FOOTNOTES[1]Cf. Hermann Deckinger,Die Darstellung der persönlichen Motive bei Aischylos
und Sophokles(1911), p. 1.[2]Cf. AristotlePoetics1449a8. The other passages cited in this paragraph
areibid.1449b33 and 1450a10, 1450b17-21, 1453b1-3, 1462a12, and
1462a14-17.[3]Cf. his paper entitled “Dramatic Criticism and the Theatre” inCreative
Criticism, p. 56 (1917).[4]Cf. AristotleRhetoric1403b33 (Jebb’s translation). This statement needs
to be interpreted in the light ofpp. 190 f., below.[5]Cf.op. cit., p. 56. The italics are mine.[6]Cf. Clayton Hamilton,The Theory of the Theatre(1910), p. 3; and J. B.
Matthews,North American Review, CLXXXVII (1908), 213 f.: “They believe
that the playhouse has now, has had in the past, and must always have a monopoly
of the dramatic form. They cannot recognize the legitimacy of a play which is
not intended to be played. They know that the great dramatist of every period
when the drama has flourished has always planned his plays for performance in the
theater of his own time, by the actors of his own time, and before the spectators
of his own time”; andThe Independent, LXVIII (1910), 187: “In other words,
the literary quality is something that may be added to a drama, but which is not
essential to its value as a play in the theater itself.”[7]Cf.Conversations with Eckermann, March 28, 1827 (Oxenford’s translation).[8]Cf.The Inn of Tranquillity(1912), p. 277.[9]Cf.Classical Philology, IX (1914), 96.[10]Cf.Euripides and His Age(1913), p. 89. Seep. 217, below.[11]Cf.The Theatre of Ideas(1915), pp. 9 ff. (copyrighted by the George H. Doran
Company).[12]Cf. Welcker,Nachtrag zu der Schrift über die Aeschylische Trilogie nebst
einer Abhandlung über das Satyrspiel(1826); Furtwängler, “Der Satyr aus Pergamon,”Berliner Winckelmannsfest Programm, XL (1880); U. von Wilamowitz-Möllendorff,Einleitung in die griechische Tragödie[Vol. I of his edition of Euripides’Heracles(1889)], pp. 43 ff. andNeue Jahrbücher für das klassische Altertum, XXIX
(1912), 464 ff.; Bethe,Prolegomena zur Geschichte des Theaters im Altherthum(1896);
G. Körte, “Satyrn und Böcke,” in Bethe’sProlegomena, pp. 339 ff.; Wernicke,
“Bockschöre und Satyrdrama,”Hermes, XXXII (1897), 290 ff.; Schmid,Zur
Geschichte des gr. Dithyrambus(1901); Reisch, “Zur Vorgeschichte der attischen
Tragödie,” inFestschrift Theodor Gomperz(1902), pp. 451 ff.; Crusius,s.v.“Dithyrambos,” in Pauly-Wissowa,Real-Encyclopädie, V, 1203 ff. (1903); Dieterich,
“Die Entstehung der Tragödie,”Archiv für Religionswissenschaft, XI (1908), 163 ff.
[Kleine Schriften, pp. 414 ff.]; Farnell,Cults of the Greek States, V, 85 ff., and
especially pp. 224 ff. (1909), and “The Megala Dionysia and the Origin of
Tragedy,”Journal of Hellenic Studies, XXIX (1909), xlvii; Ridgeway,The Origin
of Tragedy with Special Reference to the Greek Tragedians(1910), andThe Dramas
and Dramatic Dances of Non-European Races in Special Reference to the Origin of
Greek Tragedy(1915), reviewed by Flickinger inClassical Weekly, XI (1918),
107 ff.; Nilsson, “Der Ursprung der Tragödie,”Neue Jahrbücher für das klassische
Altertum, XXVII (1911), 609 ff. and 673 ff.; Jane Harrison,Themis, a Study of
the Social Origins of Greek Religion(1912); Murray, “The Ritual Forms Preserved
in Greek Tragedy,” in Miss Harrison’sThemis, pp. 341 ff.; Flickinger, “Tragedy
and Satyric Drama,”Classical Philology, VIII (1913), 261 ff.; and Cook,Zeus,
a Study in Ancient Religion, I (1914), 665 ff. and 695 ff.[13]Cf. Lawson,Annual of British School at Athens, VI (1900), 125 ff.; Dawkins,ibid., XI (1905), 72 ff.; and Wace,ibid., XVI (1910), 232 ff.[14]Cf. Suidas,s.v.“Phrynichus.”[15]Cf.Euripides the Rationalist, p. 243.[16]Cf. von Wilamowitz,Neue Jahrbücher f. kl. Altertum, XXIX (1912), 474,
and Cook,Zeus, I, xiii f.[17]Cf. hisAristotle on the Art of Poetry, p. 135. This opinion is confirmed by the
fact that men of such importance as Thespis and Phrynichus are not so much as
mentioned in thePoetics.[18]Cf.Poetics1449a9-11: γενομένη <δ’> ἀπ’ ἀρχῆς αὐτοσχεδιαστική, ...
καὶ ἡ μὲν ἀπὸ τῶν ἐξαρχόντων τὸν διθύραμβον.[19]Cf.Laws700 B: καὶ ἄλλο (sc. εἶδος ᾠδῆς) Διονύσου γένεσις, οἶμαι, διθύραμβος
λεγόμενος.[20]Cf. Bergk,Poetae Lyrici Graeci⁴, II, 404, fr. 77:ὡς Διονύσοι’ ἄνακτος καλὸν ἐξάρξαι μέλοςοἶδα διθύραμβον, οἴνῳ συγκεραυνωθεὶς φρένας.[21]Cf.ibid., III, 559, fr. 1, vs. 16.[22]Cf.Olymp.XIII, 18 f.:ταὶ Διονύσου πόθεν ἐξέφανενσὺν βοηλάτᾳ χάριτες διθυράμβῳ;Βοηλάτᾳ is usually explained by reference to the ox prize, cf. schol. Plato,Republic,
394C: εὑρεθῆναι μὲν τὸν διθύραμβον ἐν Κορίνθῳ ὑπὸ Ἀρίονός φασι. τῶν δὲ ποιητῶν
τῷ μὲν πρώτῳ βοῦς ἔπαθλον ἦν, τῷ δὲ δευτέρῳ ἀμφορεύς, τῷ δὲ τρίτῳ τράγος, ὃν τρυγὶ
κεχρισμένον ἀπῆγον. Kern, Crusius, and Ridgeway, however, refer it to the practice
of an Arcadian community, the Cynaethaens, of whom Pausanias (viii. 19. 1)
speaks as follows: “And as to the things most worthy of mention there is a shrine of
Dionysus there, and in the winter season they celebrate a festival, in which men
who have anointed themselves with oil lift up a bull from the herd, whatever
one the god himself puts in their minds to lift, and carry it to the shrine. Such
was their manner of sacrifice.” Cf. Pauly-Wissowa, V, 1041 and 1206, andOrigin
of Tragedy, p. 6.[23]Cf. Kaibel,Comicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, p. 115, fr. 132;οὐκ ἔστι διθύραμβος ὅκχ’ ὕδωρ πίῃς.[24]Published by Rabe inRheinisches Museum für Philologie, LXIII (1908), 150.[25]Cf. Aristotle’sPoetics1448b1: καὶ τὸ ποιεῖν αὐτοὶ [sc. οἱ Δωριεῖς] μὲν δρᾶν,
Ἀθηναίους δὲ πράττειν προσαγορεύειν. In referring to this passage von Wilamowitz
says: “So viel wahr ist, dass δρᾶμα in der Tat ein Fremdwort ist; man redet im
Kultus nur von δρώμενα”; cf.op. cit., p. 467, n. 3.[26]Cf. Haigh,The Tragic Drama of the Greeks(1896), p. 17, n. 1, and Pickard-Cambridge
inClassical Review, XXVI (1912), 54. It is also possible that Arion’s
employment of a new generic term (δράματα) for his dithyrambs is alluded to.
