FOOTNOTES:

The Fiscal Question.

A proof of the small importance attached to the votes is furnished by the history of the movement for fair trade or preferential tariffs. Resolutions in favour of such a policy were passed over and over again, but they did not bring the question even within the range of active political issues until Mr. Chamberlain made his speech on the subject to his constituents at Birmingham in the spring of 1903. The meeting of the Conference at Sheffield in the following October then awoke a real interest; and yet the proceedings at that very meeting show how the National Union shrank from a decided stand at a critical moment. The situation was extraordinary. Mr. Chamberlain had taken his stand for a preferential tariff in favour of the colonies, including a duty on grain, and had recently resigned from the cabinet to advocate his views more freely before the country; while other ministers had resigned because they could not abandon the principle of free trade. Mr. Balfour had expressed no definite opinion, and was expected to make a statement on the subject at a public meeting after the close of the first day's session of the Union. Under these circumstances a resolution was placed upon the agenda which stated the need for reconsidering the fiscal system, thanked the Prime Minister for instituting an inquiry on the subject, and welcomed the policy of retaliatory tariffs he had foreshadowed. To this Mr. Chaplin moved a rider favouring explicitly Mr. Chamberlain's views; while Sir John Gorst stood ready to move another against any protective duty on food. During the afternoon the fiscal question was hotly debated, and, judging by the way the free trade speakers were interrupted, a large majority of those presentmust have agreed with Mr. Chamberlain's opinions; but in order not to pass a vote before hearing the Prime Minister, the debate was adjourned until the following day.

In the evening Mr. Balfour declared himself in favour of a retaliatory tariff as a means of commercial bargaining with other nations, but said that a tax on food was not within the limits of practical politics. When the debate was resumed the next morning, Mr. Chaplin withdrew his rider, on the ground that it might look like a resolution hostile to the Prime Minister; and Sir John Gorst said that Mr. Balfour's statement was so far satisfactory that he should make no motion. Thus the sharp differences of opinion that seethed in the Conference were calmed on the surface, and the original resolution was adopted unanimously, only a couple of staunch free traders abstaining from the vote. If ever an English political organisation had a chance to determine the policy of the party it was on this occasion, and a decisive majority was undoubtedly on Mr. Chaplin's side. Yet this Conference which had often voted for fair trade when the ministers would have none of it, shrank from saying what it thought when the ministers were undecided. A stronger proof could hardly be found that the National Union is powerless to direct the policy of the party.

The Organisation Breaks Down after 1903.

Although the popular character of the National Union was unreal, as regards both administrative machinery and the formulation of political opinion, the system worked well so long as the Conservatives were in the ascendent, and Captain Middleton remained in control. But he had concentrated the whole management so completely in his own hands that the machinery could not run smoothly of itself after he retired in 1903. His successor, instead of consulting the officers of the Union, proceeded as if the Central Office was all-powerful, and thus lost touch with the Union and the local associations. Moreover, the sub-agents in some of the divisions were not wisely chosen, and caused friction rather than harmony in the party. Complaints became loud, and found expression at the meeting of theConference at Newcastle in November, 1905, where a resolution was adopted "that in the opinion of this Conference the management of the Central Conservative Association in London is defective, and needs revising; and for this purpose a popularly elected committee should be appointed to coöperate with the Conservative Whips." The principal agent thereupon resigned; and the resolution of the Conference, followed by the disastrous defeat at the general election in the January following, led to another reorganisation of the party in 1906.

When a ministry that has been in power is beaten at the polls, much of the blame is always laid at the door of the party organisation, and a cry is raised for its reform upon a more democratic basis. The movement on this occasion is interesting enough to merit a little study, because it furnishes the latest illustration of the way a demand for popular control within the party is constantly cropping up in England, and of the obstacles that it meets. As in earlier cases, the party machinery was not so largely responsible as some people asserted. Still it had fallen out of repair. Besides the dislocation at headquarters, the local associations had been neglected in many places; many Tory members of Parliament having come to feel that the country was normally Conservative, and that their own seats were safe, had done little or nothing to keep the local organisations in working order; while for a time some associations had not dared to meet, knowing that any discussion would bring to light sharp differences of opinion on the question of fiscal policy.

