FOOTNOTES:

A PLAN OF MANCHESTER and SALFORD about 1650.

The Parliamentary troops in the town, which numbered about 1000, consisted partly of the militia under the command of Captain Radcliffe and partly of those who had come in from the surrounding country to its assistance. The best of the latter were 150 tenants of Mr. Assheton of Middleton under Captain Bradshaw. The various positions had already been assigned. Bradshaw was posted at the end of Deansgate; Salford Bridge, which he rather unreasonably calls "the only place of manifest danger, greatest action and least defence," Rosworm took for himself; Captain Radcliffe held Market Stead Lane and Captain Booth Millgate. Lieutenant Barwick was posted in Hunt's Bank; and on Shudehill 'a company of resolute soldiers without any commander.' The guns or gun, for perhaps there was only one, defended Bradshaw's position, which was really the most difficult.[51]

On Monday morning Lord Strange sent another message formally demanding all the arms in the town to be delivered up, and quarter for a troop of his horse; but the townsmen replied that this was forbidden by the Protestation, and by Ordinance of Parliament. About mid-day the royalist batteries opened fire, shooting bullets of 4 lbs., 6 lbs., and 8 lbs. weight; but little damage was done except to the houses. They then attacked Deansgate at close quarters and setting fire to some buildings at the end of the town, almost effected an entrance. Rosworm was obliged to send 20 of his 50 musketeers as reinforcement, and the royalists were at length driven back with some loss. Later in the afternoon an assault was also made on Salford Bridge, but this was more easily repulsed as the royalists had there to charge uphill, and their position was commanded by the higher ground of the churchyard. There is also said to have been a royalist attack of horse against the east of the town, but this also was beaten off. Firing continued until dark, and at midnight a party of royalists went down to the water's edge in Salford, and attempted to set fire to the town by means of lighted faggots. The royalists are said to have lost 120 men against 3 of the defenders.[52]

Next day no direct attacks were delivered at Deansgate or the Bridge. The former seems to have been left quite free, but a cannonade was begun by the royalists in Salford which so terrified Rosworm's raw soldiers that 16 of them took to their heels; and he says that some of those who stayed did so from fear of his drawn sword.[53]As he had sent away 20 of his men on the previous day only 14 now remained at this important position; but volunteers brought up his men to their original number again. On this day the other street ends were attacked by the royalists, especially Market Stead Lane; but they were beaten back at all points. Gaining confidence, the townsmen began to sally out on their own account and cut off several small parties which were straggling in the fields. Seven troopers with their horses were taken and one quarter-master shot with the loss of two of the garrison.

At 5 o'clock in the afternoon Lord Strange called a parley and again proposed surrender; after some negotiation a truce was agreed upon until 7 o'clock on the following morning, but it seems to have been observed by neither side.[54]Lord Strange's proposals were considered, but it was not likely that after having repelled his attacks for two days the townsmen would be more ready to treat than before; and all the royalist terms were refused.[55]Strange made many proposals, less and less being asked for on each refusal. First he demanded to march through the town, then £1000 in money, then200 muskets; finally he offered to depart if 50 muskets were surrendered. "The town said they would not give him so much as a rusty dagger"[56]; and next day hostilities were resumed.

The defenders were, however, not quite so unanimous as the defiant replies would suggest. There was a party in the town led by Colonel Holland the Governor, which desired to come to terms with the royalists. They pointed out that the stock of ammunition was running very low, and that the country people who had come in as volunteers were becoming restive owing to the plundering by the royalists in the neighbourhood.[57]Rosworm describes a scene when Holland on Wednesday afternoon came down to him at the Bridge urging these considerations; Rosworm referred the matter to his soldiers, who declared they would stand firm, and Holland went away in anger. Shortly after this Mr. Bourne, the aged fellow of the Collegiate Church coming by, Rosworm urged him to go along Deansgate to Bradshaw's men and persuade them if necessary to resist. They, however, needed no persuasion but declared "by a general shout that they would part with their arms and their lives together."[58]It was perhapsa concession to the faint-hearted that on the following day Mr. Alexander Butterworth of Belfield was sent towards London for aid.[59]

There was, however, no need to bring help from London or anywhere else, for the royalist attack was nearly spent. When hostilities were resumed the Parliamentarians were the assailants. At 10 o'clock on Thursday, September 29, 200 men sallied out from Deansgate to relieve a house which had been occupied by the royalists; they were attacked by 100 musketeers and a troop of horse, but after an hour's fighting the royalists were defeated, most of the horse being driven into the river and an officer[60]and two men drowned. The losses are given as 13 on each side and the town made two prisoners. In Salford some guns previously placed in a position which was commanded by the churchyard were removed. On this day also the royalists lost one of their leaders in Salford, Captain Standish, who was shot by a marksman posted at the top of the church tower.[61]There was no further fighting after this. The following day desultory firing continued from Deansgate and Salford, and at the former position the royalists began to dig a trench as if they intended to establish a blockade; but it was only apretence for they dared no longer to come to close quarters.[62]On Saturday the Earl of Derby, as he now was from his father's death on the previous day, sent for an exchange of prisoners, of which the town is said to have taken 85. The royalists made up their number by seizing non-combatants from the surrounding district. When the exchange had been effected the royalists decamped in such haste that Rosworm was able to send out a party openly to capture their arms.

It is not very easy to estimate satisfactorily the losses on both sides during the six days of the siege. We have very full details, but unfortunately all the accounts are written by Parliamentarians, and no one-sided descriptions of Civil War battles can be relied upon. Heyrick for instance roundly says of the Monday operations when fighting was the most severe of all, "in this day's fight blessed be God we lost not one man." One writer states that the townsmen lost no one at all except one boy who was looking on from a stile; and they all estimate the royalist casualties at some hundreds. It is of course to be expected that few of the defenders were killed but surprising that many lives were lost at all. Seventeenth century musketry was very erratic, and the besieger's cannon was probably wholly useless; and the combatants came to close quarters very little except on the first day of the siege. The "Sutherland Diary," which seems altogether the most accurate and moderate account estimates the royalist losses at 220 killed and 85 prisoners; detailed losses of the defenders amount only to 19. But on the first day the losses are said to be 125 and 3 respectively, which sounds very unlikely. It is, however, not possible to arrive at any greateraccurateness for all the accounts agree in the main that about 80 prisoners were taken by the town, and that the royalists lost from 100 to 250 men. Nineteen is the largest total given for the defenders' losses.[63]A very glowing picture of the state of the town during the siege is given by Heyrick and other writers. Heyrick says "our Souldiers from first to last had prayers and singing of Psalmes daily at the street ends, most of our Souldiers being religious honest men of a civill and inoffensive conversation, which came out of conscience of their oath and protestation. The Townsmen were kind and respective to the Souldiers; all things were common: the Gentlemen made bullets night and day; the Souldiers were resolute and coragious and feared nothing so much as a Parley; the deputy Lieutenants, Captaine Chantwell and other gentlemen took paines night and day to see that the Souldiers did their duty."[64]

