Apaches burned in 1836, and in the place of which stands a miserable hamlet.

[78]The same who in his time had so inhospitably received Cabeza de Vaca and his companions.

[79]It appears that he did not return to Sonora.

[80]The Zuñi call them Mu-qua, whence the word Moqui is derived.

[81]These helmets, or, rather, leather caps, are still in use among the Pueblos. They belong to the aboriginal equipment for war.

[82]It is doubtful whether the Zuñis at that time took part in the periodical buffalo-hunts which the Pueblo Indians farther east still engaged in as late as 1881.

[83]Vol. i. of the “Papers of the Archæological Institute of America,” 1883.

[84]Casteñeda says he was a slave, but that is not correct. He did not belong to the tribe, and had attached himself to a family, but he was not and could not be a slave, according to the custom of the Pueblos. Every Indian has a right to be a permanent guest with them.

[85]Blue turquois is rare.

[86]Available only as a pigment on account of the difficulty of working it.

[87]Santa Fé was not founded till ten years later.

[88]The legend stands in the Martyrology under date of the 30th of November, but Gonzaga (“Orígen de la religion seráfica,” 1587, Part I., p. 105) is mistaken when he says that the event happened in the year 1560. Mota-Padilla depends on the manuscript of Don Pedro de Tobar, who fixes the date at 1542, which agrees closely with the statements of the monk’s contemporaries—Casteñeda’s error excepted.

[89]Tlascala is only twenty-five miles from Cholula.

[90]Five or six thousand according to his two letters, 2000 according to Bernal Diaz del Castillo, and 40,000 according to Andrés del Tápia.

[91]Called by Gabriel de Rojas, Aquiach and Tlalquiach.

[92]Tápia’s account is of much later date, and Bernal Diaz composed his history nearly fifty years after the massacre of Cholula.

[93]See the chapter on Cibola.

[94]Page 230.

[95]Page 236.

[96]I saw the head of one of them, which was for 800 pesos—a large sum for the conditions in New Mexico at that time.

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