Herodotus may have taken it as a matter of course that everyone knew what this
new name was and consequently failed to mention it, thus leaving the passage
ambiguous.[27]Cf. Suidas,s.v.“Arion”: λέγεται καὶ τραγικοῦ τρόπου εὑρετὴς γενέσθαι καὶ
πρῶτος χορὸν στῆσαι <κύκλιον> καὶ διθύραμβον ᾆσαι καὶ ὀνομάσαι τὸ ᾀδόμενον ὑπὸ
τοῦ χοροῦ καὶ σατύρους εἰσενεγκεῖν ἔμμετρα λέγοντας. I cannot agree with Reisch,op. cit., p. 471, and Pickard-Cambridge,op. cit., p. 54, in thinking that this notice
refers to three separate types of performances instead of one.[28]Seep. 7, n. 4, above.[29]Cf. Pickard-Cambridge,op. cit., p. 55.[30]Cf. Suidas,s.v.“Thespis”: Θέσπις Ἰκαρίου πόλεως Ἀττικῆς, τραγικὸς ἑκκαιδέκατος
ἀπὸ τοῦ πρώτου γενομένου τραγῳδιοποιοῦ Ἐπιγένους τοῦ Σικυωνίου τιθέμενος,
ὡς δέ τινες, δεύτερος μετὰ Ἐπιγένην· ἄλλοι δὲ αὐτὸν πρῶτον τραγικὸν γενέσθαι
φασί.[31]Cf. Suidas,s.v., Photius,s.v., and Apostolius xiii. 42: Ἐπιγένου τοῦ Σικυωνίου
τραγῳδίαν εἰς τὸν Διόνυσον ποιήσαντος, ἐπεφώνησάν τινες τοῦτο· ὅθεν ἡ παροιμία.[32]Cf.The Origin of Tragedy, p. 58.[33]About a dozen explanations in addition to those discussed in the text are
listed and criticized inClassical Philology, VIII (1913), 269 ff.[34]Cf. Jacoby,Das Marmor Parium, p. 14: ἀφ’ οὖ Θέσπις ὁ ποιητὴς [ὑπεκρίνα]το
πρῶτος, ὃς ἐδίδαξη [δρ]ᾶ[μα ἐν ἄ]στ[ει καὶ ἆθλον ἐ]τέθη ὁ [τ]ράγος, ἔτη ΗΗ𐅄[ΔΔ·],
ἄρχοντος Ἀθ[ήνησι] ... ναιου τοῦ προτέρου.[35]Cf.op. cit., ρ. 468: “An der Tatsache, dass in älterer Zeit dem Tragödenchor
ein Bock als Preis (der als Opferthier und Opferschmaus dienen sollte), gegeben
wurde, wie dem Dithyrambenchor zu gliechem Zwecke ein Stier, daran zu zweifeln
ist kein Grund.”[36]Cf.op. cit., p. 59: “Since the interpretation of τραγῳδία as the ‘song of the
men in goat-costume’ must be given up, the word can be interpreted as the ‘songaround’ or ‘forthe goat’—whether the goat be sacrifice or prize.”[37]Cf. Eusebius’Chronica, Ol. 47, 2 (591-590B.C.; Armenian version, Ol. 48, 1):
τοῖς ἀγωνιζομένοις παρ’ Ἕλλησι τράγος ἐδίδοτο, ἀφ’ οὖ καὶ τραγικοὶ ἐκλήθησαν.
Jerome’s Latin version reads: “his temporibus certantibus in agone (de voceadd.R) tragus, id est hircus, in praemio dabatur. Unde aiunt tragoedos nuncupatos.”[38]Contrary to Herodotus, these choruses were τραγικοί only after the transfer,
not before—a negligible error.[39]Of course, it is possible to argue that goats may have been sacrificed to
Adrastus and that τραγικός and τραγῳδός were consequently older terms than is
maintained in the text; this would also explain why the goat was continued as a
prize after the sacrifice proper had been given over to Melanippus. Cf., however,
Farnell,Cults of the Greek States, V, 233 and noted.[40]Cf. PlatoMinos321A: ἡ δὲ τραγῳδία ἐστὶ παλαιὸν ἐνθάδε, οὐχ ὡς οἴονται ἀπὸ
Θέσπιδος ἀρξαμένη οὐδ’ ἀπὸ Φρυνίχου, ἀλλ’ εἰ θέλεις ἐννοῆσαι, πάνυ παλαιὸν αὐτὸ
εὑρήσεις ὂν τῆσδε τῆς πόλεως εὕρημα.[41]Cf.Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion²(1908), p. 568. Of course, I do
not mean to deny that impersonation was subsequently borrowed from true drama
by rites of various kinds which had not contained it at first. This situation probably
obtained with reference to the Eleusinian mysteries in their later forms.The indebtedness of tragedy to epic poetry for subject matter, dignity of treatment
and of diction, and development of plot, including such technical devices as
recognition (ἀναγνώρισις) and reversal of situation (περιπέτεια) is too well established
to require argument. Aeschylus is said to have declared that his tragedies
were “slices from Homer’s bountiful banquets” (Athenaeus, p. 347E). The pertinent
passages from Aristotle’sPoeticshave been conveniently assembled by
Throop, “Epic and Dramatic,”Washington University Studies, V (1917), 1 ff.[42]Cf. PlutarchSolonxxix. If Thespis treated the traditional myths with some
freedom, that may have added to Solon’s anger.[43]Cf. Diogenes Laertius iii. 56: τὸ παλαιὸν ἐν τῇ τραγῳδίᾳ πρότερον μὲν μόνος ὁ
χορὸς διεδραμάτιζεν, ὕστερον δὲ Θέσπις ἕνα ὑποκριτὴν ἐξεῦρεν ὑπὲρ τοῦ διαναπαύεσθαι
τὸν χορόν.[44]Cf.The Origin of Tragedy, p. 60.[45]Cf. Hiller,Rheinisches Museum für Philologie, XXXIX (1884), 329.[46]Cf. HoraceArs Poetica, vs. 276:dicitur et plaustris vexisse poemata Thespis.[47]Cf.Kleine Schriften, p. 422, andNeue Jahrbücher für das klassische Altertum,
XXIX (1912), 474.[48]Cf. Suidas,s.v.“Thespis”: μνημονεύεται δὲ τῶν δραμάτων αὐτοῦ Ἆθλα Πελίου
ἢ Φόρβας, Ἱερεῖς, Ἠίθεοι, Πενθεύς.[49]Cf. Diogenes Laertius v. 92. Both Aristoxenus and Heraclides were pupils
of Aristotle.[50]Cf. Ridgeway,op. cit., p. 69.[51]Cf. Suidas,s.v.οὐδὲν πρὸς τὸν Διόνυσον (quoted onp. 29, n. 2, below).[52]The cognomen was due to the belief that the image and cult were derived
from Eleutherae. At Eleutherae itself, however, his cognomen would naturally be
different. There he was known as Διόνυσος Μελάναιγις, “Dionysus of the Black-Goat-Skin.”
