FOOTNOTES:

FOOTNOTES:[85]Hoghton Tower was practically a ruin half a century ago, but has since then been very carefully restored, and is now to outward appearance much as in the old days. It occupies a commanding position on a hill six miles from Preston and four miles from Blackburn, standing about 550 feet above sea level.[86]"A punctuall relation of the passages in Lancashire this weeke, etc." ("C.W.T.," p. 79). Lancashire's "Valley of Achor" ("C.W.T.," p. 127). "Discourse," p. 24. "Certaine Informations," No. 6, Feb. 20-27. The first and last of these accounts make allegations of treachery but not the other two; and the "Valley of Achor" would not have omitted the charge if it had not been quite baseless. The "Discourse" ascribes the disaster to "want of heedfulnesse," and the "Valley of Achor" is still more definite: "It dispossessed them by the help of Powder to which their disorders laid a Train fired by their neglected matches, or by that great Souldiers' Idoll, Tobacco." "O that this thundering alarm might ever sound in the eares of our Swearing, Cursing, Drunken, Tobacco-abusing Commanders and Souldiers unto unfaigned Repentance. For do they think that those upon whom the Tower fell and slew them, were sinners above the rest of the Army?"In his "Pilgrimages to Old Homes" (1906), p. 84, Mr. Fletcher Moss says that it was the gate house into the second court which was blown up; but it would rather seem to have been the Tower itself, which then crowned the building on its eastern side.[87]"Speciall Passages and Certain Informations from severall Places" ("C.W.T.," p. 77). "A punctuall relation, etc." ("C.W.T.," p. 79). The latter of these accounts is an extremely vivid narrative, and must have been communicated, if not written, by an eye-witness. The former tract gives the defenders' losses as five, the latter as eight or ten; and it is stated that 100 of the royalists were either killed or mortally wounded. These numbers must be received with considerable reservation. The "Discourse" states incorrectly that Alexander Rigby of Burgh was killed in this engagement. The "Valley of Achor" mentions a "new invented mischievous Instrument which received this description at Bolton: An head about a quarter of a yard long, a staffe of two yards long or more, put into that head, twelve iron pikes round about, and one in the end to stab with. This fierce weapon (to double their scorn) they called a Roundhead." The Editor of "C.W.T." (p. 129) states that the "Mercurius Civicus," June 2-16, 1643, gives a picture of one of these "Roundheads."[88]Apparently Sparrow crossed somewhere about the present Shard Bridge. Unless it happened to be high tide, however, there would be no need for a ferry. The River Wyre at this point is a broad expanse of water when the tide is full, but at low water it shrinks to a width of eight or ten yards, and can easily be forded for a long stretch.[89]Rossall Hall is now the headmaster's house at Rossall School. The Fleetwoods of Rossall were royalists, and the statement that Derby plundered the house for arms can only be correct on the assumption that the Parliamentarian party had previously taken possession of it.[90]The "Discourse" (pp. 25-27) gives much the fullest account of these operations; this writer is usually especially well informed with regard to the Fylde. His estimate of the ability of Serj.-Major Sparrow is very different from that given by Tilsley in his narrative of the capture of Preston, but is probably more reliable. It is only fair to state, however, in Sparrow's defence that Seaton says that the Earl also had foot with him and 300 horse, and that there were 400 Spaniards; and that Sparrow crossed the river in order to guard the ammunition which had been taken from the ship. From Lytham to Rossall Point is about 13 miles, Layton Common lying half-way between the two places; Poulton is a little nearer Rossall, and closer to the river. For the fate of the Spaniards, Cf. "L.J.," Vol. 5, p. 652; "Hist. MSS. Com." Report 8, p. 63. Five names of officers are given, the chief being Don Francisco de Aco and Don Alonzo Navarro. The date of the burning of the ship by the royalists is given by the Earl of Derby in his Diary ("Stanley Papers," Pt. 3, Vol. 3, C.S. 70, p. 3, ed. Raines).[91]Seaton says that the guns were 22 in number, including 8 brass pieces, 2 demi-cannon, one minion, and 3 sacres. At first there was some competition between Manchester, Bolton, Preston and Lancaster as to which town should receive the guns, but the matter was decided in favour of Lancaster, which was in more royalist territory, and perhaps also because of rumours of the projected attack.[92]On July 7, 1645, Parliament ordered that "when this unnatural war shall be ended" Lancaster should receive the sum of £8,000 out of the estates of delinquents who were actually present at the siege ("C.J.," Vol. 4, p. 168). Payment of this relief was long delayed; and on December 23, 1647, the House ordered that the inhabitants of Lancaster should farm papists' and delinquents' estates to the value of £2,000 for one year, in part of their former vote. The Castle was later to cause considerable trouble to the authorities. In March, 1646‑7 Parliament ordered that it be dismantled, but for some reason the order was not put into effect until years afterwards, in spite of its having been repeated several times ("C.J.," Vol. 5, 101; "C.S.P.," 1649‑50, pp. 385, 536, etc., etc.).[93]The royalist opinion of their prospects in Lancashire at this time was very favourable. Cf. "Mercurius Aulicus," March 15, 1643: "By letters of March 7, it is certified that affairs in Lancashire are not so bad as reported. Wigan and Warrington still hold good for the King, and in Liverpool, the principal town toward Ireland, there are some foot companies of Sir T. Salisbury's regiment and a troop of Flintshire horse. Lancaster is recovered by Col. Tyldesley." And again on March 31: "Last Monday Mr. Kirkby came to the Queen asking for arms and reporting that Lord Molyneux had taken Bolton."[94]There are two accounts of the capture of Preston in the "Mercurius Aulicus," 1643, pp. 150 and 159 respectively. The former is given in "C.W.T.," p. 84. The fullest Parliamentarian account is in the "Discourse," p. 29. Cf. also "Valley of Achor" ("C.W.T.," p. 132) and Seaton's Letter "Chetham Miscellanies," Vol. 3 (No. 57). Seaton says that though he was suffering from a fall from his horse he would have at once pursued the royalists at Preston, but his men refused to follow him. On the next morning, when news came of Derby's occupation of Preston, none of them would remain in Lancaster; and Colonel Stanley's three companies flatly disobeyed his orders. Evidently the men had got quite out of hand, and Seaton was very unpopular. He gives as the reason that he had restrained the soldiers from plundering at Preston. The dates of the capture of Lancaster are given by the Earl of Derby in his Diary "Stanley Papers," C.S. 70, ed. Raines, Pt. 3, Vol. 3, p. 3).[95]"Valley of Achor" ("C.W.T.," p. 132). Probably one reason for the unmanageableness of the troops was want of supplies and of pay. Cf. a letter from Col. Holland to John Booth, Manchester, March 19, 1643, concerning the condition of the regiments with which they have been ordered to join Lord Denbigh for the relief of Wem. What with "sicknesse, diseases, and other disasters of warre" the two regiments together do not exceed 600 men, and these are so discouraged and mutinous through want of pay and clothing that it is feared that they will refuse to march ("Denbigh MSS.," Vol. 4, p. 265).[96]"C.W.T.," p. 133. The "Mercurius Aulicus" contains a description of a defeat of two Parliamentarian troops of horse by Lord Derby's regiment; but this seems to have been invented.[97]"Discourse," p. 36. "C.W.T.," pp. 134, 226. The last of these is from Rosworm's "Good Service," and is the fullest. It has sometimes been treated as if referring to the first attack on Warrington ("Discourse" note, p. 113), but though the language is rather ambiguous, Rosworm is evidently describing the taking of Wigan, where he himself was present. He makes a strong charge of cowardice against Holland, whom, he states, refused to leave any garrison in Wigan, though Rosworm himself offered to remain there; and finally Holland marched away in such haste as to endanger the safety of the forces. But the Parliamentarians cannot as yet have hoped to garrison Wigan.[98]Vicars' "Parliamentary Chronicle," Pt. 1, p. 297 ("C.W.T.," p. 94).[99]Marlet, "Charlotte de la Tremoille," p. 86.[100]"C.W.T.," pp. 94, 135. "Discourse," p. 31. There is a long note in the "Discourse," pp. 112-124, giving an account of these operations. Cf. also a paper by Dr. Kenrick in the "Transactions of the Lancashire and Cheshire Historic Society," Vol. 4 (1852), p. 18. The attack is said to have begun at four o'clock in the afternoon and lasted till dark. One account states that the Earl of Derby declared that he would set fire to Warrington rather than surrender it, and that Sir William Brereton thereupon ordered a retreat in order to save the town. This was the Parliamentarian way of explaining away their defeat. There is no Moot Hill now, though Dr. Kenrick states that military relics have been found on the site by excavation.[101]Mr. Ormerod appears to assume that Colonel Assheton was in command, and it is true that one of the accounts ("C.W.T.," p. 97) does mention a Captain Ashton; but as he is not mentioned anywhere else he was probably not present.[102]The narrative in the "Discourse," p. 33, is very minute, being evidently that of an eye-witness. He says that the first sight of the royalists which their opponents had was "mounting out of a Hollow dingle between Ashterley and Reed-head." This hollow dingle must certainly be the depression through which Sabden Brook flows; the roadway now crosses it by a bridge. The farmhouse on the right descending to the brook is still called Easterley.[103]"Discourse," pp. 31-34. "A True Relation of a great and wonderfull Victory, etc." ("C.W.T.," p. 95). The latter is largely reprinted in "Continuation of Certain Speciall and Remarkable Passages," May 4-11. The Ribble at Salesbury takes a wide curve, and is therefore somewhat shallower. There is no 'boat' there now, but a bridge at Ribchester.[104]"Speciall Passages," May 6 ("C.W.T.," p. 98).[105]Marlet, "Charlotte de la Tremoille," pp. 88, 89. "Letters of Queen Henrietta Maria," edited by Mrs. Everett Green (1857), pp. 190, 195.[106]Seacome, p. 82. The Earl reached the Isle of Man on June 15; he evidently found the island in a very turbulent state. The Queen wrote to Newcastle: "Lord Derby is here. He is no longer capable of defending himself or of raising troops."[107]"Discourse," p. 39.[108]Newspapers in "C.W.T.," pp. 100-101;videalso "Perfect Diurnall" (Cook), May 15-22. There is a tract in "C.W.T.," p. 102, which professes to give an account of the surrender of Warrington, but it is exceedingly unreliable.[109]"Valley of Achor" ("C.W.T.," p. 138). Contradictory statements are, however, made about a ship from the Earl of Warwick's fleet which appeared in the Mersey at this time.[110]"Discourse," p. 40. Hornby Castle has been largely re-built, the lower portion of the lofty central tower being the oldest remaining part. The Castle stands on an isolated hill, occupying a very strong natural position. The hill on all sides is steep, and especially so on the north-east side where its base is encircled by the River Wenning. It was evidently on this quarter that the surprise attack was delivered; but it is hardly possible now to judge of the danger of the enterprise. The descent down to the Wenning, partially levelled at the top to make a garden, is not an arduous climb; and the present buildings on that side do not approach very near to the edge of the descent. On July 6 the House of Commons ordered that Hornby Castle should be demolished in order to avoid the expense of keeping a garrison there; and two days later Assheton was directed to send the order down to Lancashire, although no answer had been returned by the House of Lords ("C.J.," Vol. 3), pp. 158-159.