If this description is not somewhat overdrawn, it is because the town did not stand by itself in the matter of defence. The neighbouring Deputy-Lieutenants and Bradshaw's men probably did much not only in numbers but in moral effect to strengthen the resistance. For there was certainly a party in the town less inclined to stand out. Manchester contained many royalists; and as we have seen, they were at least the majority in Salford. Probably Lord Strange counted on a far less stubborn resistance than he encountered; and judging by the support given him in July he was justified indoing so. This may have had something to do with the badly organised state of his force, though there is no need to credit all the stories which the other side told about its composition. It was evidently without discipline or efficiency;[65]and the attack was ill-planned and conducted with no vigour. The royalists attacked Manchester which was not a strong position on the whole, at two of its strongest points. At Deansgate they had no advantage of ground, and in Salford they were at a disadvantage, having to advance across a narrow sloping bridge which was commanded by the higher opposite bank of the river; whereas at Shude Hill or at Market Stead Lane the royalists would have had the advantage of ground, and their guns would have proved much more effective at these positions than pointing up Salford Bridge. The principal attacks should have been delivered at these two points.

The weather was no doubt an item in favour of the town. It was a very wet week, and not only did the rain make communication impossible between the two divisions of the royalists, for the Irwell rises rapidly in flood; but as the besiegers were mostly out in the open the discomfort of their position served to demoralise them still further.

"By reason of cold and wet hunger and thirst and labour want of sleep and a bitter welcome that we gave them, their hearts were discouraged mightily."[66]

Moreover no attempt was made by the royalists to blockade the town, which kept open communications during all the week of the siege. It was, however, a mistake to divide the royalist forces at all.

Nevertheless Manchester might congratulate itself ona very considerable and well deserved success. The thanksgivings of October 2nd, and of October 6th, when there was a special service in the church for the soldiers, were amply justified; for it was the first trial of strength, and the royalists were thought to be the stronger. The effect of their failure was therefore very great. And it is surely not only local pride which sees in the siege of Manchester an event which had an importance quite out of proportion to that which is at first apparent. As a Parliamentarian writer says, "had not that town stood very firmly for the King and Parliament in all probability the whole county had been brought into subjection to the oppression and violence of the Cavaliers."[67]This is quite true. Manchester became the Parliamentarian headquarters, though even after their first success that party was for three months very largely on the defensive. Manchester was the key of the position, and had it fallen in October, 1642, and remained in royalist hands the King would have been supreme in the whole county. And to have been supreme in Lancashire would have enormously strengthened Charles' cause in all the north of England.