Changes of 1906.

The election of January, 1906, was no sooner over than the whips and the officers of the National Union set to work to overhaul the party machinery. In the first place they created an advisory committee of seven persons, charged, indeed, with no executive powers, but with the duty of advising the whip, and thus keeping the leaders in touch with the currents of opinion in the party. The committee consisted of the chief whip, three persons selected by him, andthree chosen by the National Union.[566:1]In the second place they transferred a number of functions from the Central Office to the Union, together with a staff of clerks to carry them out, and a grant of money from the funds to defray the expense; the most important function so transferred being the entire supervision of local organisations, the supply of speakers over the country, and the publication of party literature, the last two of these having been hitherto only to a very small extent in the hands of the Union. They worked out also a plan for changes in the organisation of the National Union itself, which were discussed and adopted at a special conference in London.

The Conference in July.

The Conference met on July 27; and after a unanimous vote in favour of the fiscal policy of the party leaders had been passed, an attack was made upon the Central Office in the form of a motion that it ought to be brought under more effective popular control. The supporters of the motion pointed out that in the new advisory committee the representatives of the National Union were in a minority; that the committee had authority merely to tender advice; and that even this function did not extend to party finance, to the recommendation of candidates for Parliament, or to patronage of any kind. They repeated the charge, familiar even before the days of Lord Randolph Churchill, that the party was a democracy managed by aristocratic methods, that the leaders ought to trust it more and suspect it less, and that the Central Office had not its confidence. In short the demand was the old one for a more popular control of the party machinery. Sir Alexander Acland-Hood, the chief whip, met it by stating frankly that the finances were a delicate and confidential matter, which must be in the hands of one man; and—referring to the new advisory body of seven—he said that it would be disastrous to have the party managed by a committee. The party could stand manythings, but in his judgment it could not stand a caucus. Policy must, he said, be initiated by the leaders; no leader and no whip would submit to anything else. Although the demand for greater popular control had been greeted with applause, it was evident that the prevailing sentiment of the meeting was with the chief whip, and the motion was finally withdrawn; not, however, without an intimation that it would be renewed in the near future.

The New Rules of 1906.

The special Conference then went on to debate and adopt the new set of rules, the most important change involved being the enlargement of the Central Council by the direct representation thereon of the counties and boroughs, the former in the proportion of one member for every fifty thousand voters, the latter in that of one for every twenty-five thousand. This, it was thought, would make the body more truly representative, by freeing it both from the control of a small group of men, and from the tendency of every annual Conference to choose persons whose names were known in the part of the country where the Conference happened to meet.[567:1]The only other change of importance related to the provincial divisions. These were made more elastic by a provision that any one or more counties might be erected into a separate division. Their internal organisation was also remodelled; and the arrangement for furnishing sub-agents of the Central Office as their secretaries, free of charge, was abolished, partly because it had ceased towork smoothly, and partly because many members of the Union felt that it kept them in leading strings.[568:1]The discussion of the divisional councils brought up an interesting question. By the rules of the National Union honorary members had already a right to attend the Conference without votes;[568:2]and by the new rules they were given full membership in the councils of the provincial divisions. When strenuous objection was made to this as undemocratic, a delegate replied that if money was the root of all evil, it was also the source of all power; and that in order to get money it was necessary to do something for the men who gave it. The clause was the subject of the only vote at the Conference close enough to require a count, and the new provision was adopted by 148 to 103. In other respects the existing rules, though much changed in detail, were not altered in their essential features.[568:3]

Their Probable Effect.

The new arrangements have increased the functions of the National Union, while the enlargement of the Council will, no doubt, change its method of work, and may possibly make it more useful as an organ for interpreting the feelings of the party. But it is highly improbable that these things will cause any substantial change in the relation of the organisation to the leaders in Parliament. There are still several means of controlling the Union, and preventing it from getting out of hand. One of these is furnished by the party war chest, or campaign fund, over which Lord Randolph Churchill tried in vain to get a large share of control. It is disbursed by the Central Office, and its distribution holds many constituencies in a state of more or less dependence.