[85]Hoghton Tower was practically a ruin half a century ago, but has since then been very carefully restored, and is now to outward appearance much as in the old days. It occupies a commanding position on a hill six miles from Preston and four miles from Blackburn, standing about 550 feet above sea level.

[86]"A punctuall relation of the passages in Lancashire this weeke, etc." ("C.W.T.," p. 79). Lancashire's "Valley of Achor" ("C.W.T.," p. 127). "Discourse," p. 24. "Certaine Informations," No. 6, Feb. 20-27. The first and last of these accounts make allegations of treachery but not the other two; and the "Valley of Achor" would not have omitted the charge if it had not been quite baseless. The "Discourse" ascribes the disaster to "want of heedfulnesse," and the "Valley of Achor" is still more definite: "It dispossessed them by the help of Powder to which their disorders laid a Train fired by their neglected matches, or by that great Souldiers' Idoll, Tobacco." "O that this thundering alarm might ever sound in the eares of our Swearing, Cursing, Drunken, Tobacco-abusing Commanders and Souldiers unto unfaigned Repentance. For do they think that those upon whom the Tower fell and slew them, were sinners above the rest of the Army?"In his "Pilgrimages to Old Homes" (1906), p. 84, Mr. Fletcher Moss says that it was the gate house into the second court which was blown up; but it would rather seem to have been the Tower itself, which then crowned the building on its eastern side.

In his "Pilgrimages to Old Homes" (1906), p. 84, Mr. Fletcher Moss says that it was the gate house into the second court which was blown up; but it would rather seem to have been the Tower itself, which then crowned the building on its eastern side.

[87]"Speciall Passages and Certain Informations from severall Places" ("C.W.T.," p. 77). "A punctuall relation, etc." ("C.W.T.," p. 79). The latter of these accounts is an extremely vivid narrative, and must have been communicated, if not written, by an eye-witness. The former tract gives the defenders' losses as five, the latter as eight or ten; and it is stated that 100 of the royalists were either killed or mortally wounded. These numbers must be received with considerable reservation. The "Discourse" states incorrectly that Alexander Rigby of Burgh was killed in this engagement. The "Valley of Achor" mentions a "new invented mischievous Instrument which received this description at Bolton: An head about a quarter of a yard long, a staffe of two yards long or more, put into that head, twelve iron pikes round about, and one in the end to stab with. This fierce weapon (to double their scorn) they called a Roundhead." The Editor of "C.W.T." (p. 129) states that the "Mercurius Civicus," June 2-16, 1643, gives a picture of one of these "Roundheads."

[88]Apparently Sparrow crossed somewhere about the present Shard Bridge. Unless it happened to be high tide, however, there would be no need for a ferry. The River Wyre at this point is a broad expanse of water when the tide is full, but at low water it shrinks to a width of eight or ten yards, and can easily be forded for a long stretch.