FOOTNOTES:[44]The population is probably estimated from the list of Manchester signatures to the Protestation of 1641‑2, which are given at length in the "Palatine Note Book," Vol. 1. This is supposed to be a complete list of the householders in Manchester at the time. The whole total, however, is 1,305, and as 120 or more are names of officers mostly outside the town, and there are many reduplications besides, the estimate of 5,000 seems nearer the mark.[45]"Fairfax Correspondence" (2 vols., 1848), Vol. 2, pp. 271-4. "Hist. MSS. Com.," Rep. 9, app. 2, pp. 431-2. Fairfax writes to his brother, Henry Fairfax, at Ashton-under-Lyne: a bill in Parliament would cost 100 marks, and would have very small chance of success.[46]The Reeve of Salford at this time was Henry Wrigley, a successful cloth merchant and banker. He gave £20 towards the £200 which was subscribed for the building of Salford Chapel, the remainder being paid by Humphrey Booth. Wrigley was Constable for Salford Hundred, and in that capacity issued the summons under the Commission of Array for the muster at Bury on July 14, 1642. He was a lukewarm royalist, however, and prevented two of his servants from joining the royalist army. Afterwards he closed his house and fled to London, where he appeared definitely on the Parliament's side. Attempts were afterwards made to convict him as a malignant, but without success. Wrigley, who was a very prosperous merchant, afterwards lived at Chamber Hall, near Oldham. He was one of Humphrey Chetham's executors and High Sheriff of Lancashire in 1651. ("Palatine Note Book," Vol. 3. pp. 103, 104.)[47]"Perfect Diurnall" (Cooke), Sept., 19-26. "Perfect Diurnall" (Cooke and Wood), Sept., 19-26. "The Cavaliers have disarmed most of Lancashire; Lord Wharton has been ordered north."[48]Rosworm's connection with Manchester is given in greatest detail in his "Good Service Hitherto Ill-Rewarded ("C.W.T.," pp. 215-244), which was an appeal to Parliament against the arrears of his salary from the town; and it cannot therefore be called an impartial account of his services. His estimate of himself is always a great deal higher than that given by other writers. Moreover his complaints of arrears would seem to have been considerably exaggerated. From the "Good Service" one would gather that the town never paid Rosworm anything at all; there are, however, given in "C.W.T.," pp. 246, 247, particulars showing that Rosworm was paid £135 between Dec., 1644, and July, 1647, which is not very far short of his amount due for the period. He also received £28 in 1648 ("Chetham Miscellanies," Vol. 2, New Series, No. 63; "Manchester Civic Records). It must be remembered that our information of payments made is necessarily very fragmentary. The details in "C.W.T." are said to be "from an old Book of Accounts of the town of Manchester in the custody of the Boroughreeve," but it is an example of the way in which the Manchester Municipal Records have been neglected that this book does not now exist, and no information as to its contents can be obtained.In 1651 Rosworm was recommended by the Council of State to be employed as engineer at Yarmouth, where some works were to be erected in prospect of an attempted landing by the enemy ("C.S.P.," 1649‑50, pp. 225-235).[49]Alport Lodge stood half a mile from the town, on the site of the present Great Northern Goods Station. It seems to have been burnt down by accident during the siege. Sir Edward Mosley contributed £20,000 to the royal cause. He afterwards joined Sir Thomas Aston in Cheshire, and was taken prisoner near Middlewich. One-tenth levied on his estate amounted to £4,874. His pardon was passed by Parliament in October, 1647. (Axon, "Lancashire Gleanings," p. 3. "H. L. Calendar, Hist. MSS. Com.," Vol. 6.)[50]The principal authorities for the Siege of Manchester are a number of Tracts in the Thomason Collection:—"Newes from Manchester"; "A True and Faithfull Relation of the Besieging of the Town of Manchester, etc."; "A True and Exact Relation of the Several Passages at the Siege of Manchester, etc."; "A True and Perfect Relation of the Proceedings at Manchester, etc.," E. 121 (13). The first two of these are given in "C.W.T.," pp. 44 and 49; the third is summarised in the appendix to that volume, p. 332. The fourth Tract differs greatly from the other accounts. There are also several other Tracts of little value. To these must be added Rosworm's narrative ("C.W.T.," pp. 219-223) and that in Lancashire's "Valley of Achor" ("C.W.T.," pp. 111-123). And perhaps the most interesting account of all is the Diary contained in the Sutherland MSS., "Hist. MSS. Comm.," Report 5, p. 142. The present writer contributed an essay on the Siege of Manchester to the "Owens College Historical Essays" (1902), p. 377.[51]The Captain Bradshaw here mentioned was probably Robert Bradshaw, younger brother of John Bradshaw, of Bradshaw Hall, near Bolton, Sheriff of Lancashire in 1645 (often wrongly confused with President Bradshaw). He did good service in command of the Assheton tenantry at Manchester: "Captain Bradshaw hath quit himself most valiantly to his everlasting renown; he prays with his soldiers every day himself," E. 240 (23). His name does not, however, appear much afterwards, but if he was the Captain Bradshaw who was taken prisoner later in the year, and carried to Lathom House, he died soon after his release from there. The "Discourse" calls him "a very moderate man and of good parts" (p. 20).Richard Radcliffe lived at Radcliffe Hall, a moated house then standing south of Market Stead Lane. It was afterwards called Pool Fold, and the name is still preserved. The Hall was pulled down in 1811. This is usually supposed to have been the Richard Radcliffe who was elected Member of Parliament for Manchester in Cromwell's Parliament of 1656; but as he is called 'old Mr. Radcliffe' in the following year, this may be doubted. The return of the Burgess to Parliament in 1656 simply calls the Member "Richard Radcliffe, Esquire, of Manchester." Radcliffe served at the second defence of Bolton against the royalists in 1643. ("C.W.T.," p. 351. "Manchester Municipal Records." "Palatine Note Book," Vol. 3, pp. 265-6.)Captain, afterwards Colonel, John Booth, was the fifth son of Sir George Booth, Lord of the Manor of Warrington; for a full account of his careervidea note in the "Discourse," p. 120-122. He must be distinguished from Colonel (afterwards Sir George) Booth, grandson of the Sir George Booth referred to, who at first fought on the Parliament's side, but headed a rising for Charles the Second in 1659, and became first Lord Delamere after the Restoration.[52]These numbers sound very disproportionate, but the statement is made in the "Sutherland MSS.," which seems much the most reliable in the matter of numbers. "These were estimated," the account continues, "from the graves found in the fields about the town, and five more were found in the sands of the river; and it is supposed that more were cast into the river, among whom was Mr. Mountain, a Colonel of horse, and Captain Skirton and a lieutenant, with others of note" ("Hist. MSS. Com.," Vol. 5, p. 142). The tract called "A True and Faithful Relation, etc.," which is supposed to have been written by Heyrick, says roundly: "In this day's fight, blessed be to God, we lost not one man."Richard Heyrick, the Warden of the Collegiate Church, was son of Sir William Heyrick, Alderman of London, who afterwards lived at Beaumanor, in Leicestershire. He was born in London in 1600, became Rector of North Repps, in Norfolk, and Warden of Manchester in 1635, his father obtaining the Wardenship for him in satisfaction of some monetary transactions with the Crown. Heyrick was a man of great energy, and was the leader of the Presbyterian party in Manchester. He was a cousin of Herrick the poet. (Art. by C. W. Sutton, "Dictionary of National Biography.")[53]No other account mentions this incident.[54]The royalists continued plundering, if they suspended their actual attacks upon the town; and evidently the garrison took opportunity to bring in reinforcements. They came from Bolton, and two of them were killed by the royalists during a skirmish outside the town; "Coming peaceably with 150 more to assist the town," Heyrick says quaintly ("C.W.T.," p. 55).[55]The terms offered are variously stated, the fullest account being given in a tract entitled, "The Lord Strange, his Demands, etc." ("C.W.T.," p. 47). Rosworm mentions only a demand for 100 muskets. Heyrick says that the question was finally referred to the soldiers, "who all resolutely answered they would not give him a yard of match, but would maintain their cause and arms to the last drop of blood."[56]"Sutherland MSS."[57]"As also their foot plundered, which gave the occasion and example for all the plundering that after happened in the county" ("Discourse," P. 7).Richard Holland (afterwards Colonel in the service of the Parliament) lived at Heaton, in Prestwich. He was a magistrate and sequestrator, and served at Preston, Wigan and the first siege of Lathom House. Rosworm was his bitter enemy, and accused him of great cowardice.[58]The shortage of ammunition was evidently a very grave danger, for all the accounts mention it. Rosworm confesses that he had only 6 lbs. of powder and 18 fathom of match left, but he had told no one. Cf. a letter from Sir John Hotham to the Speaker on Nov. 25, 1642, in which he refers to his having sent from Hull five barrels of powder to Manchester "when they were in that extremity with Lord Strange" ("Portland MSS.," Vol. 1, p. 174). This powder arrived on Oct. 14 ("C.W.T.," p. 122). The "Valley of Achor" refers to the fact that the very wet weather made the country people more willing to stay in Manchester, it being harvest time ("C.W.T.," p. 118).Rev. William Bourne was senior fellow of the Collegiate Church. He died in the following year. He "had long been a blessing to the town, and had seen a resurrection of it from the Plague, nigh forty years before" (evidently the visitation of 1605), and "was lifted up from the gates of death and raised in spirit to promote this work."[59]Cf. also a letter dated Sept. 26, signed by Holland, Booth, Egerton and Hide, to Colonels Shuttleworth and Starkie "at Haslingden or elsewhere," asking them to send powder and match for the relief of Manchester ("Lancs. Lieutenancy," pt. 2, p. 273).[60]This was Captain Snell, who "had two rings on his hands worth £20" ("Sutherland MSS.").[61]Captain Thomas Standish was not of the royalist family of that name at Standish; that branch was represented at the siege of Manchester by its head, Ralph Standish, the uncle of Lord Molyneux and father-in-law of Colonel Tyldesley; but was the eldest son of Thomas Standish of Duxbury, near Chorley, Shuttleworth's colleague as M.P. for Preston. Heyrick says he was killed whilst "reproaching his soldiers because they would not fall on," but the "Discourse" less picturesquely, but probably with more accuracy, that "quartered in a house upon the north side of Salford, well up towards the Chapel, was, by a bullet shot from the top of Manchester Steeple, slain" (p. 7). The "Sutherland Diary" gives a touch of human interest in the statement, "He was to have married Mr. Archbould's kinswoman, who married Sir John Harper of Cork." There is no doubt that the loss of Standish was a serious blow to the attack.[62]"On Friday Lord Strange's forces were so scattered that they durst not come within pistol shot of the town" ("Sutherland Diary"). When Derby requested an exchange of prisoners and a cessation of plundering, the town retorted that they had not plundered at all, but his lordship had done so much damage "that £10,000 would not make a recompense" ("C.W.T.," p. 55).[63]These figures are from the authorities cited above. The only independent estimate is in a letter from Stephen Charlton to Sir R. Leveson: "News confirmed by several letters from Manchester that they of the town have slain about 300 of Lord Strange's forces" ("Hist. MSS. Com.," Vol. 5, p. 161).[64]The "Valley of Achor" goes further than this: "A spirit of Piety and Devotion in Prayers and singing of Psalms rested generally upon Persons and families, yea Taverns and Innes where it might not put in the head formerly" ("C.W.T.," p. 120). Cf. however "Salford Portmote Records," C.S. (new series), 48, Vol. 2, p. 77; on Oct. 16, 1644, Edward Rosterne was presented "for making an affray on the Bridge with the soldiers that kept the Bridge there."[65]It was stated that the royalist forces had been summoned to Warrington to meet the King, and the direction of their march was at first concealed from them. "The Lord Strange's Souldiers some of them wept, others protested great unwillingness to fight against Manchester, affirming they were deceived and deluded else they had not come hither" ("C.W.T.," p. 56).[66]"A True and Exact Relation of the Several Passages at the Siege of Manchester," etc., E. 121 (45).[67]"Exceeding Joyful News out of Lancashire, etc." ("C.W.T.," p. 103). Cf. "Clarendon" (Macray), Vol. 6, p. 67: "For Manchester the Lord Strange, who had by His Majesty's favour and encouragement recovered his spirits (after the impeachment), undertook, without troubling His Majesty further northward in a very short time to reduce that place (which was not so fortunately performed because not so resolutely pursued) and to send a good body of foot to the King to Shrewsbury."