From this fact an abortive attempt has recently been made to derive
a new explanation for tragic performances being denominated “goat-songs”;
cf.Classical Philology, VIII (1913), 270.[53]Cf.Marmor Parium(quoted onp. 14, n. 2, above).[54]Cf.Poetics1449a19 ff., Bywater’s translation.[55]Cf.op. cit., p. 472. This exegesis has now been commended by Pickard-Cambridge;
cf.Classical Review, XXVI (1912), 53. Cornford has expressed the
same view by means of a neat paraphrase: ἐκ σατυρικοῦ εἰς σεμνὸν μετέβαλεν, cf.The
Origin of Attic Comedy(1914), p. 214, n. 1. Gomperz’ translation (1897) reads as
follows: “Was das Wachstum ihrer Grossartigkeit anlangt, so hat sich das Trauerspiel
im Gegensatze zur ursprünglichen Kleinheit der Fabeln und der zum Possenhaften
neigenden Artung der Diction ihres satyrspielartigen Ursprungs wegen erst
spät zu höherer Würde erhoben.... Ursprünglich hatte man sich nämlich, da
die Dichtung satyrhaft und mehr balletartig war, des trochäischen Tetrameters
bedient.”[56]Cf.Poetics1449a22 f., Butcher’s translation.[57]In 467B.C.Aristias concluded his tragedies with thePalaestae, “a satyric
drama of his father Pratinas” (cf. arg. Aesch.Seven against Thebes). It is generally
supposed that this was a posthumous piece. But Professor Capps suggests that
Pratinas may frequently have provided a satyr-play for someone’s else trilogy,
and thus explains the disproportionate number of satyric dramas in Pratinas’ list
and of tragedies in other poets’ lists.[58]Cf. Suidas,s.v.“Pratinas”: ... Φλιάσιος, ποιητὴς τραγῳδίας, ἀντηγωνίζετο
Αἰσχύλῳ τε καὶ Χοιρίλῳ, ἐπὶ τῆς ἑβδομηκοστῆς Ὀλυμπιάδος, καὶ πρῶτος ἔγραψε
Σατύρους ... καὶ δράματα μὲν ἐπεδείξατο νʹ, ὦν Σατυρικὰ λβʹ. ἐνίκησε δὲ ἅπαξ.
Note that the earliest name was simply Σάτυροι, “satyrs.” Murray has proposed
another interpretation of Suidas’ phrase: “I take this to mean that Pratinas was
the first person to write words for the revelling masquers to learn by heart. Thespis,
like many early Elizabethans, had been content with a general direction:
‘Enter Satyrs, in revel, saying anything’” (incorporated in Miss Harrison’sThemis,
p. 344). Nevertheless, he adds that he “does not wish to combat” the other view.[59]Fig. 3 is taken from Furtwängler and Reichhold,Griechische Vasenmalarei,
first series, II, Pls. 11-12. Themembrum virilehas been omitted in the reproduction.[60]Cf.op. cit., I, 696 f.[61]This was originally assembled by Hartwig inRömische Mittheilungen, XII
(1897), 89 ff. and Wernicke,op. cit.It is now conveniently summarized by Cook,op. cit., pp. 697 ff.[62]Fig. 4 is taken from Baumeister,Denkmäler, Fig. 422. The two craters at
Deepdene are illustrated in Cook,op. cit., Pl. XXXIX, Figs. 1-2.[63]The three dinoi are discussed by Miss Bieber inAthenische Mitteilungen,
XXXVI (1911), 269 ff. and Pl. XIII, Figs. 1-3 and Pl. XIV, Figs. 1-5. My Figs. 5-7
are taken from her publication, corresponding to Pl. XIII, Fig. 1, Pl. XIV, Fig. 4,
and Pl. XIV, Figs, 1 and 2 respectively. Cook maintains that all six vases are
descended from a fresco by Polygnotus,op. cit., pp. 700 f.; but this suggestion
seems improbable.[64]Cf. De Prott, “De Amphora Neapolitana Fabulae Satyricae Apparatum
Scaenicum Repraesentante,” inSchedae Philologicae Hermanno Usener Oblatae(Bonn, 1891), pp. 47 ff. It seems strange that De Prott should mar his own
interpretation by supposing the figure whom I have called Hesione to be a Muse.
The Scythian cap ought to be decisive.[65]Cf. Miss Bieber,op. cit., Pl. XIV, Fig. 3.[66]Except the eleventh and twelfth choreutae on the Naples crater (Fig. 4),
viz., the figure with a lyre near the middle of the lower row and the fully clad figure
next to the last on the right. If De Prott is correct in considering these figures
choreutae, they must be regarded (I suppose) as having not yet completed their
make-up.[67]Fig. 8 is taken from Baumeister,Denkmäler, Fig. 424. The choreutae in this
scene are not to be understood as having no tails; their position does not permit
this feature to be seen, cf. Haigh,The Attic Theatre³, p. 293, note.[68]Cf.Etymologicum Magnum,s.v.: τραγῳδία: ... ἢ ὅτι τὰ πολλὰ οἱ χοροὶ ἐκ
σατύρων συνίσταντο, οὓς ἐκάλουν τράγους σκώπτοντες ἢ διὰ τὴν τοῦ σώματος δασύτητα
ἢ διὰ τὴν περὶ τὰ ἀφροδίσια σπουδήν· τοιοῦτον γὰρ τὸ ζῷον. ἢ ὅτι οἱ χορευταὶ τὰς
κόμας ἀνέπλεκον, σχῆμα τράγων μιμούμενοι.[69]Cf. HoraceArs Poetica, vss. 220 f:carmine qui tragico vilem certavit ob hircum,mox etiam agrestis Satyros nudavit, etc.[70]Cf. Suidas and Photius,s.v.οὐδὲν πρὸς τὸν Διόνυσον and Apostolius xiii. 42.