[89]Rossall Hall is now the headmaster's house at Rossall School. The Fleetwoods of Rossall were royalists, and the statement that Derby plundered the house for arms can only be correct on the assumption that the Parliamentarian party had previously taken possession of it.

[90]The "Discourse" (pp. 25-27) gives much the fullest account of these operations; this writer is usually especially well informed with regard to the Fylde. His estimate of the ability of Serj.-Major Sparrow is very different from that given by Tilsley in his narrative of the capture of Preston, but is probably more reliable. It is only fair to state, however, in Sparrow's defence that Seaton says that the Earl also had foot with him and 300 horse, and that there were 400 Spaniards; and that Sparrow crossed the river in order to guard the ammunition which had been taken from the ship. From Lytham to Rossall Point is about 13 miles, Layton Common lying half-way between the two places; Poulton is a little nearer Rossall, and closer to the river. For the fate of the Spaniards, Cf. "L.J.," Vol. 5, p. 652; "Hist. MSS. Com." Report 8, p. 63. Five names of officers are given, the chief being Don Francisco de Aco and Don Alonzo Navarro. The date of the burning of the ship by the royalists is given by the Earl of Derby in his Diary ("Stanley Papers," Pt. 3, Vol. 3, C.S. 70, p. 3, ed. Raines).

[91]Seaton says that the guns were 22 in number, including 8 brass pieces, 2 demi-cannon, one minion, and 3 sacres. At first there was some competition between Manchester, Bolton, Preston and Lancaster as to which town should receive the guns, but the matter was decided in favour of Lancaster, which was in more royalist territory, and perhaps also because of rumours of the projected attack.

[92]On July 7, 1645, Parliament ordered that "when this unnatural war shall be ended" Lancaster should receive the sum of £8,000 out of the estates of delinquents who were actually present at the siege ("C.J.," Vol. 4, p. 168). Payment of this relief was long delayed; and on December 23, 1647, the House ordered that the inhabitants of Lancaster should farm papists' and delinquents' estates to the value of £2,000 for one year, in part of their former vote. The Castle was later to cause considerable trouble to the authorities. In March, 1646‑7 Parliament ordered that it be dismantled, but for some reason the order was not put into effect until years afterwards, in spite of its having been repeated several times ("C.J.," Vol. 5, 101; "C.S.P.," 1649‑50, pp. 385, 536, etc., etc.).

[93]The royalist opinion of their prospects in Lancashire at this time was very favourable. Cf. "Mercurius Aulicus," March 15, 1643: "By letters of March 7, it is certified that affairs in Lancashire are not so bad as reported. Wigan and Warrington still hold good for the King, and in Liverpool, the principal town toward Ireland, there are some foot companies of Sir T. Salisbury's regiment and a troop of Flintshire horse. Lancaster is recovered by Col. Tyldesley." And again on March 31: "Last Monday Mr. Kirkby came to the Queen asking for arms and reporting that Lord Molyneux had taken Bolton."

[94]There are two accounts of the capture of Preston in the "Mercurius Aulicus," 1643, pp. 150 and 159 respectively. The former is given in "C.W.T.," p. 84. The fullest Parliamentarian account is in the "Discourse," p. 29. Cf. also "Valley of Achor" ("C.W.T.," p. 132) and Seaton's Letter "Chetham Miscellanies," Vol. 3 (No. 57). Seaton says that though he was suffering from a fall from his horse he would have at once pursued the royalists at Preston, but his men refused to follow him. On the next morning, when news came of Derby's occupation of Preston, none of them would remain in Lancaster; and Colonel Stanley's three companies flatly disobeyed his orders. Evidently the men had got quite out of hand, and Seaton was very unpopular. He gives as the reason that he had restrained the soldiers from plundering at Preston. The dates of the capture of Lancaster are given by the Earl of Derby in his Diary "Stanley Papers," C.S. 70, ed. Raines, Pt. 3, Vol. 3, p. 3).

[95]"Valley of Achor" ("C.W.T.," p. 132). Probably one reason for the unmanageableness of the troops was want of supplies and of pay. Cf. a letter from Col. Holland to John Booth, Manchester, March 19, 1643, concerning the condition of the regiments with which they have been ordered to join Lord Denbigh for the relief of Wem. What with "sicknesse, diseases, and other disasters of warre" the two regiments together do not exceed 600 men, and these are so discouraged and mutinous through want of pay and clothing that it is feared that they will refuse to march ("Denbigh MSS.," Vol. 4, p. 265).

[96]"C.W.T.," p. 133. The "Mercurius Aulicus" contains a description of a defeat of two Parliamentarian troops of horse by Lord Derby's regiment; but this seems to have been invented.

[97]"Discourse," p. 36. "C.W.T.," pp. 134, 226. The last of these is from Rosworm's "Good Service," and is the fullest. It has sometimes been treated as if referring to the first attack on Warrington ("Discourse" note, p. 113), but though the language is rather ambiguous, Rosworm is evidently describing the taking of Wigan, where he himself was present. He makes a strong charge of cowardice against Holland, whom, he states, refused to leave any garrison in Wigan, though Rosworm himself offered to remain there; and finally Holland marched away in such haste as to endanger the safety of the forces. But the Parliamentarians cannot as yet have hoped to garrison Wigan.

[98]Vicars' "Parliamentary Chronicle," Pt. 1, p. 297 ("C.W.T.," p. 94).

[99]Marlet, "Charlotte de la Tremoille," p. 86.

[100]"C.W.T.," pp. 94, 135. "Discourse," p. 31. There is a long note in the "Discourse," pp. 112-124, giving an account of these operations. Cf. also a paper by Dr. Kenrick in the "Transactions of the Lancashire and Cheshire Historic Society," Vol. 4 (1852), p. 18. The attack is said to have begun at four o'clock in the afternoon and lasted till dark. One account states that the Earl of Derby declared that he would set fire to Warrington rather than surrender it, and that Sir William Brereton thereupon ordered a retreat in order to save the town. This was the Parliamentarian way of explaining away their defeat. There is no Moot Hill now, though Dr. Kenrick states that military relics have been found on the site by excavation.

[101]Mr. Ormerod appears to assume that Colonel Assheton was in command, and it is true that one of the accounts ("C.W.T.," p. 97) does mention a Captain Ashton; but as he is not mentioned anywhere else he was probably not present.

[102]The narrative in the "Discourse," p. 33, is very minute, being evidently that of an eye-witness. He says that the first sight of the royalists which their opponents had was "mounting out of a Hollow dingle between Ashterley and Reed-head." This hollow dingle must certainly be the depression through which Sabden Brook flows; the roadway now crosses it by a bridge. The farmhouse on the right descending to the brook is still called Easterley.

[103]"Discourse," pp. 31-34. "A True Relation of a great and wonderfull Victory, etc." ("C.W.T.," p. 95). The latter is largely reprinted in "Continuation of Certain Speciall and Remarkable Passages," May 4-11. The Ribble at Salesbury takes a wide curve, and is therefore somewhat shallower. There is no 'boat' there now, but a bridge at Ribchester.