Then again, even in the last reorganisation, the recommendation of candidates for Parliament to places seeking for them has been retained under the exclusive control of the Central Office, instead of being allowed to pass into the hands of the National Union; and this is in itself no small source of power. As a further security against capture of the Union, the practice was established in 1889 of changing the chairman of the Council every year, so that no one could acquire influence enough to be dangerous. Moreover, fidelity upon the Council has often brought its reward in the form of a seat in Parliament, or of a baronetcy. So far these various precautions have been effective. Since 1884 no one has attempted to get control of the Union for his personal advantage. Certainly the capture of the organisation has been made more difficult than it was formerly, but it would be rash to predict that it is altogether impossible. Nor would it be safe to say that the Union will never embarrass the leaders by laying down a definite course of policy and insisting that the leaders should adopt it; this, however, never has happened, and there appears no more reason to expect it in the future than in the past.

The National Unions both in England and Scotland[569:1]have very important functions, which they perform with great efficiency; but they are really electioneering bodies. Their work is to promote local organisation, to arouse interest, to propagate Conservative doctrines, and this they do exceedingly well by means of departments for the publication of party literature and for providing lecturers. The English Union has established also a political library in London, which collects a large amount of information, including the speeches and records of all the leading men in public life. But as organs for the popular control of the party, for formulating opinion, and for ascertaining and giving effect to the wishes of the rank and file, these bodies are mere pretences. Both the National Liberal Federation and the National Union of Conservative Associations have been sources of anxiety to the party leaders, but for the time, at least, both have been made harmless. The process in each case has not been the same, although the results are not unlike. Both are shams, but with this difference that the Conservative organisation is a transparent, and the Liberal an opaque, sham.

[535:1]The reports of the first three Conferences are found only in the manuscript minutes of proceedings. Reports of the fourth to the ninth Conference inclusive were printed. Since that time only the reports of the Council and the programmes for the Conferences have been published.

[535:2]In the original constitution it was to meet every third year in London, but this was changed in 1868. It will be observed that the Conference corresponds to the Council of the National Liberal Federation; and the Council, although a much smaller body, to the General Committee of the Federation.

[537:1]Cf.Statement made at first Conference, 1868, and Rep. of the Council at the Conference of 1875.

[537:2]Cf.Leaflet No. 1, 1876.

[537:3]Manuscript minutes, p. 57.

[537:4]Rep. of the Conference of 1873.

[537:5]Rep. of the Council for 1871. He held the post of principal agent through the general election of 1874 which his efforts helped much to win. In 1881 he took the position again, and at that time was made a vice-chairman of the Council so as to bring the Union into coöperation with the whips' office. (Rep. of the Council for 1881.)

[539:1]Punch made the expression the subject of a cartoon.

[539:2]Curiously enough he suggested one principle which has only recently been taken up seriously by Conservative leaders. Among the three great objects of the party he placed the upholding of the empire, and in speaking of this he said that when self-government was given to the colonies, it ought to have been with provisions for an imperial tariff, common defence, and some representative council in London.

[539:3]Rep. of Conference of 1878. But many of the local associations may have been branches with less than one hundred members, and therefore not admissible under the rules.

[539:4]The need of a reorganisation of the party on a more popular basis was afterward urged by Mr. Gorst and Sir Henry Drummond Wolff in an article entitled "The State of the Opposition,"Fortnightly Review, November, 1882.

[540:1]E.g., by Dr. Evans. Rep. of Conference of 1878.

[540:2]"Lord Randolph Churchill," I., 69.

[541:1]The best accounts of the Fourth Party are to be found in Winston Churchill's "Life of Lord Randolph Churchill," I., Ch. iii., and in three articles by Harold E. Gorst entitled "The Story of the Fourth Party" in theNineteenth Centuryfor November, and December, 1902 and January, 1903, afterward republished as a book. These accounts are written by the sons of two of the members of the group, and may be taken to express the views of those two members.

[544:1]These words are taken from the manuscript report of the Conference in the records of the National Union. The language is more brief, and differs in unimportant details from that quoted in Winston Churchill's life of Lord Randolph.

[545:1]A motion was also carried unanimously requesting the Council to consider a method of electing its members, such that the associations might be represented upon it by delegates.