After giving the explanation of this phrase already cited onp. 12, n. 3, above, they
continue: βέλτιον δὲ οὕτως, τὸ πρόσθεν εἰς τὸν Διόνυσον γράφοντες τούτοις ἠγωνίζοντο,
ἅπερ καὶ Σατυρικὰ ἐλέγετο· ὕστερον δὲ μεταβάντες εἰς τὸ τραγῳδίας γράφειν,
κατὰ μικρὸν εἰς μύθους καὶ ἱστορίας ἐτράπησαν, μηκέτι τοῦ Διονύσου μνημονεύοντες,
ὅθεν τοῦτο καὶ ἐπεφώνησαν. καὶ Χαμαιλέων ἐν τῷ Περὶ Θέσπιδος τὰ παραπλήσια
ἱστορεῖ. The word παραπλήσια leaves it doubtful for how much of this notice
Chamaeleon (Aristotle’s pupil) should be held responsible. But at the most his
accountability cannot extend beyond explaining the introduction of non-Dionysiac
themes; the side remarks are Byzantine.[71]Cf. von Wilamowitz,N. Jahrbücher f. kl. Altertum, XXIX (1912), 461, and
Tanner,Transactions American Philological Association, XLVI (1915), 173 ff.[72]Fig. 9 is taken from theJournal of Hellenic Studies, XI (1890), Pl. XI, and is
reproduced by permission of the Council of the Hellenic Society.[73]Reisch,op. cit., pp. 456 f., considers the goat-men Pans, or choreutae in some
such comedy as Eupolis’ Αἶγες.[74]Cf. Nauck,Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, p. 69, fr. 207:τράγος γένειον ἆρα πενθήσεις σύ γε.The use of the nominative τράγος instead of a vocative is harsh, and Shorey,Classical Philology, IV (1909), 433 ff., interprets the line as an abbreviated
comparison with ὡς omitted: “
FOOTNOTES
[1]Cf. Hermann Deckinger,Die Darstellung der persönlichen Motive bei Aischylos und Sophokles(1911), p. 1.
[1]Cf. Hermann Deckinger,Die Darstellung der persönlichen Motive bei Aischylos und Sophokles(1911), p. 1.
[2]Cf. AristotlePoetics1449a8. The other passages cited in this paragraph areibid.1449b33 and 1450a10, 1450b17-21, 1453b1-3, 1462a12, and 1462a14-17.
[2]Cf. AristotlePoetics1449a8. The other passages cited in this paragraph areibid.1449b33 and 1450a10, 1450b17-21, 1453b1-3, 1462a12, and 1462a14-17.
[3]Cf. his paper entitled “Dramatic Criticism and the Theatre” inCreative Criticism, p. 56 (1917).
[3]Cf. his paper entitled “Dramatic Criticism and the Theatre” inCreative Criticism, p. 56 (1917).
[4]Cf. AristotleRhetoric1403b33 (Jebb’s translation). This statement needs to be interpreted in the light ofpp. 190 f., below.
[4]Cf. AristotleRhetoric1403b33 (Jebb’s translation). This statement needs to be interpreted in the light ofpp. 190 f., below.
[5]Cf.op. cit., p. 56. The italics are mine.
[5]Cf.op. cit., p. 56. The italics are mine.
[6]Cf. Clayton Hamilton,The Theory of the Theatre(1910), p. 3; and J. B. Matthews,North American Review, CLXXXVII (1908), 213 f.: “They believe that the playhouse has now, has had in the past, and must always have a monopoly of the dramatic form. They cannot recognize the legitimacy of a play which is not intended to be played. They know that the great dramatist of every period when the drama has flourished has always planned his plays for performance in the theater of his own time, by the actors of his own time, and before the spectators of his own time”; andThe Independent, LXVIII (1910), 187: “In other words, the literary quality is something that may be added to a drama, but which is not essential to its value as a play in the theater itself.”
[6]Cf. Clayton Hamilton,The Theory of the Theatre(1910), p. 3; and J. B. Matthews,North American Review, CLXXXVII (1908), 213 f.: “They believe that the playhouse has now, has had in the past, and must always have a monopoly of the dramatic form. They cannot recognize the legitimacy of a play which is not intended to be played. They know that the great dramatist of every period when the drama has flourished has always planned his plays for performance in the theater of his own time, by the actors of his own time, and before the spectators of his own time”; andThe Independent, LXVIII (1910), 187: “In other words, the literary quality is something that may be added to a drama, but which is not essential to its value as a play in the theater itself.”
[7]Cf.Conversations with Eckermann, March 28, 1827 (Oxenford’s translation).
[7]Cf.Conversations with Eckermann, March 28, 1827 (Oxenford’s translation).
[8]Cf.The Inn of Tranquillity(1912), p. 277.
[8]Cf.The Inn of Tranquillity(1912), p. 277.
[9]Cf.Classical Philology, IX (1914), 96.
[9]Cf.Classical Philology, IX (1914), 96.
[10]Cf.Euripides and His Age(1913), p. 89. Seep. 217, below.
[10]Cf.Euripides and His Age(1913), p. 89. Seep. 217, below.
[11]Cf.The Theatre of Ideas(1915), pp. 9 ff. (copyrighted by the George H. Doran Company).
[11]Cf.The Theatre of Ideas(1915), pp. 9 ff. (copyrighted by the George H. Doran Company).