[104]"Speciall Passages," May 6 ("C.W.T.," p. 98).

[105]Marlet, "Charlotte de la Tremoille," pp. 88, 89. "Letters of Queen Henrietta Maria," edited by Mrs. Everett Green (1857), pp. 190, 195.

[106]Seacome, p. 82. The Earl reached the Isle of Man on June 15; he evidently found the island in a very turbulent state. The Queen wrote to Newcastle: "Lord Derby is here. He is no longer capable of defending himself or of raising troops."

[107]"Discourse," p. 39.

[108]Newspapers in "C.W.T.," pp. 100-101;videalso "Perfect Diurnall" (Cook), May 15-22. There is a tract in "C.W.T.," p. 102, which professes to give an account of the surrender of Warrington, but it is exceedingly unreliable.

[109]"Valley of Achor" ("C.W.T.," p. 138). Contradictory statements are, however, made about a ship from the Earl of Warwick's fleet which appeared in the Mersey at this time.

[110]"Discourse," p. 40. Hornby Castle has been largely re-built, the lower portion of the lofty central tower being the oldest remaining part. The Castle stands on an isolated hill, occupying a very strong natural position. The hill on all sides is steep, and especially so on the north-east side where its base is encircled by the River Wenning. It was evidently on this quarter that the surprise attack was delivered; but it is hardly possible now to judge of the danger of the enterprise. The descent down to the Wenning, partially levelled at the top to make a garden, is not an arduous climb; and the present buildings on that side do not approach very near to the edge of the descent. On July 6 the House of Commons ordered that Hornby Castle should be demolished in order to avoid the expense of keeping a garrison there; and two days later Assheton was directed to send the order down to Lancashire, although no answer had been returned by the House of Lords ("C.J.," Vol. 3), pp. 158-159.

It was a sign of the complete victory of the Parliamentarian party in Lancashire that now for the first time troops from this county began to be sent into Yorkshire and Cheshire. In the middle of June, 1643, before the surrender of Hornby and Thurland Castles, 2000 men from Manchester were reported to have joined Lord Fairfax in Yorkshire, and a month or two after this we find Lancashire troops taking part in the war in Cheshire.[111]

Fairfax at this time had need of all the help that he could get, for Newcastle was pressing him hard. The royalists took Leeds, Halifax and Wakefield in succession. In the last few days of June the Fairfaxes marched from Bradford against Newcastle, who left his quarters at Howley and drew up his army on Adwalton Moor, some three miles from Bradford, to await their attack. The Parliamentarian force consisted of 1,200 men from Leeds, 500 from Halifax, Pontefract and other places, 7 companies from Bradford, together with 12 companies from Lancashire under the command of Colonel Assheton and Colonel Holland. All these were foot; and there were also 13 troops of horse of which 3 had come from Lancashire. The royalists on the other hand had 8,000 foot of their former army, and 7,000 recently raised by Commission of Array, with perhaps 4000 horse. Newcastle drew up his men on Adwalton Moor, also occupying some houses in the enclosed ground in front of his position. The Parliamentarian 'forlorn' was under Captain Milday; the van under Major-General Gifford consisted of the 1,200 Leeds foot, and the main battle was formed by the Lancashire foot and the 500from Halifax under Lord Fairfax himself; in the rear were the Bradford soldiers under Lieutenant-Colonel Forbes. Sir Thomas Fairfax commanded all the cavalry. At first the battle went in favour of the Parliamentarians; they attacked vigorously, their 'forlorn' driving back the enemy, and their van then faced the royalists' right wing, while their rear attacked in the centre. All Newcastle's line began to give ground, but the Parliamentarians incautiously advanced too far into the open moor; and Newcastle, who greatly outnumbered them, sent forward a detachment along a lane to the left of his position which took the enemy in the rear. Most of the Yorkshire troops had been used only to garrison duty, and caught thus between two fires, they were unable to execute an orderly retreat, but began to run. The loss in killed was not very great, but a large number were taken prisoner, and two of the four guns were lost. The Parliamentarian centre being strengthened by the Lancashire troops, was brought off safely by Sir Thomas Fairfax. Lord Fairfax could only be persuaded to leave the field when the royalists had intercepted his retreat to Bradford, and he reached the town with difficulty. Sir Thomas was forced to seek refuge in Halifax for that night, and joined his father in Bradford the following day.[112]

The defeat was a serious blow to the Parliament's cause in Yorkshire, and its moral effect was greater still. Moreover the Lancashire troops at once returned home, with the exception of 200 foot and 20 horse, who were persuaded to remain on promise of prompt pay. The Fairfaxes were unable to retain Bradford, and were forced to retreat to Hull, which was soon practically the only place in Yorkshire in the hands of the Parliament. It was indeed only by good fortune that they kept Hull, for Sir John Hotham had declared that he would shutthe gates against them; but the discovery of the Hothams' plot and their arrest gave Fairfax a place of retreat when he most needed it.

On July 5th, Newcastle dated from Bradford a summons to the town of Manchester. He offered the townsmen protection and pardon if they would lay down their arms. But it was not likely that having already driven the royalists out of their own borders the Manchester garrison would listen to a summons sent from 30 miles distant; and a defiant answer was returned two days later. "Sir we are nothing dismayed at your force, but hope that God who hath been our Protector hitherto, will so direct our just Army that we shall be able to return the violence intended into their bosoms that shall essay the prosecution of it." This is, however, very different language from the urgent letter to Lenthall written the day before,[113]in which they refer to their loss of men and arms at the battle of Adwalton Moor, the encouragement which that defeat had given to the royalists at home, and the great danger in which they were placed by the retreat of Fairfax to the extreme east of Yorkshire. Newcastle, however, soon had too much on his hands in Yorkshire to do more than send a summons into a neighbouring county. But the Lancashire leaders took the precaution of guarding the frontier against him. They sent 1200 men to Rochdale, and 800 more to Blackstone Edge, four miles further on, over which passes the main road into Yorkshire. The garrison was attacked once at least; and it was kept there most of the winter, being maintained out of the several Hundreds of the county from sequestered Roman Catholic estates. Colonel Tyldesley's estate at Myerscough was one of the first to be sequestered (Oct.). The defences at Blackstone Edge were constructed under the direction of Rosworm, who was sent from Manchester for that purpose. The newspapers report that in the middle of July Newcastle sent 200 horse to break through, but without success. A few were killed and many taken prisoners, and the rest retreated; "because it is naturally so strong that 500 men can keep 1000 neither is that way fit either for carriages or ordnance." Indeed the nature of the ground, which is very rough and covered with heather, is such as to make it exceedingly difficult for the movements of cavalry.[114]

The newspapers also mention royalist defeats in July at Colne, where 40 prisoners were taken, and also at Clitheroe, and at Thornton. It would appear from this that Newcastle continued his attempts to break through the Lancashire defences. Evidently it was necessary to keep a watch upon the eastern border of the county during this winter, and it was fortunate for the Parliamentarian party that the Moors formed such a strong natural defence. Some troops for a time were kept at Colne and even at Emmott Lane Head, which is three miles further on just on the border of the county.[115]