[44]The population is probably estimated from the list of Manchester signatures to the Protestation of 1641‑2, which are given at length in the "Palatine Note Book," Vol. 1. This is supposed to be a complete list of the householders in Manchester at the time. The whole total, however, is 1,305, and as 120 or more are names of officers mostly outside the town, and there are many reduplications besides, the estimate of 5,000 seems nearer the mark.

[45]"Fairfax Correspondence" (2 vols., 1848), Vol. 2, pp. 271-4. "Hist. MSS. Com.," Rep. 9, app. 2, pp. 431-2. Fairfax writes to his brother, Henry Fairfax, at Ashton-under-Lyne: a bill in Parliament would cost 100 marks, and would have very small chance of success.

[46]The Reeve of Salford at this time was Henry Wrigley, a successful cloth merchant and banker. He gave £20 towards the £200 which was subscribed for the building of Salford Chapel, the remainder being paid by Humphrey Booth. Wrigley was Constable for Salford Hundred, and in that capacity issued the summons under the Commission of Array for the muster at Bury on July 14, 1642. He was a lukewarm royalist, however, and prevented two of his servants from joining the royalist army. Afterwards he closed his house and fled to London, where he appeared definitely on the Parliament's side. Attempts were afterwards made to convict him as a malignant, but without success. Wrigley, who was a very prosperous merchant, afterwards lived at Chamber Hall, near Oldham. He was one of Humphrey Chetham's executors and High Sheriff of Lancashire in 1651. ("Palatine Note Book," Vol. 3. pp. 103, 104.)

[47]"Perfect Diurnall" (Cooke), Sept., 19-26. "Perfect Diurnall" (Cooke and Wood), Sept., 19-26. "The Cavaliers have disarmed most of Lancashire; Lord Wharton has been ordered north."

[48]Rosworm's connection with Manchester is given in greatest detail in his "Good Service Hitherto Ill-Rewarded ("C.W.T.," pp. 215-244), which was an appeal to Parliament against the arrears of his salary from the town; and it cannot therefore be called an impartial account of his services. His estimate of himself is always a great deal higher than that given by other writers. Moreover his complaints of arrears would seem to have been considerably exaggerated. From the "Good Service" one would gather that the town never paid Rosworm anything at all; there are, however, given in "C.W.T.," pp. 246, 247, particulars showing that Rosworm was paid £135 between Dec., 1644, and July, 1647, which is not very far short of his amount due for the period. He also received £28 in 1648 ("Chetham Miscellanies," Vol. 2, New Series, No. 63; "Manchester Civic Records). It must be remembered that our information of payments made is necessarily very fragmentary. The details in "C.W.T." are said to be "from an old Book of Accounts of the town of Manchester in the custody of the Boroughreeve," but it is an example of the way in which the Manchester Municipal Records have been neglected that this book does not now exist, and no information as to its contents can be obtained.In 1651 Rosworm was recommended by the Council of State to be employed as engineer at Yarmouth, where some works were to be erected in prospect of an attempted landing by the enemy ("C.S.P.," 1649‑50, pp. 225-235).

In 1651 Rosworm was recommended by the Council of State to be employed as engineer at Yarmouth, where some works were to be erected in prospect of an attempted landing by the enemy ("C.S.P.," 1649‑50, pp. 225-235).

[49]Alport Lodge stood half a mile from the town, on the site of the present Great Northern Goods Station. It seems to have been burnt down by accident during the siege. Sir Edward Mosley contributed £20,000 to the royal cause. He afterwards joined Sir Thomas Aston in Cheshire, and was taken prisoner near Middlewich. One-tenth levied on his estate amounted to £4,874. His pardon was passed by Parliament in October, 1647. (Axon, "Lancashire Gleanings," p. 3. "H. L. Calendar, Hist. MSS. Com.," Vol. 6.)