[547:1]These two letters do not appear in the report of the Council, but are quoted by Mr. Winston Churchill.

[548:1]Winston Churchill, "Lord Randolph Churchill," I., 318.

[549:1]"It appears to us that these objects may be defined to be the same as those for which the Associations themselves are working. The chief object for which the Associations exist is to keep alive and extend Conservative convictions, and so to increase the number of Conservative voters. This is done by acting on opinion through various channels; by the establishment of clubs, by holding meetings, by securing the assistance of speakers and lecturers, and by the circulation of printed matter in defence of Conservative opinions, by collecting the facts required for the use of Conservative speakers and writers, and by the invigoration of the local press."In all these efforts it is the function of the Council of the National Union to aid, stimulate and guide the Associations it represents."Much valuable work may also be done through the Associations, by watching the registration and, at election time, by providing volunteer canvassers and volunteer conveyance."This letter and the reply to it are printed in full in Winston Churchill's "Lord Randolph Churchill," I., App. II.

"In all these efforts it is the function of the Council of the National Union to aid, stimulate and guide the Associations it represents.

"Much valuable work may also be done through the Associations, by watching the registration and, at election time, by providing volunteer canvassers and volunteer conveyance."

This letter and the reply to it are printed in full in Winston Churchill's "Lord Randolph Churchill," I., App. II.

[550:1]Here follows a rehearsal of the functions Lord Salisbury had ascribed to the Council, which are pronounced to have been clear, definite, and satisfactory. The assurance with which they are assumed to mean something quite different from what his Lordship must have intended is one of the marvellous things about the affair.

[552:1]Maclean's own account of the matter is given in his "Recollections of Westminster and India," 68-79.

[552:2]The terms were briefly as follows:—1. The two bodies to occupy the same offices.2. The Union to attend to the formation and maintenance of local associations. The agents of the Central Committee to assist in this and report to the Union through the principal agent.3. Parliamentary elections, the recommendation of candidates, and questions of general policy, to be outside the province of the Union.4. The Union to publish literature as it may desire, and to provide speakers.5. The Council to help the party leaders to organise public meetings, and circulate pamphlets.6. The Central Committee to allot a sum of money to be paid annually to the Union.7. The chief whip and the principal agent to have seats on the Council, and the chief whip to sit on all committees.8. If the chief whip thinks any action of the Union inconsistent with the welfare of party, the matter to be referred to the leaders for decision.9. The leaders of the party to appoint one or two members of the Council on the Central Committee.It may be observed that this arrangement gave the leaders of the party more formal power of control over the Union than ever.

[552:2]The terms were briefly as follows:—

1. The two bodies to occupy the same offices.

2. The Union to attend to the formation and maintenance of local associations. The agents of the Central Committee to assist in this and report to the Union through the principal agent.

3. Parliamentary elections, the recommendation of candidates, and questions of general policy, to be outside the province of the Union.

4. The Union to publish literature as it may desire, and to provide speakers.

5. The Council to help the party leaders to organise public meetings, and circulate pamphlets.

6. The Central Committee to allot a sum of money to be paid annually to the Union.

7. The chief whip and the principal agent to have seats on the Council, and the chief whip to sit on all committees.

8. If the chief whip thinks any action of the Union inconsistent with the welfare of party, the matter to be referred to the leaders for decision.

9. The leaders of the party to appoint one or two members of the Council on the Central Committee.

It may be observed that this arrangement gave the leaders of the party more formal power of control over the Union than ever.

[553:1]The changes were the omission of Nos. 1 and 9; and that the chief whip should have merely a right to be present at all the committees, instead of being a member of them.

[553:2]Mr. Winston Churchill (I., 324, 331) and Mr. Ostrogorski attribute a larger measure of success to Lord Randolph, but that opinion seems to me inconsistent with the correspondence, the reports of the committees and the proceedings of the Council, which are set forth in the printed report laid before the next Conference.

[555:1]Winston Churchill, "Lord Randolph Churchill," I., 356-59.

[555:2]The Timesof Oct. 27, 1886, p. 6, c. 3.

[556:1]Mr. Winston Churchill's account of the occurrence is extremely interesting; but the motives he attributes to his father do not seem wholly consistent with one another.