Lancashire forces were also sent to fight under the command of Sir William Brereton and Sir ThomasFairfax in Cheshire. They do not seem to have taken part in any very important engagements in that county; but they assisted at the siege of Halton Castle which fell on July 22, and they also fought at Chester. Some time in June, 1643, Alexander Rigby arrived in Lancashire with a Colonel's commission to raise forces in Leyland and Amounderness Hundreds. Rigby was not the man to remain idle, even though the fighting seemed over. He appointed 15 or 20 captains in Amounderness to raise foot companies and one troop of horse; and a few also in Leyland. The Order of Parliament for impressing troops was not passed until the end of October, 1643, but it was easier to raise men now that they could be provided for out of sequestered estates.[116]With the troops which he had raised Rigby at once set himself to reduce Thurland Castle, which had been re-occupied by Sir John Girlington, and well stored with ammunition and provisions; and early in August he marched against it. This second siege proved much harder than the first, and lasted seven weeks. The position of Thurland Castle is a strong one, and it was surrounded, as it still is, by a moat which made a close approach to the walls impossible.[117]The Parliamentarian main guard was at Cantsfield, which is only half a mile from the Castle, but is hidden from it by a small hill; on the east side of the building in the field between Thurland and Cantsfield the ordnance was placed in position. Some of the besiegers lay at Tunstall on the north-west side; and Rigby himself stayed at Hornby Castle, which is four miles away, and rode over daily to the siege. The Parliamentarian horse were quartered up and down the country. During most of the time inwhich the siege was in progress the Westmoreland royalists harassed the besiegers. They were under the command of Colonel Huddleston of Millom, and of two Lancashire refugees, Roger Kirkby and Alexander Rigby of Burgh. After several false alarms Rigby heard that Colonel Huddleston had collected a force of 1,600 men in Furness and was about to march to the relief of Thurland. Without waiting to be attacked Rigby left only as many men before the Castle as were quite necessary to maintain the blockade, and himself started with 500 foot, 3 troops of horse and 2 guns to meet them. Marching 30 miles in one day "over mountains and through sea sands and waters," he found the royalists on Sunday, October 1, at Lindale, three miles from Cartmel. The Parliamentarian word was "God with us," and they charged with such vigour that the enemy began to retreat almost before the battle was joined, and in a quarter of an hour the royalists fled in confusion. Few were killed, but the cavalry in pursuit captured Colonel Huddleston, two of his captains and an ensign, 400 men and the magazine, which was large enough to take eight oxen to draw it. Hardly stopping to take food Rigby returned to Thurland as hurriedly as he had come to find the small force there menaced by the Westmoreland royalists; but on hearing of his victory at Lindale Sir Philip Musgrave, who was in command, made negotiations for the surrender of Thurland Castle. The defenders were to have free passage, but the building was ordered to be demolished. Rigby says that he endeavoured to save the combustible materials from fire but without success. In the middle of October he returned to Preston. Notwithstanding the disorganisation of the royalists the battle of Lindale was admirably planned and carried out, and proved that Rigby was a man of considerable military skill.[118]

Shortly after this Colonel Moore came down to Lancashire, and considerably strengthened the defences of Liverpool by erecting fortifications and gates, and planting guns in position. He also raised a few troops of foot in West Derby Hundred. These preparations turned out to be very necessary, for shortly before Christmas, 1643, seven or eight royalist warships sailed up the Mersey and lay in the river for many days; they did not, however, offer to put into the harbour. Cheshire was at that time mostly royalist, and Sir Thomas Tyldesley kept some troops at Birkenhead which it was thought were intended for an attack on Liverpool. Rigby, hearing of this, summoned Captain Pateson from the Fylde, and called for volunteers to accompany him. There was no lack of response, and leaving Preston on Christmas Eve they joined some other troops at Wigan and marched as far as Prescot. The danger was, however, over; all the ships had gone save one, which put into Liverpool harbour and surrendered to the Parliament. After remaining five or six days in Liverpool the Parliamentarian troops returned to Preston.[119]

The Lancashire troops also took part in the criticalevents in Cheshire in December, 1643, and January, 1644. The general royalist position was at this time far other than it was in Lancashire. The King was master of about two-thirds of the country; and so evenly balanced was the issue in the summer of 1643, that both sides had summoned outside help, Parliament the Scots, and Charles the troops from Ireland, which had been set free by the Cessation. The King's negotiations with the Irish had been marked by his usual duplicity, for he could have no hope of keeping the promises he made.

In March, 1643, the Irish had demanded a free Parliament, on promise of which they would send over 10,000 men. Charles authorised Ormonde to treat for 12 months Cessation of arms, and at length conceded the demand for a Parliament. In spite of divisions among the Irish leaders, the Cessation was concluded on September 15. News of the coming Irish landing brought back the Lancashire forces from North Wales where they had marched as far as Wrexham, and the hope of the Lancashire royalists revived. They secured the King's warrant for the march of the new army into Lancashire. "I am desired by the Lancashire gentlemen," writes Abraham Shipman to Ormonde on October 28, "to acquaint your Lordship that those forces that are to come from Dublin are assigned by His Majesty for their county, which they are preparing to receive. My lord, the extreme necessity of that county craves speedy succours and therefore humbly desire your furtherance"; and Sir Gilbert Hoghton was ordered to Chester to await the arrival of the troops. The Lancashire plan was that the Irish regiments should march at once to attack Liverpool, which was not strongly defended, and was situated in the royalist part of the county and near Lathom House. It was thought that some troops could be raised in Lancashire; there were said to be 2000 men ready to invade the county from the north, and help was expected from Newcastle in Yorkshire. Thus it was expected that the advance of the Scots would be checked.[120]

These hopes were, however, destined not to be fulfilled. The Irish troops, to the number of about 5000, landed in North Wales in the middle of November, and for a time they carried all before them. First they took Hawarden Castle and then marched on Chester; leaving there on December 12 they proceeded to Northwich in order to cut off communications between Manchester and Nantwich, and afterwards summoned Beeston Castle, which was speedily surrendered. The Parliamentarian Governor was executed for cowardice. The Cheshire Committee summoned help from Lancashire, and Colonel Assheton marched to their assistance with 1500 foot. He had reached Sandbach, when Byron being warned of his approach detached 4000 men to intercept him. The Parliamentarians began to retreat towards Middlewich, but the royalists came up with them at Booth Lane, north of Sandbach, and a retreat against such superior numbers soon became a rout. The Lancashire men were chased along the road to Middlewich three miles away, with heavy loss and many prisoners. At Middlewich 300 of them took refuge in the church and were given quarter; the rest of them fled through the town and were scattered.[121]