[50]The principal authorities for the Siege of Manchester are a number of Tracts in the Thomason Collection:—"Newes from Manchester"; "A True and Faithfull Relation of the Besieging of the Town of Manchester, etc."; "A True and Exact Relation of the Several Passages at the Siege of Manchester, etc."; "A True and Perfect Relation of the Proceedings at Manchester, etc.," E. 121 (13). The first two of these are given in "C.W.T.," pp. 44 and 49; the third is summarised in the appendix to that volume, p. 332. The fourth Tract differs greatly from the other accounts. There are also several other Tracts of little value. To these must be added Rosworm's narrative ("C.W.T.," pp. 219-223) and that in Lancashire's "Valley of Achor" ("C.W.T.," pp. 111-123). And perhaps the most interesting account of all is the Diary contained in the Sutherland MSS., "Hist. MSS. Comm.," Report 5, p. 142. The present writer contributed an essay on the Siege of Manchester to the "Owens College Historical Essays" (1902), p. 377.

[51]The Captain Bradshaw here mentioned was probably Robert Bradshaw, younger brother of John Bradshaw, of Bradshaw Hall, near Bolton, Sheriff of Lancashire in 1645 (often wrongly confused with President Bradshaw). He did good service in command of the Assheton tenantry at Manchester: "Captain Bradshaw hath quit himself most valiantly to his everlasting renown; he prays with his soldiers every day himself," E. 240 (23). His name does not, however, appear much afterwards, but if he was the Captain Bradshaw who was taken prisoner later in the year, and carried to Lathom House, he died soon after his release from there. The "Discourse" calls him "a very moderate man and of good parts" (p. 20).Richard Radcliffe lived at Radcliffe Hall, a moated house then standing south of Market Stead Lane. It was afterwards called Pool Fold, and the name is still preserved. The Hall was pulled down in 1811. This is usually supposed to have been the Richard Radcliffe who was elected Member of Parliament for Manchester in Cromwell's Parliament of 1656; but as he is called 'old Mr. Radcliffe' in the following year, this may be doubted. The return of the Burgess to Parliament in 1656 simply calls the Member "Richard Radcliffe, Esquire, of Manchester." Radcliffe served at the second defence of Bolton against the royalists in 1643. ("C.W.T.," p. 351. "Manchester Municipal Records." "Palatine Note Book," Vol. 3, pp. 265-6.)Captain, afterwards Colonel, John Booth, was the fifth son of Sir George Booth, Lord of the Manor of Warrington; for a full account of his careervidea note in the "Discourse," p. 120-122. He must be distinguished from Colonel (afterwards Sir George) Booth, grandson of the Sir George Booth referred to, who at first fought on the Parliament's side, but headed a rising for Charles the Second in 1659, and became first Lord Delamere after the Restoration.

Richard Radcliffe lived at Radcliffe Hall, a moated house then standing south of Market Stead Lane. It was afterwards called Pool Fold, and the name is still preserved. The Hall was pulled down in 1811. This is usually supposed to have been the Richard Radcliffe who was elected Member of Parliament for Manchester in Cromwell's Parliament of 1656; but as he is called 'old Mr. Radcliffe' in the following year, this may be doubted. The return of the Burgess to Parliament in 1656 simply calls the Member "Richard Radcliffe, Esquire, of Manchester." Radcliffe served at the second defence of Bolton against the royalists in 1643. ("C.W.T.," p. 351. "Manchester Municipal Records." "Palatine Note Book," Vol. 3, pp. 265-6.)

Captain, afterwards Colonel, John Booth, was the fifth son of Sir George Booth, Lord of the Manor of Warrington; for a full account of his careervidea note in the "Discourse," p. 120-122. He must be distinguished from Colonel (afterwards Sir George) Booth, grandson of the Sir George Booth referred to, who at first fought on the Parliament's side, but headed a rising for Charles the Second in 1659, and became first Lord Delamere after the Restoration.

[52]These numbers sound very disproportionate, but the statement is made in the "Sutherland MSS.," which seems much the most reliable in the matter of numbers. "These were estimated," the account continues, "from the graves found in the fields about the town, and five more were found in the sands of the river; and it is supposed that more were cast into the river, among whom was Mr. Mountain, a Colonel of horse, and Captain Skirton and a lieutenant, with others of note" ("Hist. MSS. Com.," Vol. 5, p. 142). The tract called "A True and Faithful Relation, etc.," which is supposed to have been written by Heyrick, says roundly: "In this day's fight, blessed be to God, we lost not one man."Richard Heyrick, the Warden of the Collegiate Church, was son of Sir William Heyrick, Alderman of London, who afterwards lived at Beaumanor, in Leicestershire. He was born in London in 1600, became Rector of North Repps, in Norfolk, and Warden of Manchester in 1635, his father obtaining the Wardenship for him in satisfaction of some monetary transactions with the Crown. Heyrick was a man of great energy, and was the leader of the Presbyterian party in Manchester. He was a cousin of Herrick the poet. (Art. by C. W. Sutton, "Dictionary of National Biography.")

Richard Heyrick, the Warden of the Collegiate Church, was son of Sir William Heyrick, Alderman of London, who afterwards lived at Beaumanor, in Leicestershire. He was born in London in 1600, became Rector of North Repps, in Norfolk, and Warden of Manchester in 1635, his father obtaining the Wardenship for him in satisfaction of some monetary transactions with the Crown. Heyrick was a man of great energy, and was the leader of the Presbyterian party in Manchester. He was a cousin of Herrick the poet. (Art. by C. W. Sutton, "Dictionary of National Biography.")

[53]No other account mentions this incident.

[54]The royalists continued plundering, if they suspended their actual attacks upon the town; and evidently the garrison took opportunity to bring in reinforcements. They came from Bolton, and two of them were killed by the royalists during a skirmish outside the town; "Coming peaceably with 150 more to assist the town," Heyrick says quaintly ("C.W.T.," p. 55).

[55]The terms offered are variously stated, the fullest account being given in a tract entitled, "The Lord Strange, his Demands, etc." ("C.W.T.," p. 47). Rosworm mentions only a demand for 100 muskets. Heyrick says that the question was finally referred to the soldiers, "who all resolutely answered they would not give him a yard of match, but would maintain their cause and arms to the last drop of blood."

[56]"Sutherland MSS."

[57]"As also their foot plundered, which gave the occasion and example for all the plundering that after happened in the county" ("Discourse," P. 7).Richard Holland (afterwards Colonel in the service of the Parliament) lived at Heaton, in Prestwich. He was a magistrate and sequestrator, and served at Preston, Wigan and the first siege of Lathom House. Rosworm was his bitter enemy, and accused him of great cowardice.

[57]"As also their foot plundered, which gave the occasion and example for all the plundering that after happened in the county" ("Discourse," P. 7).