[12]Cf. Welcker,Nachtrag zu der Schrift über die Aeschylische Trilogie nebst einer Abhandlung über das Satyrspiel(1826); Furtwängler, “Der Satyr aus Pergamon,”Berliner Winckelmannsfest Programm, XL (1880); U. von Wilamowitz-Möllendorff,Einleitung in die griechische Tragödie[Vol. I of his edition of Euripides’Heracles(1889)], pp. 43 ff. andNeue Jahrbücher für das klassische Altertum, XXIX (1912), 464 ff.; Bethe,Prolegomena zur Geschichte des Theaters im Altherthum(1896); G. Körte, “Satyrn und Böcke,” in Bethe’sProlegomena, pp. 339 ff.; Wernicke, “Bockschöre und Satyrdrama,”Hermes, XXXII (1897), 290 ff.; Schmid,Zur Geschichte des gr. Dithyrambus(1901); Reisch, “Zur Vorgeschichte der attischen Tragödie,” inFestschrift Theodor Gomperz(1902), pp. 451 ff.; Crusius,s.v.“Dithyrambos,” in Pauly-Wissowa,Real-Encyclopädie, V, 1203 ff. (1903); Dieterich, “Die Entstehung der Tragödie,”Archiv für Religionswissenschaft, XI (1908), 163 ff. [Kleine Schriften, pp. 414 ff.]; Farnell,Cults of the Greek States, V, 85 ff., and especially pp. 224 ff. (1909), and “The Megala Dionysia and the Origin of Tragedy,”Journal of Hellenic Studies, XXIX (1909), xlvii; Ridgeway,The Origin of Tragedy with Special Reference to the Greek Tragedians(1910), andThe Dramas and Dramatic Dances of Non-European Races in Special Reference to the Origin of Greek Tragedy(1915), reviewed by Flickinger inClassical Weekly, XI (1918), 107 ff.; Nilsson, “Der Ursprung der Tragödie,”Neue Jahrbücher für das klassische Altertum, XXVII (1911), 609 ff. and 673 ff.; Jane Harrison,Themis, a Study of the Social Origins of Greek Religion(1912); Murray, “The Ritual Forms Preserved in Greek Tragedy,” in Miss Harrison’sThemis, pp. 341 ff.; Flickinger, “Tragedy and Satyric Drama,”Classical Philology, VIII (1913), 261 ff.; and Cook,Zeus, a Study in Ancient Religion, I (1914), 665 ff. and 695 ff.
[12]Cf. Welcker,Nachtrag zu der Schrift über die Aeschylische Trilogie nebst einer Abhandlung über das Satyrspiel(1826); Furtwängler, “Der Satyr aus Pergamon,”Berliner Winckelmannsfest Programm, XL (1880); U. von Wilamowitz-Möllendorff,Einleitung in die griechische Tragödie[Vol. I of his edition of Euripides’Heracles(1889)], pp. 43 ff. andNeue Jahrbücher für das klassische Altertum, XXIX (1912), 464 ff.; Bethe,Prolegomena zur Geschichte des Theaters im Altherthum(1896); G. Körte, “Satyrn und Böcke,” in Bethe’sProlegomena, pp. 339 ff.; Wernicke, “Bockschöre und Satyrdrama,”Hermes, XXXII (1897), 290 ff.; Schmid,Zur Geschichte des gr. Dithyrambus(1901); Reisch, “Zur Vorgeschichte der attischen Tragödie,” inFestschrift Theodor Gomperz(1902), pp. 451 ff.; Crusius,s.v.“Dithyrambos,” in Pauly-Wissowa,Real-Encyclopädie, V, 1203 ff. (1903); Dieterich, “Die Entstehung der Tragödie,”Archiv für Religionswissenschaft, XI (1908), 163 ff. [Kleine Schriften, pp. 414 ff.]; Farnell,Cults of the Greek States, V, 85 ff., and especially pp. 224 ff. (1909), and “The Megala Dionysia and the Origin of Tragedy,”Journal of Hellenic Studies, XXIX (1909), xlvii; Ridgeway,The Origin of Tragedy with Special Reference to the Greek Tragedians(1910), andThe Dramas and Dramatic Dances of Non-European Races in Special Reference to the Origin of Greek Tragedy(1915), reviewed by Flickinger inClassical Weekly, XI (1918), 107 ff.; Nilsson, “Der Ursprung der Tragödie,”Neue Jahrbücher für das klassische Altertum, XXVII (1911), 609 ff. and 673 ff.; Jane Harrison,Themis, a Study of the Social Origins of Greek Religion(1912); Murray, “The Ritual Forms Preserved in Greek Tragedy,” in Miss Harrison’sThemis, pp. 341 ff.; Flickinger, “Tragedy and Satyric Drama,”Classical Philology, VIII (1913), 261 ff.; and Cook,Zeus, a Study in Ancient Religion, I (1914), 665 ff. and 695 ff.
[13]Cf. Lawson,Annual of British School at Athens, VI (1900), 125 ff.; Dawkins,ibid., XI (1905), 72 ff.; and Wace,ibid., XVI (1910), 232 ff.
[13]Cf. Lawson,Annual of British School at Athens, VI (1900), 125 ff.; Dawkins,ibid., XI (1905), 72 ff.; and Wace,ibid., XVI (1910), 232 ff.
[14]Cf. Suidas,s.v.“Phrynichus.”
[14]Cf. Suidas,s.v.“Phrynichus.”
[15]Cf.Euripides the Rationalist, p. 243.
[15]Cf.Euripides the Rationalist, p. 243.
[16]Cf. von Wilamowitz,Neue Jahrbücher f. kl. Altertum, XXIX (1912), 474, and Cook,Zeus, I, xiii f.
[16]Cf. von Wilamowitz,Neue Jahrbücher f. kl. Altertum, XXIX (1912), 474, and Cook,Zeus, I, xiii f.
[17]Cf. hisAristotle on the Art of Poetry, p. 135. This opinion is confirmed by the fact that men of such importance as Thespis and Phrynichus are not so much as mentioned in thePoetics.
[17]Cf. hisAristotle on the Art of Poetry, p. 135. This opinion is confirmed by the fact that men of such importance as Thespis and Phrynichus are not so much as mentioned in thePoetics.
[18]Cf.Poetics1449a9-11: γενομένη <δ’> ἀπ’ ἀρχῆς αὐτοσχεδιαστική, ... καὶ ἡ μὲν ἀπὸ τῶν ἐξαρχόντων τὸν διθύραμβον.
[18]Cf.Poetics1449a9-11: γενομένη <δ’> ἀπ’ ἀρχῆς αὐτοσχεδιαστική, ... καὶ ἡ μὲν ἀπὸ τῶν ἐξαρχόντων τὸν διθύραμβον.
[19]Cf.Laws700 B: καὶ ἄλλο (sc. εἶδος ᾠδῆς) Διονύσου γένεσις, οἶμαι, διθύραμβος λεγόμενος.
[19]Cf.Laws700 B: καὶ ἄλλο (sc. εἶδος ᾠδῆς) Διονύσου γένεσις, οἶμαι, διθύραμβος λεγόμενος.
[20]Cf. Bergk,Poetae Lyrici Graeci⁴, II, 404, fr. 77:ὡς Διονύσοι’ ἄνακτος καλὸν ἐξάρξαι μέλοςοἶδα διθύραμβον, οἴνῳ συγκεραυνωθεὶς φρένας.
[20]Cf. Bergk,Poetae Lyrici Graeci⁴, II, 404, fr. 77:
ὡς Διονύσοι’ ἄνακτος καλὸν ἐξάρξαι μέλοςοἶδα διθύραμβον, οἴνῳ συγκεραυνωθεὶς φρένας.
ὡς Διονύσοι’ ἄνακτος καλὸν ἐξάρξαι μέλοςοἶδα διθύραμβον, οἴνῳ συγκεραυνωθεὶς φρένας.