But the tide now turned against the royalists. Byron laid siege to Nantwich which under the circumstances was a place of very great importance. Clarendon says "it cannot be denied the reducing of that place at that time would have been of unspeakable importance to the King's affairs, there being between that and Carlisle no one town of moment (Manchester only excepted) againstthe King; and those two populous counties of Cheshire and Lancashire (if they had been united against the Parliament) would have been a strong bulwark against the Scots."[122]Realising its importance the garrison held out resolutely, and Sir Thomas Fairfax was sent in haste from Yorkshire to raise the siege. While he was on his way a royalist force under Sir Richard Willis, coming from Shrewsbury with ammunition, were defeated by a much smaller number of Parliamentarians; and several attacks on Nantwich were beaten off. Sir Thomas Fairfax left Manchester on January 21 with 2,500 foot and 28 troops of horse. His first encounter with the royalists was near Delamere where he took 30 prisoners; and about six miles further on another force appeared which was, however, dispersed after half an hour's fighting. Having reached Acton Church, a mile from Nantwich, Fairfax found a large detachment of the royalists drawn up; and he at once attacked these before they could be reinforced. The royalist troops had besieged Nantwich on both sides of the river, and a flood had separated their forces. Byron, however, came up before the issue was decided, and Colonel Holland's and Colonel Booth's regiments were faced about to meet the attack. The fight lasted for two hours, and Assheton was particularly praised for his part in it. The Parliamentarian cavalry were once hard pressed, but being nearest to the town they were assisted by a sortie of the garrison, and at length both divisions of the royalists were driven into Acton Church and obliged to surrender. A large number were taken prisoners, including their Major-General, four Colonels, many other officers and 1,500 common soldiers. Colonel Monck was one of those captured. More than half of the prisoners took service in the Parliamentary army. (January 25, 1644.) The battle of Nantwich had a decisive effect not only on the war in Cheshire but to some extent on Lancashirealso. If the town had been taken all Cheshire would have been over-run by the Irish troops, and there is no reason why they should not have carried out their plan for an invasion of Lancashire. But the victory won by Fairfax and the Lancashire troops restored at one blow the Parliamentarian cause in Cheshire.[123]

In Lancashire the way was now open for the siege of the last royalist strongholds. Only two places still held out to the King, Lathom House and Greenhalgh Castle, and of these the former was much the more important.

The Earl of Derby was still in the Isle of Man, but Lathom under the able direction of the Countess of Derby, assisted by such Lancashire royalists as still remained in the county, had been gradually prepared for resistance. It being almost the only place of refuge left, many of the militant royalists had gathered there. The House had been summoned as far back as May, 1643, after the capture of Warrington; but nothing had been done towards reducing it. The royalists had been, however, practically confined to the Park at Lathom, and Rigby sent what troops he could spare to harass them at intervals. The garrison on their part plundered all they could. Early in February, 1644, the royalists had the better of a skirmish with some Parliamentarian horse under Captain Hindley; and when the danger in Cheshire was over the troops from Cheshire were at liberty to begin the reduction of Lathom.

The first siege of Lathom House is quite the most picturesque incident of the Lancashire war. More has been written about it, and it is probably better known than any other event. This has rather served to disguise the fact that the siege was not very important from a militarypoint of view. There was no great issue depending upon its capture as in the case of that of Manchester in October, 1642, or of Warrington in April, 1643; its resistance for a few months more or less did not affect the general position. It was a centre of hostile influence, but its garrison was bound to be only on the defensive and could never hope to be strong enough to make Lathom the starting point for a re-conquest of Lancashire for the King. Thus the defence was in the nature of a forlorn hope, and derived from this greater interest; when it is added that the defence was directed by a woman after the Earl of Derby and lesser royalist leaders had been driven out of the county, it easily became 'ever memorable' to the royalists. The attempt to save a splendid and historic mansion from the destruction which afterwards unhappily overtook it makes a further appeal to the imagination; and that the attempt was successful owing to the appearance on the scene of the chivalrous figure of Prince Rupert, supplies the last touch of sentimental interest.

Nothing now remains of old Lathom House and no picture of it is known to exist. Its situation and appearance was accurately described by Seacome, but it is impossible now even to identify the site.[124]Lathom House in those days was strong not only from its situation but from its structure. It stood upon marshy ground in a hollow surrounded by small hills which made it very difficult to effect an approach to the walls. The wall itself was six feet thick, and the whole was surrounded by a moat twenty-four feet across and six feet deep; a palisade between the walls and the water provided a further defence. On the wall were nine towers upon each of which were planted six guns, three turned one way and three the other, and in the centre of the building was a higher tower called the EagleTower. The gate house, which was a strong and lofty building, stood at the entrance to the first court.

On Saturday, February 24, 1644, it was decided at a meeting of the Committee at Manchester that Colonels Assheton, Rigby and Moore should undertake the siege of Lathom House.[125]News of this came to Lathom on Sunday, and the Countess of Derby at once sent out to obtain information from a friend which she had in the enemy's camp, while hastening on the reinforcement and provisioning of the garrison. The messenger returned on the following day with the news that the Parliamentarian troops had already marched as far as Bolton, Wigan and Standish. On Tuesday, February 27, they had taken up their quarters round the house at a distance of from one to three miles from it. The rest of the week was spent in negotiations. A formal summons of surrender was first brought on Wednesday by Captain Markland from Sir Thomas Fairfax, who further promised that he would use his influence with Parliament if the Earl of Derby would submit himself to their mercy. Lady Derby asked for a week's delay in which she might send a message to the Earl to know his opinion. This was refused, and Fairfax then requested her to come in her coach to New Park, a house about a quarter of a mile from Lathom, in order to have a personal interview with himself and his Colonels. But the Countess remembering her birth, returned a haughty refusal, "conceiving it more knightly that Sir Thomas Fairfax should wait upon her than sheupon him." After two more days of messages Assheton and Rigby entered Lathom with propositions, which as might have been expected were severe. The House and all arms and ammunition were to be delivered up, the garrison having leave to depart to Chester or elsewhere; Lady Derby was to reside at Knowsley, being allowed 20 musketeers for her protection, or she was to join the Earl in the Isle of Man. These conditions were refused "as in part dishonourable in part uncertain." On Monday, March 4, Assheton came again alone in order to receive the royalist proposals. These required a month's delay for the removal of Lady Derby and her family to the Isle of Man, during which time the royalist garrison was to be kept at Lathom; but afterwards none of the arms were to be employed against the Parliament. After her departure none of the tenants of the Earl were to be molested. It was evident, however, that all negotiations were useless. On their own confession the royalists did not believe that Fairfax's promises were genuine, nor did they intend to keep their own. The Parliament referred to in their proposals was understood by them to mean the King's Parliament at Oxford. The only object of allowing negotiations at all was in order to gain time to put the House into a better state for defence. The besiegers, however, made one final offer which was brought by Colonel Morgan, the assistant engineer, "a little man short and peremptory";[126]they allowed the time which had been asked for toevacuate Lathom, but the cannon were to be left for its defence and not removed with the rest of the arms and goods. By 10 o'clock the following day all the royalist garrison was to be disbanded and 40 Parliament soldiers to be received as a guard. The royalists, however, seeing that there was now no more time to be gained, formally broke off all negotiations. The defiant answer was at length given which had been kept in the background for a week. The Countess of Derby refused all their articles, and declared "That though a woman and a stranger, divorced from her friends, and robbed of her estate, she was ready to receive their utmost violence trusting in God both for protection and deliverance."