Richard Holland (afterwards Colonel in the service of the Parliament) lived at Heaton, in Prestwich. He was a magistrate and sequestrator, and served at Preston, Wigan and the first siege of Lathom House. Rosworm was his bitter enemy, and accused him of great cowardice.

[58]The shortage of ammunition was evidently a very grave danger, for all the accounts mention it. Rosworm confesses that he had only 6 lbs. of powder and 18 fathom of match left, but he had told no one. Cf. a letter from Sir John Hotham to the Speaker on Nov. 25, 1642, in which he refers to his having sent from Hull five barrels of powder to Manchester "when they were in that extremity with Lord Strange" ("Portland MSS.," Vol. 1, p. 174). This powder arrived on Oct. 14 ("C.W.T.," p. 122). The "Valley of Achor" refers to the fact that the very wet weather made the country people more willing to stay in Manchester, it being harvest time ("C.W.T.," p. 118).Rev. William Bourne was senior fellow of the Collegiate Church. He died in the following year. He "had long been a blessing to the town, and had seen a resurrection of it from the Plague, nigh forty years before" (evidently the visitation of 1605), and "was lifted up from the gates of death and raised in spirit to promote this work."

Rev. William Bourne was senior fellow of the Collegiate Church. He died in the following year. He "had long been a blessing to the town, and had seen a resurrection of it from the Plague, nigh forty years before" (evidently the visitation of 1605), and "was lifted up from the gates of death and raised in spirit to promote this work."

[59]Cf. also a letter dated Sept. 26, signed by Holland, Booth, Egerton and Hide, to Colonels Shuttleworth and Starkie "at Haslingden or elsewhere," asking them to send powder and match for the relief of Manchester ("Lancs. Lieutenancy," pt. 2, p. 273).

[60]This was Captain Snell, who "had two rings on his hands worth £20" ("Sutherland MSS.").

[61]Captain Thomas Standish was not of the royalist family of that name at Standish; that branch was represented at the siege of Manchester by its head, Ralph Standish, the uncle of Lord Molyneux and father-in-law of Colonel Tyldesley; but was the eldest son of Thomas Standish of Duxbury, near Chorley, Shuttleworth's colleague as M.P. for Preston. Heyrick says he was killed whilst "reproaching his soldiers because they would not fall on," but the "Discourse" less picturesquely, but probably with more accuracy, that "quartered in a house upon the north side of Salford, well up towards the Chapel, was, by a bullet shot from the top of Manchester Steeple, slain" (p. 7). The "Sutherland Diary" gives a touch of human interest in the statement, "He was to have married Mr. Archbould's kinswoman, who married Sir John Harper of Cork." There is no doubt that the loss of Standish was a serious blow to the attack.

[62]"On Friday Lord Strange's forces were so scattered that they durst not come within pistol shot of the town" ("Sutherland Diary"). When Derby requested an exchange of prisoners and a cessation of plundering, the town retorted that they had not plundered at all, but his lordship had done so much damage "that £10,000 would not make a recompense" ("C.W.T.," p. 55).

[63]These figures are from the authorities cited above. The only independent estimate is in a letter from Stephen Charlton to Sir R. Leveson: "News confirmed by several letters from Manchester that they of the town have slain about 300 of Lord Strange's forces" ("Hist. MSS. Com.," Vol. 5, p. 161).

[64]The "Valley of Achor" goes further than this: "A spirit of Piety and Devotion in Prayers and singing of Psalms rested generally upon Persons and families, yea Taverns and Innes where it might not put in the head formerly" ("C.W.T.," p. 120). Cf. however "Salford Portmote Records," C.S. (new series), 48, Vol. 2, p. 77; on Oct. 16, 1644, Edward Rosterne was presented "for making an affray on the Bridge with the soldiers that kept the Bridge there."

[65]It was stated that the royalist forces had been summoned to Warrington to meet the King, and the direction of their march was at first concealed from them. "The Lord Strange's Souldiers some of them wept, others protested great unwillingness to fight against Manchester, affirming they were deceived and deluded else they had not come hither" ("C.W.T.," p. 56).

[66]"A True and Exact Relation of the Several Passages at the Siege of Manchester," etc., E. 121 (45).

[67]"Exceeding Joyful News out of Lancashire, etc." ("C.W.T.," p. 103). Cf. "Clarendon" (Macray), Vol. 6, p. 67: "For Manchester the Lord Strange, who had by His Majesty's favour and encouragement recovered his spirits (after the impeachment), undertook, without troubling His Majesty further northward in a very short time to reduce that place (which was not so fortunately performed because not so resolutely pursued) and to send a good body of foot to the King to Shrewsbury."

When the House of Commons met on Monday, Oct. 3, letters were read giving information of Lord Strange's retreat. It was, however, feared that he would very soon return to make another attempt. There was a false alarm in Manchester on the same day that the royalists were coming back, and the rumours were repeated on October 5 and October 10; and at intervals all through the rest of the month the town lived in fear of a second royalist attack. It was again reported in the newspapers that the King was to join the Earl of Derby against Manchester and then to march into Yorkshire against the Hothams.[68]Fortunately all these rumours were false. Manchester was never to see any more fighting and only once again the march of a hostile army. And there was never any real prospect at this time of Charles invading Lancashire. The Earl of Derby sent some of his troops to join the royal army, but he does not seem to have himself joined the King.