[558:1]For workingmen's clubs with less than one hundred members the fee is only half as large.

[558:2]The sums required for these offices are the same as when the Union was originally formed. The subscriptions from associations go one half each to the National and divisional unions; those of individuals go wholly to the divisional union except in the case of life payments, which are made to the National Union, one half of the interest being paid over to the division.

[558:3]To these the principal paid agent, or secretary, in each English or Welsh constituency was added in 1892. This has not been a matter of much importance, because few of them can afford to attend.

[559:1]All the Conservative members of Parliament for constituencies in the division were given the right to attend the annual meeting, and were made members of the Council.

[559:2]Rep. of the Council, October, 1886.

[561:1]These were both passed in 1887 and at intervals thereafter.

[562:1]The Times, Nov. 24, 1887.

[562:2]E.g.Rep. of the Conference in October, 1886.

[566:1]In the original plan these were to be chosen by the Council; but at the special Conference in July it was agreed that they should be elected at the annual Conference.

[567:1]Under the new rules the Central Council—previously called simply the Council—consists of the president and trustees of the National Union; the chief whip and the principal agent of the party; one representative for every fifty thousand voters, or fraction thereof, in each county, chosen at the meeting of the provincial division by the delegates of the county thereat; one representative for every complete twenty-five thousand voters in each parliamentary borough that contains so many, chosen by the central council of the borough; twenty-one members elected annually by the Conference; the chairman, honorary secretary, and two representatives from the National Society of Conservative Agents; one representative from each of the eight local associations of Conservative agents; and two representatives apiece from the Association of Conservative Clubs, the National Conservative League, and the United Club. The Council as thus enlarged contains nearly two hundred members.

[568:1]Opinion on this question was by no means unanimous. One or two divisions wanted to retain the former system on the score of economy, and the chief whip agreed to allow them to do so for a time.

[568:2]Rule V.

[568:3]By the new rules the Conference consists of the officers of the Union, and the members of the Central Council; of the honorary members of the Union, who have, however, no vote; of the Conservative members of both Houses of Parliament; of the officers of each provincial division; of the chairman, the paid agent, and three representatives of the central association in each constituency; of one representative for each subscribing association or club; and of twenty representatives apiece from Scotland and Ireland.

[569:1]The Caucus is Largely a Sham.The Scotch National Union.The Union hitherto described covers England and Wales alone, although the Scotch and Irish organisations are entitled to send to the Conference twenty delegates apiece. North of the Tweed there is a separate National Union of Conservative Associations for Scotland. It is a copy of the English body, but except for the twenty delegates is entirely independent. It has a conference which adopts resolutions as ineffective as those passed farther south. It has six territorial divisions; but, owing to the fact that Scotland is in the main Liberal, several of these are not very vigorous, and do not raise money enough to have councils of their own. All the divisions are very much under the control of the Central Council of the Scotch Union, to which they send their reports for approval. They are, indeed, largely ornamental.But if the National Union for Scotland is independent of the English Union it is by no means free from the influence of the whip's office. The party agent for Scotland, who has a right to attend—although without a vote—all meetings of the central and divisional councils and their committees, is appointed by the principal agent in London, and, like the secretaries of the divisions in England, is practically his subordinate. In this way the whip and the principal agent, acting through the agent for Scotland and the local agents, and fortified by subsidies at election times, maintain a real control over the whole party organisation throughout the kingdom.

[569:1]

The Caucus is Largely a Sham.

The Scotch National Union.

The Union hitherto described covers England and Wales alone, although the Scotch and Irish organisations are entitled to send to the Conference twenty delegates apiece. North of the Tweed there is a separate National Union of Conservative Associations for Scotland. It is a copy of the English body, but except for the twenty delegates is entirely independent. It has a conference which adopts resolutions as ineffective as those passed farther south. It has six territorial divisions; but, owing to the fact that Scotland is in the main Liberal, several of these are not very vigorous, and do not raise money enough to have councils of their own. All the divisions are very much under the control of the Central Council of the Scotch Union, to which they send their reports for approval. They are, indeed, largely ornamental.