ὡς Διονύσοι’ ἄνακτος καλὸν ἐξάρξαι μέλοςοἶδα διθύραμβον, οἴνῳ συγκεραυνωθεὶς φρένας.
ὡς Διονύσοι’ ἄνακτος καλὸν ἐξάρξαι μέλος
οἶδα διθύραμβον, οἴνῳ συγκεραυνωθεὶς φρένας.
[21]Cf.ibid., III, 559, fr. 1, vs. 16.
[21]Cf.ibid., III, 559, fr. 1, vs. 16.
[22]Cf.Olymp.XIII, 18 f.:ταὶ Διονύσου πόθεν ἐξέφανενσὺν βοηλάτᾳ χάριτες διθυράμβῳ;Βοηλάτᾳ is usually explained by reference to the ox prize, cf. schol. Plato,Republic, 394C: εὑρεθῆναι μὲν τὸν διθύραμβον ἐν Κορίνθῳ ὑπὸ Ἀρίονός φασι. τῶν δὲ ποιητῶν τῷ μὲν πρώτῳ βοῦς ἔπαθλον ἦν, τῷ δὲ δευτέρῳ ἀμφορεύς, τῷ δὲ τρίτῳ τράγος, ὃν τρυγὶ κεχρισμένον ἀπῆγον. Kern, Crusius, and Ridgeway, however, refer it to the practice of an Arcadian community, the Cynaethaens, of whom Pausanias (viii. 19. 1) speaks as follows: “And as to the things most worthy of mention there is a shrine of Dionysus there, and in the winter season they celebrate a festival, in which men who have anointed themselves with oil lift up a bull from the herd, whatever one the god himself puts in their minds to lift, and carry it to the shrine. Such was their manner of sacrifice.” Cf. Pauly-Wissowa, V, 1041 and 1206, andOrigin of Tragedy, p. 6.
[22]Cf.Olymp.XIII, 18 f.:
ταὶ Διονύσου πόθεν ἐξέφανενσὺν βοηλάτᾳ χάριτες διθυράμβῳ;
ταὶ Διονύσου πόθεν ἐξέφανενσὺν βοηλάτᾳ χάριτες διθυράμβῳ;
ταὶ Διονύσου πόθεν ἐξέφανενσὺν βοηλάτᾳ χάριτες διθυράμβῳ;
ταὶ Διονύσου πόθεν ἐξέφανεν
σὺν βοηλάτᾳ χάριτες διθυράμβῳ;
Βοηλάτᾳ is usually explained by reference to the ox prize, cf. schol. Plato,Republic, 394C: εὑρεθῆναι μὲν τὸν διθύραμβον ἐν Κορίνθῳ ὑπὸ Ἀρίονός φασι. τῶν δὲ ποιητῶν τῷ μὲν πρώτῳ βοῦς ἔπαθλον ἦν, τῷ δὲ δευτέρῳ ἀμφορεύς, τῷ δὲ τρίτῳ τράγος, ὃν τρυγὶ κεχρισμένον ἀπῆγον. Kern, Crusius, and Ridgeway, however, refer it to the practice of an Arcadian community, the Cynaethaens, of whom Pausanias (viii. 19. 1) speaks as follows: “And as to the things most worthy of mention there is a shrine of Dionysus there, and in the winter season they celebrate a festival, in which men who have anointed themselves with oil lift up a bull from the herd, whatever one the god himself puts in their minds to lift, and carry it to the shrine. Such was their manner of sacrifice.” Cf. Pauly-Wissowa, V, 1041 and 1206, andOrigin of Tragedy, p. 6.
[23]Cf. Kaibel,Comicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, p. 115, fr. 132;οὐκ ἔστι διθύραμβος ὅκχ’ ὕδωρ πίῃς.
[23]Cf. Kaibel,Comicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, p. 115, fr. 132;
οὐκ ἔστι διθύραμβος ὅκχ’ ὕδωρ πίῃς.
οὐκ ἔστι διθύραμβος ὅκχ’ ὕδωρ πίῃς.
οὐκ ἔστι διθύραμβος ὅκχ’ ὕδωρ πίῃς.
οὐκ ἔστι διθύραμβος ὅκχ’ ὕδωρ πίῃς.
[24]Published by Rabe inRheinisches Museum für Philologie, LXIII (1908), 150.
[24]Published by Rabe inRheinisches Museum für Philologie, LXIII (1908), 150.
[25]Cf. Aristotle’sPoetics1448b1: καὶ τὸ ποιεῖν αὐτοὶ [sc. οἱ Δωριεῖς] μὲν δρᾶν, Ἀθηναίους δὲ πράττειν προσαγορεύειν. In referring to this passage von Wilamowitz says: “So viel wahr ist, dass δρᾶμα in der Tat ein Fremdwort ist; man redet im Kultus nur von δρώμενα”; cf.op. cit., p. 467, n. 3.
[25]Cf. Aristotle’sPoetics1448b1: καὶ τὸ ποιεῖν αὐτοὶ [sc. οἱ Δωριεῖς] μὲν δρᾶν, Ἀθηναίους δὲ πράττειν προσαγορεύειν. In referring to this passage von Wilamowitz says: “So viel wahr ist, dass δρᾶμα in der Tat ein Fremdwort ist; man redet im Kultus nur von δρώμενα”; cf.op. cit., p. 467, n. 3.
[26]Cf. Haigh,The Tragic Drama of the Greeks(1896), p. 17, n. 1, and Pickard-Cambridge inClassical Review, XXVI (1912), 54. It is also possible that Arion’s employment of a new generic term (δράματα) for his dithyrambs is alluded to. Herodotus may have taken it as a matter of course that everyone knew what this new name was and consequently failed to mention it, thus leaving the passage ambiguous.
[26]Cf. Haigh,The Tragic Drama of the Greeks(1896), p. 17, n. 1, and Pickard-Cambridge inClassical Review, XXVI (1912), 54. It is also possible that Arion’s employment of a new generic term (δράματα) for his dithyrambs is alluded to. Herodotus may have taken it as a matter of course that everyone knew what this new name was and consequently failed to mention it, thus leaving the passage ambiguous.
[27]Cf. Suidas,s.v.“Arion”: λέγεται καὶ τραγικοῦ τρόπου εὑρετὴς γενέσθαι καὶ πρῶτος χορὸν στῆσαι <κύκλιον> καὶ διθύραμβον ᾆσαι καὶ ὀνομάσαι τὸ ᾀδόμενον ὑπὸ τοῦ χοροῦ καὶ σατύρους εἰσενεγκεῖν ἔμμετρα λέγοντας. I cannot agree with Reisch,op. cit., p. 471, and Pickard-Cambridge,op. cit., p. 54, in thinking that this notice refers to three separate types of performances instead of one.