Parliament had realised the importance of retaining Manchester, and already during the siege a commission had been issued for raising 1000 dragoons under Sir John Seaton for service in Lancashire. Unfortunately it was easier to issue commissions than to carry them out; in spite of newspaper reports to the contrary the dragoons had not reached Manchester by the end of November. Indeed it is doubtful whether they wereever sent at all, though Seaton was in command in Lancashire early in the new year.[69]Supplies of powder were, however, sent to Manchester; a large amount reached the town on October 22, besides that which had been sent from Hull; though several convoys were intercepted by the royalists, one on its way from Worcester, one by Sir Edward Mosley at Stafford, and one later on October 24. Mr. Assheton had also a warrant from the Speaker for conveying four small brass pieces to Manchester and one for the defence of his own house at Middleton.[70]The whole county was organised for military purposes by the Parliament, companies being raised and Colonels appointed for each Hundred; Assheton and Holland in Salford Hundred, Shuttleworth and Nicholas Starkie in Blackburn, Rigby for Amounderness and Leyland, Moore and Peter Egerton in West Derby, and Mr. Dodding for Lonsdale Hundred. The local captains were those who had already served at the siege of Manchester, Birch, Bradshaw, Radcliffe and Venables. Salford Hundred was the most active for the Parliament, and Manchester led the way. The troops there were steadily drilled, the magazine replenished, and fortifications considerably strengthened. Not content with this the garrison began to make small expeditions on its own account to plunder the houses of royalists in the neighbourhood.[71]Alport Lodge where Lord Strange and Tyldesley had stayed during the siege was destroyed;[72]a party was sent to disarm the town of Bury, where the first royalist musters had been made; and Captain Birch led a force into Blackburn Hundred to capture Townley Hall. As soon, however, as the war had actually broken out men began to realise what consequences its long continuance may have. It was, writes Clarendon, "the opinion of most that a battle would determine all"; and when Edgehill had been fought and small skirmishes occurring in all parts of the country had left matters much as they were, local attempts at pacification began to be made in many places. These merely attempted to make a temporary arrangement for cessation, and were quite distinct from the negotiations between King and Parliament which continued all through the autumn of 1642. Questions of principle were not raised, and as the local opponents had usually been on good terms before the war began, it was not difficult for them to come to some agreement. In Devon and Cornwall a treaty was entered into by the two parties; in Yorkshire and in Cheshire, and no doubt in other counties also, pacifications were arranged. Parliament, however, steadily refused to countenance them, and the position was no doubt a sound one.

In Lancashire negotiations were opened through the medium of Roger Nowell of Read, a royalist captain, but a relative of Colonel Shuttleworth, and it wasdecided to attempt a meeting of a certain number from each party at Blackburn on Thursday, October 13. Shuttleworth wrote to Holland and Egerton in Manchester asking for their co-operation, and they replied on October 10 agreeing to the meeting, but suggesting Bolton as a better place since they were not willing to leave their own Hundred. Shuttleworth replied next day to Nowell naming Bolton as the place, and offering either the following Monday or Tuesday, October 17 or 18 for the date. Nowell fixed October 18 with William Farington, and it was arranged that six leaders from each side should meet. The Parliamentarians were Shuttleworth, Starkie, Egerton, Holland, John Bradshaw and John Braddyl; the royalists Farington, Alexander Rigby of Burgh, John Fleetwood, Savile Radcliffe, and it was hoped Sir Thomas Barton and Robert Holt of Castleton. But the intended meeting never took place. Parliament somehow had news of the arrangement, and promptly put their veto upon it. On October 15 Holland wrote from Manchester that Parliament had forbidden any local attempts at pacification; Shuttleworth forwarded the letter to the royalists, and the incident closed.[73]

There seems to have been one further attempt to bring about a pacification in Lancashire, or perhaps it would be more correct to say that Manchester was included in negotiations which were proceeding in Cheshire at the initiative of Lord Kilmorey and Lord Brereton. It wasproposed that the troops in and near Manchester should be disbanded and the town 'secured' by the Earl of Derby. But the Parliamentarians had nothing to gain by the terms suggested, and the former failure had made them more cautious. They replied that they had done nothing consciously to provoke Lord Derby's hostility; but that if satisfactory proposals for pacification were submitted they would send them up to Parliament immediately by a special messenger.[74]Meanwhile the royalists in the county were also arming, and in spite of peace proposals all preparations were being made for a protracted struggle. After retreating a little way from Manchester Lord Derby seems to have sent some regiments to the King and made his own headquarters at Warrington. But he was reported to be in a very despondent frame of mind, "for the last Thursday (November 24) at Warrington at dinner he said he was born under an unfortunate planet and that he thought some evil constellation reigned at the time of his birth, with many such other words of passion and discontent." There was even a report about this time that his life was in danger, which is the more credible as it comes from a royalist source. He summoned a meeting of his supporters on October 10 at Warrington,[75]and it was resolved to call out the trained bands and freehold bands of Lancashire and to raise horse, and also to bring about an association with the counties of Shropshire, Flint,Denbigh, Cumberland and Westmorland. The resolutions were signed by Derby and 23 others; it is rather surprising to find that the Parliamentarian leaders were also summoned to this meeting.[76]Shuttleworth and Starkie certainly had invitations, and probably some others also. The chief royalist garrisons were established at Warrington, Wigan and Preston. Wigan was the nearest town to Lathom House, and was described by its opponents as the "most malignant town in all the county"; Warrington, however, on account of its geographical importance as commanding the only bridge into Cheshire, was the most strongly fortified, and contained the most numerous garrison. At the end of October the Parliamentarian leaders had information that there were royalist troops to the number of 1400 in six garrisons, of which 400 were at Warrington, 300 at Preston and 200 at Wigan.[77]In December another royalist meeting was held at Preston and the organisation was further completed. Collectors were appointed for every Hundred to raise the sum of £8,700 to be employed for the payment of 2000 foot and 400 horse and for the provision of a magazine. The collectors were Girlington and Roger Kirkby for Lonsdale Hundred; Adam Mort, Mayor of Preston, and Alexander Rigby of Burgh for Amounderness; Farington and John Fleetwood for Leyland; Henry Ogle, John Bretherton and Robert Mercer for West Derby; Robert Holt and Francis Sherington for Salford; and Sir John Talbot and Radcliffe Assheton for Blackburn. The rates of pay were fixed; and Girlington, Mort, Kirkby and James Anderton or any three of them were to forma standing council at Preston to give reports periodically to Lord Derby, and having power to summon other advisers as they pleased.[78]

Actual hostilities began again about the end of November, and for two months in spite of the winter, there was constant fighting in various parts of the county. The climax of the campaign, which on the whole went greatly in favour of the Parliamentarians, was their capture of Preston in February, 1642‑3. A number of skirmishes occurred almost simultaneously at the end of November, the first being in Blackburn Hundred.[79]There had been a general meeting of royalists at Preston on November 7, and a week or two later Sir Gilbert Hoghton fired his beacon as a signal to the Fylde. Hoghton Tower occupies a conspicuous position, and the light of the beacon would be seen all over the low lying country nearer the sea. With the troops thus raised he disarmed Whalley and occupied Blackburn. Colonels Shuttleworth and Starkie, hearing of this, hastily raised 8000 men and attacked the royalists by night. Moonlight prevented a complete surprise, but the victory was complete. After two hours fighting they gained an entrance into Blackburn, and the royalists fled in such haste that they left their own arms and all that they had seized in Whalley. Hoghton himself escaped with difficulty.