Seacome states that at some point in the negotiations Sir Thomas Fairfax himself visited the House, and that Lady Derby drew up all her garrison in an imposing array, from the main guard in the first court to the great Hall where she herself received him. This ruse had its desired effect; so impressed was Fairfax with the strength of the garrison that he dissuaded the other leaders from making an immediate attack, which was just what the garrison most feared.[127]The besiegers now moved their lines nearer to the walls. But even now all treaty was not at an end. Nothing much was done during the rest of the week; but on Sunday, March 10, a deputation of tenants was persuaded to enter Lathom to plead with Lady Derby to surrender; but once inside the gates their royalism was apparent and the pleading was not very powerful. Yet once more, however, on the day following (Monday, March 11) Captain John Ashhurst, whom the royalists praise for his courtesy, came in with a last proposal from Fairfax. All former conditions were tobe waived; the Countess, all the garrison and all the household were to have liberty to depart wherever they pleased with all their arms, ordnance and goods, yielding up the house to Sir Thomas Fairfax. The arms, however, were never to be employed against the Parliament; and everyone must leave the house at once excepting a hundred people who might remain ten days. This was of course refused, and all negotiations were now at an end.

The siege now began to be pressed with more vigour. The royalist garrison consisted of 300 men. Lady Derby was called Commander-in-Chief, with Mr. Farington as her chief adviser; and the Captains were Farmer, Ogle, Molyneux, Radcliffe, Chisenhale, Rawsthorne, Charnock, and Fox. Farmer, who was made Major of the House, was a Scotchman who had seen service in the Low countries. He was afterwards killed at Marston Moor. Rawsthorne, then Colonel, was in chief command during the second siege. The garrison was divided equally among all the Captains, who had therefore not quite half a company each. Half the garrison was on duty every night, and 16 marksmen from the whole number kept watch all day on the Towers.

The Parliamentarian soldiers before Lathom were drawn out of each Hundred by turns, their whole number being between 2,000 and 3,000. At first the troops seemed to have come from South Lancashire, those from the Fylde being called up at the end of a fortnight. The soldiers were on duty every third day and night, their provision and pay being levied on the towns in which the companies were raised.[128]Sir Thomas Fairfax, who conducted the negotiations, left the siege early in March, and after his departure the chief command seems to have devolved upon Colonel Rigby, whostayed at Ormskirk, three miles away, and came over daily to the siege.

The first advance of the Parliamentarians drove out the royalists from the Stand in the Park which they had occupied; but the besiegers seem at first to have greatly underrated the difficulty of their task, not because they expected to take the House by storm, but thinking it was so poorly provisioned that it might be easily starved into surrender. As a matter of fact, however, Lathom was well stocked with food, and for a time at least the blockade was so incomplete that supplies could easily be brought in. Moreover the difficulty of the ground for siege operations soon became apparent, and the nearer the lines were drawn to the walls the more danger was incurred from the marksmen on the Towers. The garrison was not content merely to look on at the attack but soon began to make sorties which greatly harassed the besieging force. On Tuesday, March 12, Captain Farmer led out 100 foot and the 12 horse which was all the garrison possessed, attacked the besiegers' works, and slew several of them, taking six prisoners. The following Sunday night, Captain Chisenhale sallied out from the rear gate with 30 men, and put the Parliamentarians to ignominious flight. The accounts of these sorties are probably exaggerated, and the number of the besiegers who were killed is certainly placed much too high; but the attack was not pressed with very much resolution. Much of the firing against the House was wild, and large amounts of ammunition were wasted;[129]though it is evident that a good deal of damage was done to the buildings by cannon shots. The besiegers' most successful weapon was a large mortar which was loaded with grenades or with eight pound stone bullets and did considerable execution. One shot falling intoan old court destroyed most of the buildings which surrounded it; and another struck one of the Towers and broke down a large clock.

Towards the end of March a message came from the Earl of Derby to Sir Thomas Fairfax, desiring free passage for his Lady and children from the House; but the garrison realising that Lord Derby knew nothing of the provision which had been made for a siege, or of the successful defence which was being carried on, resolved to take no notice of it. A formal acknowledgment was sent to Sir Thomas Fairfax, and a messenger was sent to Lord Derby who was then at Chester, to acquaint him more exactly with the state of things in Lancashire.

The besiegers still continued their bombardment of the House but without much effect; and the garrison continued to have much the best of the sorties. On the morning of Wednesday, April 11, Captain Farmer and Captain Radcliffe led out about half the garrison from a postern gate and drove the Parliamentarians from most of their works, which had now been formed all round the walls, Radcliffe showing especial bravery. The retreat was secured by Captain Ogle and Captain Chisenhale. The royalists declared that they had spiked all the besiegers' guns, but as the bombardment continued after this without any intermission the statement must be false. They were evidently obliged to take great precautions against the cannon shot, and men were constantly on the watch with damp cloths to prevent the buildings from catching fire. Towards the middle of April a chance shot entered the window of Lady Derby's room "but was too weak to fright her from the lodging"; ten days afterwards, however, two larger cannon bullets broke into the room, and she was obliged to remove to another part of the building. The royalists were most in fear of the large mortar piece; and their next expedition was made with the object of effecting its capture. About 4 a.m. on April26th,[130]a sortie in force was made. The walls and gates were well guarded, and a reserve told off to assist a retreat if necessary; Captain Chisenhale then issued from the eastern gate, surprised the besiegers and after severe fighting drove them from their trenches. The great cannon was placed upon a sledge which had been kept in readiness and drawn within the walls. The Parliamentarians must have suffered considerably in this skirmish, and they lost still more in prestige. Inside Lathom there were extravagant expressions of joy at the capture of the dreaded mortar; and the royalists boasted that the very day of its capture Rigby had invited a number of his friends to witness the surrender of the House. The besiegers were proportionately discouraged by its loss; and many of their other guns were now removed in order to prevent their capture.

The Parliamentarians now endeavoured to cut off the water supply from Lathom and to drain the moat. The first was impossible, as the springs that supplied the well inside Lathom were drawn from higher ground east of the House. A trench was begun in order to empty the moat, but it does not seem to have been proceeded with. The country people of the neighbourhood were pressed into service, and many weeks' work was spent in vain. The fidelity of the chief engineer, whose name was Brown, was by no means above suspicion, and he was at any rate incompetent if not treacherous. In one of the sorties by the garrison an assistant engineer was taken prisoner, and he explained the design of the trench.