[27]Cf. Suidas,s.v.“Arion”: λέγεται καὶ τραγικοῦ τρόπου εὑρετὴς γενέσθαι καὶ πρῶτος χορὸν στῆσαι <κύκλιον> καὶ διθύραμβον ᾆσαι καὶ ὀνομάσαι τὸ ᾀδόμενον ὑπὸ τοῦ χοροῦ καὶ σατύρους εἰσενεγκεῖν ἔμμετρα λέγοντας. I cannot agree with Reisch,op. cit., p. 471, and Pickard-Cambridge,op. cit., p. 54, in thinking that this notice refers to three separate types of performances instead of one.
[28]Seep. 7, n. 4, above.
[28]Seep. 7, n. 4, above.
[29]Cf. Pickard-Cambridge,op. cit., p. 55.
[29]Cf. Pickard-Cambridge,op. cit., p. 55.
[30]Cf. Suidas,s.v.“Thespis”: Θέσπις Ἰκαρίου πόλεως Ἀττικῆς, τραγικὸς ἑκκαιδέκατος ἀπὸ τοῦ πρώτου γενομένου τραγῳδιοποιοῦ Ἐπιγένους τοῦ Σικυωνίου τιθέμενος, ὡς δέ τινες, δεύτερος μετὰ Ἐπιγένην· ἄλλοι δὲ αὐτὸν πρῶτον τραγικὸν γενέσθαι φασί.
[30]Cf. Suidas,s.v.“Thespis”: Θέσπις Ἰκαρίου πόλεως Ἀττικῆς, τραγικὸς ἑκκαιδέκατος ἀπὸ τοῦ πρώτου γενομένου τραγῳδιοποιοῦ Ἐπιγένους τοῦ Σικυωνίου τιθέμενος, ὡς δέ τινες, δεύτερος μετὰ Ἐπιγένην· ἄλλοι δὲ αὐτὸν πρῶτον τραγικὸν γενέσθαι φασί.
[31]Cf. Suidas,s.v., Photius,s.v., and Apostolius xiii. 42: Ἐπιγένου τοῦ Σικυωνίου τραγῳδίαν εἰς τὸν Διόνυσον ποιήσαντος, ἐπεφώνησάν τινες τοῦτο· ὅθεν ἡ παροιμία.
[31]Cf. Suidas,s.v., Photius,s.v., and Apostolius xiii. 42: Ἐπιγένου τοῦ Σικυωνίου τραγῳδίαν εἰς τὸν Διόνυσον ποιήσαντος, ἐπεφώνησάν τινες τοῦτο· ὅθεν ἡ παροιμία.
[32]Cf.The Origin of Tragedy, p. 58.
[32]Cf.The Origin of Tragedy, p. 58.
[33]About a dozen explanations in addition to those discussed in the text are listed and criticized inClassical Philology, VIII (1913), 269 ff.
[33]About a dozen explanations in addition to those discussed in the text are listed and criticized inClassical Philology, VIII (1913), 269 ff.
[34]Cf. Jacoby,Das Marmor Parium, p. 14: ἀφ’ οὖ Θέσπις ὁ ποιητὴς [ὑπεκρίνα]το πρῶτος, ὃς ἐδίδαξη [δρ]ᾶ[μα ἐν ἄ]στ[ει καὶ ἆθλον ἐ]τέθη ὁ [τ]ράγος, ἔτη ΗΗ𐅄[ΔΔ·], ἄρχοντος Ἀθ[ήνησι] ... ναιου τοῦ προτέρου.
[34]Cf. Jacoby,Das Marmor Parium, p. 14: ἀφ’ οὖ Θέσπις ὁ ποιητὴς [ὑπεκρίνα]το πρῶτος, ὃς ἐδίδαξη [δρ]ᾶ[μα ἐν ἄ]στ[ει καὶ ἆθλον ἐ]τέθη ὁ [τ]ράγος, ἔτη ΗΗ𐅄[ΔΔ·], ἄρχοντος Ἀθ[ήνησι] ... ναιου τοῦ προτέρου.
[35]Cf.op. cit., ρ. 468: “An der Tatsache, dass in älterer Zeit dem Tragödenchor ein Bock als Preis (der als Opferthier und Opferschmaus dienen sollte), gegeben wurde, wie dem Dithyrambenchor zu gliechem Zwecke ein Stier, daran zu zweifeln ist kein Grund.”
[35]Cf.op. cit., ρ. 468: “An der Tatsache, dass in älterer Zeit dem Tragödenchor ein Bock als Preis (der als Opferthier und Opferschmaus dienen sollte), gegeben wurde, wie dem Dithyrambenchor zu gliechem Zwecke ein Stier, daran zu zweifeln ist kein Grund.”
[36]Cf.op. cit., p. 59: “Since the interpretation of τραγῳδία as the ‘song of the men in goat-costume’ must be given up, the word can be interpreted as the ‘songaround’ or ‘forthe goat’—whether the goat be sacrifice or prize.”
[36]Cf.op. cit., p. 59: “Since the interpretation of τραγῳδία as the ‘song of the men in goat-costume’ must be given up, the word can be interpreted as the ‘songaround’ or ‘forthe goat’—whether the goat be sacrifice or prize.”
[37]Cf. Eusebius’Chronica, Ol. 47, 2 (591-590B.C.; Armenian version, Ol. 48, 1): τοῖς ἀγωνιζομένοις παρ’ Ἕλλησι τράγος ἐδίδοτο, ἀφ’ οὖ καὶ τραγικοὶ ἐκλήθησαν. Jerome’s Latin version reads: “his temporibus certantibus in agone (de voceadd.R) tragus, id est hircus, in praemio dabatur. Unde aiunt tragoedos nuncupatos.”
[37]Cf. Eusebius’Chronica, Ol. 47, 2 (591-590B.C.; Armenian version, Ol. 48, 1): τοῖς ἀγωνιζομένοις παρ’ Ἕλλησι τράγος ἐδίδοτο, ἀφ’ οὖ καὶ τραγικοὶ ἐκλήθησαν. Jerome’s Latin version reads: “his temporibus certantibus in agone (de voceadd.R) tragus, id est hircus, in praemio dabatur. Unde aiunt tragoedos nuncupatos.”
[38]Contrary to Herodotus, these choruses were τραγικοί only after the transfer, not before—a negligible error.
[38]Contrary to Herodotus, these choruses were τραγικοί only after the transfer, not before—a negligible error.
[39]Of course, it is possible to argue that goats may have been sacrificed to Adrastus and that τραγικός and τραγῳδός were consequently older terms than is maintained in the text; this would also explain why the goat was continued as a prize after the sacrifice proper had been given over to Melanippus. Cf., however, Farnell,Cults of the Greek States, V, 233 and noted.
[39]Of course, it is possible to argue that goats may have been sacrificed to Adrastus and that τραγικός and τραγῳδός were consequently older terms than is maintained in the text; this would also explain why the goat was continued as a prize after the sacrifice proper had been given over to Melanippus. Cf., however, Farnell,Cults of the Greek States, V, 233 and noted.