A few days after this engagement, on Sunday,November 27, a skirmish occurred in which Lord Derby's troops were concerned, though it does not appear that he himself was present. The countryside was going to church when a post rode in with the news that the Earl's troops were marching towards Chowbent; about 3000 men were hastily collected against him and a running fight ensued all the way to Leigh, some two miles distant. The royalists were gradually driven back, some being killed and many wounded. On Lowton Common, two miles beyond Leigh, they turned and faced the Parliamentarian horse which had left the foot far behind; but after a short stand they again broke and fled, many prisoners being taken in the pursuit.[80]

It is worthy of remark that most of the actual fighting during the Civil War in Lancashire was running fighting. This first instance is only one of many more in the next few years. The decisive battle in the county covered many miles of ground, and even the battle of Preston itself was, after Langdale's first stand, a long and straggling engagement half way across the county. Attacks on houses or towns excepted, there were few if any pitched battles until that at Wigan Lane in 1651, which was the last battle of the war.

The next encounter went in favour of the royalists, and, as all the Parliamentarians admit, it was a great disaster. During the next few weeks both parties sent out from their garrisons plundering expeditions against houses in the neighbourhood which belonged to the other side. In retaliation for some plunder by theWigan garrison, a local company of Parliamentarians together with two from Manchester, attacked the house of a Roman Catholic gentleman near Wigan. They were surprised by a superior force of royalists, but abandoning their booty they managed to escape. A day or two afterwards, however, they were again surprised near Westhoughton by a force of 1000 men, and being surrounded they were all compelled to surrender at discretion. This was on December 15, 1642; 160 men together with Captains Bradshaw and Venables were captured. Venables was probably some months in captivity at Lathom House; Bradshaw was released earlier, but soon afterwards died.[81]

This was, however, the only royalist success for some time to come. The two remaining engagements of the year went in favour of the Parliamentarians. Both took place on Christmas Eve. On that day the Manchester garrison accompanied by Rosworm marched out by way of Chowbent, which they cleared of the enemy, to Leigh. This was a measure of retaliation for plundering by the Wigan garrison in the neighbourhood. The royalists made some resistance, but being largely outnumbered by the attacking force they were surrounded and overpowered. The Parliamentarians marched on the market place from different sides, and they recovered many of the arms which hadbeen captured a fortnight before. The victory was regarded with great satisfaction as a revenge for Venables' surrender. Within three days the Parliamentarian troops were back in Manchester. The other engagement was also fought on previously contested ground at Blackburn, in this case the assailants being the royalists. Sir Gilbert Hoghton had a special case against this garrison as it was only three miles from his own house. Accordingly on Christmas Eve he marched out of Blackburn, it was said with 5000 men, to attack the town. The garrison numbered only 400. But there was no fighting at close quarters; the royalists had with them one small piece of cannon which they discharged repeatedly without effect, but they hardly approached within musket shot at all, and under cover of night they retreated. No lives were lost and the only result was the plundering of the countryside.[82]

In January, 1642‑3, there was very little done by either side. Some Manchester troops set out to capture the house of Mr. Leigh at Adlington in Cheshire, but they returned without doing anything. The only other incident was an unsuccessful plot by Sir John Talbot, which is reported incorrectly in details though there seems to be no doubt of the main facts. Talbot was one of the royalist collectors for Blackburn Hundred and lived at Salesbury Hall near Ribchester. Early in January he invited some of the Parliamentarian leaders to pay a visit to his house; but suspecting some treachery they sent a troop of horse instead, and found that it wasa plot to capture the supposed guests. Returning with reinforcements they attacked the ambush with superior numbers and sacked the house.

The next trial of strength, the capture of Preston by the Parliamentarians, was an important event. Confident in its strength and thinking no doubt that an attack was improbable, the royalists had relaxed their vigilance, and Preston was only weakly garrisoned. News of this being brought to Colonel Shuttleworth, he planned a joint attack with the Manchester garrison, which was now under the command of Sir John Seaton. Seaton left Manchester on Monday evening, February 6, accompanied by Colonel Holland, Serg.-Major Birch, Serg.-Major Sparrow, Captain Booth and other officers, with three foot companies from Manchester and three from Bolton. They came to Blackburn on Tuesday night, and were joined there by four or five companies more. These altogether numbering about 1000 men together with about 600 'club-men' set out from Blackburn late on Wednesday evening, February 8, for Preston, which is ten miles away. It was a clear night and the whole force having crossed Ribble Bridge, which was almost if not entirely undefended, drew up in the fields a little distance from the town walls. The attack was made at about half past seven o'clock, a little while before sunrise, at two places. A few men attacked from the south and the main body from the east of the town; the former being guided by somebody familiar to the ground soon gained an entrance, but elsewhere the royalists offered a most determined resistance. For two hours the garrison fought stoutly. There were outer and inner walls, and the garrison kept both with pikes and swords. Captain John Booth showed conspicuous bravery, and was the first to scale the outer defences, bidding his soldiers either follow him or give him up; in another place a small body of the Parliamentarians driven back from the outer walls gained entrance bymeans of a house. The Manchester troops under Holland showed great bravery. After other resistance had been overcome the royalists occupied the church tower, and were dislodged with difficulty. Then the defence collapsed, and the besiegers became masters of the town. The losses do not seem to have been very great on either side; but the royalists' killed included Adam Mort, the Mayor, and his son, both energetic supporters of the cause, Radcliffe Hoghton, brother of Sir Gilbert Hoghton, and others of note. Very few of the Parliamentarian officers were killed. There were many prisoners taken, including Lady Hoghton, Lady Girlington, Mr. Towneley, Mr. Anderton of Clayton, a son of Sir John Talbot, and a nephew of Sir Gilbert Hoghton. Sir Gilbert only saved himself by a hasty flight to Wigan.[83]

The capture of Preston was an enormous blow to the King's party in Lancashire. An account, written by John Tilsley, Vicar of Dean, describes the engagement as "much to the advancement of the public work in this county and not so altogether impertinent to the Kingdom"; and there is justification for his statement. In attacking Preston the Manchester garrison were venturing for the first time right into the enemy's country. No longer on the defensive as at the end of 1642, they were now reversing the original position of the two parties in the county. And if the royalist standard had fallen at Preston it could hardly be raised with safety anywhere in Lancashire. Preston was also important geographically, as being on the main road throughLancashire. "It blocks up the way to all the north-east part of Lancashire, where were the chief malignants and the cream of the Earl's forces."[84]Moreover Preston symbolised the royalist cause, and since it was (as it still is) a stronghold of Roman Catholicism, it was specially obnoxious to the Puritan party. The Lancashire Parliamentarians, therefore, had captured their enemy's stronghold and broken the lines of communication between Newcastle, Chester and Shrewsbury.

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