But if the National Union for Scotland is independent of the English Union it is by no means free from the influence of the whip's office. The party agent for Scotland, who has a right to attend—although without a vote—all meetings of the central and divisional councils and their committees, is appointed by the principal agent in London, and, like the secretaries of the divisions in England, is practically his subordinate. In this way the whip and the principal agent, acting through the agent for Scotland and the local agents, and fortified by subsidies at election times, maintain a real control over the whole party organisation throughout the kingdom.

Third Edition, revised throughout, after many reprintings.

In two crown 8vo volumes, the set, $4.00 net

"His work rises at once to an eminent place among studies of great nations and their institutions. It is, so far as America goes, a work unique in scope, spirit, and knowledge. There is nothing like it anywhere extant, nothing that approaches it. . . . Without exaggeration it may be called the most considerable and gratifying tribute that has yet been bestowed upon us by an Englishman, and perhaps by even England herself. . . . One despairs in an attempt to give, in a single newspaper article, an adequate account of a work so infused with knowledge and sparkling with suggestion. . . . Every thoughtful American will read it and will long hold in grateful remembrance its author's name."—New York Times."Written with full knowledge by a distinguished Englishman to dispel vulgar prejudices and to help kindred people to understand each other better, Professor Bryce's work is in a sense an embassy of peace, a message of good-will from one nation to another."—The Times, London."This work will be invaluable . . . to the American citizen who wishes something more than superficial knowledge of the political system under which he lives and of the differences between it and those of other countries. . . . The fact is that no writer has ever attempted to present so comprehensive an account of our political system, founded upon such length of observation, enriched with so great a mass of detail, and so thoroughly practical in its character. . . . We have here a storehouse of political information regarding America such as no other writer, American or other, has ever provided in one work. . . . It will remain a standard even for the American reader."—New York Tribune."It is not too much to call 'The American Commonwealth' one of the most distinguished additions to political and social science which this generation has seen. It has done, and will continue to do, a great work in informing the world concerning the principles of this government."—Philadelphia Evening Telegraph.

"Written with full knowledge by a distinguished Englishman to dispel vulgar prejudices and to help kindred people to understand each other better, Professor Bryce's work is in a sense an embassy of peace, a message of good-will from one nation to another."—The Times, London.

"This work will be invaluable . . . to the American citizen who wishes something more than superficial knowledge of the political system under which he lives and of the differences between it and those of other countries. . . . The fact is that no writer has ever attempted to present so comprehensive an account of our political system, founded upon such length of observation, enriched with so great a mass of detail, and so thoroughly practical in its character. . . . We have here a storehouse of political information regarding America such as no other writer, American or other, has ever provided in one work. . . . It will remain a standard even for the American reader."—New York Tribune.

"It is not too much to call 'The American Commonwealth' one of the most distinguished additions to political and social science which this generation has seen. It has done, and will continue to do, a great work in informing the world concerning the principles of this government."—Philadelphia Evening Telegraph.

Being an introduction to the study of the Government and Institutions of the United States for the use of colleges and high schools.

In one crown 8vo volume, $1.75 net

"The greatest historical work of the age."—Times.

Planned by the late LORD ACTON, LL.D., Regius Professor of Modern History in the University of Cambridge. Edited by A. W. WARD, Litt. D., G. W. PROTHERO, Litt. D., and STANLEY LEATHES, M.A. To be complete in twelve royal 8vo volumes, each $4.00 net (carriage extra), issued at the rate of two volumes a year.

PRESS COMMENT ON THE WORK AS ISSUED:—

"The most full, comprehensive, and scientific history of modern times in the English language, or in any language."—The Evening Post, New York."There can be no question about the great value of the work—in fact, it is invaluable to every historical student."—Public Ledger, Philadelphia."A work of great value. It may justly claim to have no rival in English."—The Atlantic Monthly, Boston.

"The most full, comprehensive, and scientific history of modern times in the English language, or in any language."—The Evening Post, New York.

"There can be no question about the great value of the work—in fact, it is invaluable to every historical student."—Public Ledger, Philadelphia.

"A work of great value. It may justly claim to have no rival in English."—The Atlantic Monthly, Boston.