Colonel Assheton had been called away from the siege early in April. After the sortie of April 26, the discouragement of the Parliamentarian troops was great, and Rigby wrote in much depression to the Committeeat Manchester. "We are obliged to repel them five or six times in a night. These constant alarms, the numbers of the garrison, and our great losses, compel our men to mount guard every other night and even two nights in succession. For my part I am spent with anxiety and fatigue."[131]It is therefore surprising to find that summonses for surrender were still being sent into Lathom. The very day before the capture of the mortar a demand was sent to the Countess "to yield up Lathom House, all the persons, goods and arms within it to receive the mercy of the Parliament, and to return her final answer the next day before 2 o'clock." It was to this summons which Lady Derby returned her famous answer—

"Tell that insolent rebel, he shall neither have persons, goods nor house; when our strength and provision is spent, we shall find a fire more merciful than Rigby, and then if the providence of God prevent it not my goods and house shall burn in his sight; myself, children and soldiers rather than fall into his hands, will seal our religion and loyalty in the same flame."

This heroic declaration roused the garrison to wild enthusiasm, and they broke out into loud exclamations "we will die for His Majesty and your honour. God save the King."[132]

After this very little was done before Lathom for some weeks, though skirmishing continued at intervals with varying success. The Parliamentarians now confined themselves to a blockade of the House, and even this was not very effective. For five or six weeks before theend of the siege there seems to have been practically no fighting. The besiegers continued at work in their trenches, but a heavy fall of rain which caused some of the earth to fall in and killed three men, interfered with this undertaking. The royalists stated, and probably with some truth, that the besiegers were so disheartened that they could not prevent their men from deserting in large numbers.

At a meeting of the Committee in Manchester on April 23rd, it was resolved to raise additional troops for the siege at Lathom, and to assess a weekly amount of £4,627/6/4 on the whole county, except Lonsdale Hundred and Garstang Parish, which were already being taxed to maintain the siege of Greenhalgh Castle.[133]It is improbable, however, that these resolutions were carried into effect, for the attack showed no more vigour than before; and it had little prospect of success long before the approach of Prince Rupert effected a complete change in the position of affairs. It was not till towards the end of May that news came of Rupert's march, and Colonel Rigby again sent a summons to Lathom to surrender. This was of course refused; and the same day a messenger arrived from the Earl of Derby with news of the Prince's approach. This was, as a matter of fact, only two days before Rupert crossed the Mersey, and as soon as this was ascertained, the Parliamentarian troops marched away from Lathom with all haste. (May 27.) The royalists claimed that the besiegers had lost 500 men during the siege.[134]

Almost incredible as it seems, not only has old Lathom House completely disappeared but it is impossible to decide with any certainty where it stood. The present house is not large and was evidently all planned at the time it was built, which was early in the eighteenth century. It is said that it stands on a part of the former site, and certain parts of it, of darker stone than the rest, are supposed to have come from the former building; moreover a hundred yards or so before the house (which faces south) and drawn round it for about three hundred yards is a shallow depression which is said to be the old moat. This has been filled in at the back of the present house to make a garden. Excavations near the present site are said to have discovered human remains.

All this may sound conclusive, but it is impossible to reconcile the surroundings of the present house with the exact description given by Seacome. In spite of his usual inaccuracy in recording events it seems impossible that such a description as he gives, evidently that of an eye witness, can be incorrect except perhaps in one or two details. His exact words may be quoted:—

"As to the situation of Lathom House it stands upon a flat, upon a moorish springy and spumous ground, and was encompassed with a strong wall of two yards thick; upon the walls were nine towers flanking each other and in every tower were six pieces of ordnance that played three one way and three the other; without the wall was a moat eight yards wide and two yards deep; upon the back of the moat between the wall and the graff was a strong row of palisades around. Besides all these, there was a high strong tower, called the Eagle Tower, in the midst of the house surmounting all the rest; and the gate house had also two high and strong buildings with a strong tower on each side of it.... Besides all that hashitherto been said of the walls, towers, moat, etc., there is something so particular and romantic in the general situation of this house as if nature herself had formed it for a stronghold or place of security; for before the house to the south and south-west is a rising ground so near it as to overlook the top of it, from which it falls so quick that nothing planted against it on those sides can touch it further than the front wall; and on the north and east sides there is another rising ground, even to the edge of the moat, and then falls away so quick, that you can scarce, at the distance of a carbine shot, see the house over that height; so that all the batteries placed there are so far below it as to be of little service against it: and let us observe by the way that the uncommon situation of it may be compared to the palm of a man's hand, flat in the middle, and covered with a rising round about it, and so near to it that the enemy, during the siege, were never able to raise a battery against it, so as to make a breach in the wall practicable to enter the house by way of storm." ("House of Stanley," p. 90.)

Either Seacome invented all the above, or the present Lathom House is not only not on the old site, but it is not anywhere near to it. For it is impossible to suppose that the nature of the ground can have changed so entirely. The soil round the present Lathom House is not marshy but sandy, and it is not hilly but flat. There is a very slight slope away from the front of the house to the south, and also to the north, but on no side is there any place which can possibly be supposed to answer to Seacome's description. Moreover the so-called moat is by no means convincing. It is conceivable that a moat may have been considerably filled in since the seventeenth century, but the wall which now supports the bank is not high and the stone looks new; Seacome's eight yards wide and two yards deep could hardly have so shrunk.

In the woods recently planted, which began about half a mile south of the present house, is an evidently artificial ditch, some 250 yards in length, bending slightly in the middle and running roughly E. and W. and N.E. and S.W. This is known as Cromwell's Trench, and the tradition is said to be an ancient one; there is also at some distance a large block of stone containing on its upper surface two hollows which are said to have been used for casting bullets; this is locally known as Cromwell's Stone. It may be noted that Roby's reference to the site, though he evidently visited it, is not quite accurate. He says "It is said that the camp of the besiegers was in a woody dell near what is now called the 'Round O Quarry' about half a mile from Lathom. This dell is still called 'Cromwell's Trench'; and a large and remarkable stone, having two circular hollows or holes on its upper surface, evidently once containing nodules of iron, is called 'Cromwell's Stone,' the country people supposing these holes were used as moulds for casting bullets during the siege." ("Traditions of Lancashire," 5th ed., 1811, vol. i, p. 315.)

Actually the trench is rather more than half a mile from Lathom but the Stone is a quarter of a mile from the Trench, and the Quarry is at least a mile further off again. But Roby evidently thought that the old house was at a considerable distance from the present one, for his imaginary view[135]is taken "from a hill above the valley or trench where it is said the main army of the besiegers was encamped." The present house cannot be seen from the edge of the woods.

Roby's view seems to the present writer to give approximately the site of the old House. Accepting the Trench tradition as correct, it fixes the position of the House somewhere in the immediate vicinity, for 17thcentury siege guns were so poor that the besiegers' camp must have been quite close to the walls. It is of course possible that the Trench is that made during the second siege which the "Discourse" says was a good distance from the walls, but even so there would be no point at all in having it more than half a mile away. Moreover the character of the ground at this point is both hilly and marshy just as in Seacome's description. It seems, therefore, most reasonable to suppose that the site of old Lathom House was somewhere in the woods, but on account of the undergrowth it is not possible to determine its exact position.[136]

In the gardens at Lathom are many pieces of cut stone which have come from the old building, and in one place has been pieced together the upper tracery of a large window, perhaps from the chapel.

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