Planned by ProfessorJ. B. Bury, edited byH. M. Gwatkin, MissM. Bateson, and Mr.G. T. Lapsley. To be complete in eight royal octavo volumes similar to those of "The Cambridge Modern History."

Publication will begin on the completion of "The Cambridge Modern History."

MOST IMPORTANT OF MODERN HISTORIES

In two 8vo volumes, with portraits and map, $6.00 net

It is unnecessary to dwell upon the importance of this announcement, for it will without doubt excite the liveliest interest in both the British Empire and the foreign countries which have watched keenly the development of Egypt from a state of anarchy to its present prosperous condition under Lord Cromer.

The author states that his object in writing the book is twofold. In the first place, he wishes to place on record an accurate narrative of some of the principal events which have occurred in Egypt and in the Soudan since 1876; he has had access to all the documents in the Foreign Offices of both Cairo and London; and has been in close communication with every one who has taken a leading part in Egyptian affairs during the period of which he writes.

In the second place, he wishes to explain the results which have accrued to Egypt from the British occupation of the country in 1882. Such a showing of tangible results of twenty-five years' experience renders the work of tremendous value to any nation facing similar problems in her own dependencies.

The work is divided into the following seven parts: Part I, Ismail Pasha, 1863-1879; Part II, The Arabi Revolt, August 1879 to August 1883; Part III, The Soudan, 1882-1907 (including the story of Gordon's journey to Khartoum, the Relief Expedition, and the Evacuation of the Soudan); Part IV, The Egyptian Puzzle; Part V, British Policy in Egypt; Part VI, The Reforms; and Part VII, The Future of Egypt.

"A record of practical and humane statesmanship for which it would be hard to find an exact parallel. The charm of these volumes is that the work is recounted by one who was a large part of that which he describes. . . . For rich content, as well as pleasing form, this work of a seasoned statesman is one to be not only read but pondered. In addition to a style notable for simplicity and point, we have sagacious reflections, remarks which light up whole principles of government, characterizations of individuals and of races which reveal a philosophical mind with a disciplined imagination. . . ."In these volumes we get much more than historical records and political discussions; we get the overflow of a full and powerful mind. The book is so noteworthy because the intellect and the character which have gone to its making are so exceptional. Lord Cromer is not only a great administrator; he stands before us as a great thinker."—New York Evening Post.

"In these volumes we get much more than historical records and political discussions; we get the overflow of a full and powerful mind. The book is so noteworthy because the intellect and the character which have gone to its making are so exceptional. Lord Cromer is not only a great administrator; he stands before us as a great thinker."—New York Evening Post.

Cloth, 8vo, 552 pp., $3.00 net(postage 18c.)

The book was written just before the Russo-Japanese war. It is the detailed account of a journey through Manchuria with the avowed object of showing the character of the Russian occupation. It attracted attention at the time for its interest, and later for its accurate forecasts of events.

"So far superior to all other books on the subject of the Russian rule in Manchuria that it may be considered really the only one."—Daily News, London.

In Two Volumes, with Many Illustrations from Photographs

Vol. I. 548 pp. Vol. II. 524 pp. The set, cloth, 8vo, $6.00 net

The Atlantic Monthly'sreviewer, Mr. John W. Foster, found this "one of the most readable and valuable books which have appeared in recent years. . . . An official of the Chinese foreign customs service gives the result of his manifestly careful study of Chinese history, and his observations during residence and extensive travels through Central and Northern China, Japan, and Korea. The greater part of the work is in the narrative style, with the charm and piquancy which made his 'Manchu and Muscovite' so popular."

"A remarkably searching, analytical, clear, and comprehensive presentation of a complicated and perplexing situation."—New York Tribune.

Cloth, 8vo, $3.00 net; by mail $3.71

A sequel to and uniform with "The Re-Shaping of the Far East." With illustrations and map.

"The most significant and interesting volume on the political and commercial situation in Eastern Asia since the recent war."—Record-Herald, Chicago.

Cloth, 8vo, uniform with the above, $3.50 net

"It is given to few authors to know so much about the subjects they discuss as does Mr. Weale about his," said theBoston Transcriptof his earlier work.

THE MACMILLAN COMPANY

Sixty-four and Sixty-six Fifth Avenue, New York

Back to Index Next