[40]Cf. PlatoMinos321A: ἡ δὲ τραγῳδία ἐστὶ παλαιὸν ἐνθάδε, οὐχ ὡς οἴονται ἀπὸ Θέσπιδος ἀρξαμένη οὐδ’ ἀπὸ Φρυνίχου, ἀλλ’ εἰ θέλεις ἐννοῆσαι, πάνυ παλαιὸν αὐτὸ εὑρήσεις ὂν τῆσδε τῆς πόλεως εὕρημα.
[40]Cf. PlatoMinos321A: ἡ δὲ τραγῳδία ἐστὶ παλαιὸν ἐνθάδε, οὐχ ὡς οἴονται ἀπὸ Θέσπιδος ἀρξαμένη οὐδ’ ἀπὸ Φρυνίχου, ἀλλ’ εἰ θέλεις ἐννοῆσαι, πάνυ παλαιὸν αὐτὸ εὑρήσεις ὂν τῆσδε τῆς πόλεως εὕρημα.
[41]Cf.Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion²(1908), p. 568. Of course, I do not mean to deny that impersonation was subsequently borrowed from true drama by rites of various kinds which had not contained it at first. This situation probably obtained with reference to the Eleusinian mysteries in their later forms.The indebtedness of tragedy to epic poetry for subject matter, dignity of treatment and of diction, and development of plot, including such technical devices as recognition (ἀναγνώρισις) and reversal of situation (περιπέτεια) is too well established to require argument. Aeschylus is said to have declared that his tragedies were “slices from Homer’s bountiful banquets” (Athenaeus, p. 347E). The pertinent passages from Aristotle’sPoeticshave been conveniently assembled by Throop, “Epic and Dramatic,”Washington University Studies, V (1917), 1 ff.
[41]Cf.Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion²(1908), p. 568. Of course, I do not mean to deny that impersonation was subsequently borrowed from true drama by rites of various kinds which had not contained it at first. This situation probably obtained with reference to the Eleusinian mysteries in their later forms.
The indebtedness of tragedy to epic poetry for subject matter, dignity of treatment and of diction, and development of plot, including such technical devices as recognition (ἀναγνώρισις) and reversal of situation (περιπέτεια) is too well established to require argument. Aeschylus is said to have declared that his tragedies were “slices from Homer’s bountiful banquets” (Athenaeus, p. 347E). The pertinent passages from Aristotle’sPoeticshave been conveniently assembled by Throop, “Epic and Dramatic,”Washington University Studies, V (1917), 1 ff.
[42]Cf. PlutarchSolonxxix. If Thespis treated the traditional myths with some freedom, that may have added to Solon’s anger.
[42]Cf. PlutarchSolonxxix. If Thespis treated the traditional myths with some freedom, that may have added to Solon’s anger.
[43]Cf. Diogenes Laertius iii. 56: τὸ παλαιὸν ἐν τῇ τραγῳδίᾳ πρότερον μὲν μόνος ὁ χορὸς διεδραμάτιζεν, ὕστερον δὲ Θέσπις ἕνα ὑποκριτὴν ἐξεῦρεν ὑπὲρ τοῦ διαναπαύεσθαι τὸν χορόν.
[43]Cf. Diogenes Laertius iii. 56: τὸ παλαιὸν ἐν τῇ τραγῳδίᾳ πρότερον μὲν μόνος ὁ χορὸς διεδραμάτιζεν, ὕστερον δὲ Θέσπις ἕνα ὑποκριτὴν ἐξεῦρεν ὑπὲρ τοῦ διαναπαύεσθαι τὸν χορόν.
[44]Cf.The Origin of Tragedy, p. 60.
[44]Cf.The Origin of Tragedy, p. 60.
[45]Cf. Hiller,Rheinisches Museum für Philologie, XXXIX (1884), 329.
[45]Cf. Hiller,Rheinisches Museum für Philologie, XXXIX (1884), 329.
[46]Cf. HoraceArs Poetica, vs. 276:dicitur et plaustris vexisse poemata Thespis.
[46]Cf. HoraceArs Poetica, vs. 276:
dicitur et plaustris vexisse poemata Thespis.
dicitur et plaustris vexisse poemata Thespis.
dicitur et plaustris vexisse poemata Thespis.
dicitur et plaustris vexisse poemata Thespis.
[47]Cf.Kleine Schriften, p. 422, andNeue Jahrbücher für das klassische Altertum, XXIX (1912), 474.
[47]Cf.Kleine Schriften, p. 422, andNeue Jahrbücher für das klassische Altertum, XXIX (1912), 474.
[48]Cf. Suidas,s.v.“Thespis”: μνημονεύεται δὲ τῶν δραμάτων αὐτοῦ Ἆθλα Πελίου ἢ Φόρβας, Ἱερεῖς, Ἠίθεοι, Πενθεύς.
[48]Cf. Suidas,s.v.“Thespis”: μνημονεύεται δὲ τῶν δραμάτων αὐτοῦ Ἆθλα Πελίου ἢ Φόρβας, Ἱερεῖς, Ἠίθεοι, Πενθεύς.
[49]Cf. Diogenes Laertius v. 92. Both Aristoxenus and Heraclides were pupils of Aristotle.
[49]Cf. Diogenes Laertius v. 92. Both Aristoxenus and Heraclides were pupils of Aristotle.
[50]Cf. Ridgeway,op. cit., p. 69.
[50]Cf. Ridgeway,op. cit., p. 69.
[51]Cf. Suidas,s.v.οὐδὲν πρὸς τὸν Διόνυσον (quoted onp. 29, n. 2, below).
[51]Cf. Suidas,s.v.οὐδὲν πρὸς τὸν Διόνυσον (quoted onp. 29, n. 2, below).
[52]The cognomen was due to the belief that the image and cult were derived from Eleutherae. At Eleutherae itself, however, his cognomen would naturally be different. There he was known as Διόνυσος Μελάναιγις, “Dionysus of the Black-Goat-Skin.” From this fact an abortive attempt has recently been made to derive a new explanation for tragic performances being denominated “goat-songs”; cf.Classical Philology, VIII (1913), 270.
[52]The cognomen was due to the belief that the image and cult were derived from Eleutherae. At Eleutherae itself, however, his cognomen would naturally be different. There he was known as Διόνυσος Μελάναιγις, “Dionysus of the Black-Goat-Skin.” From this fact an abortive attempt has recently been made to derive a new explanation for tragic performances being denominated “goat-songs”; cf.Classical Philology, VIII (1913), 270.
[53]Cf.Marmor Parium(quoted onp. 14, n. 2, above).
[53]Cf.Marmor Parium(quoted onp. 14, n. 2, above).
[54]Cf.Poetics1449a19 ff., Bywater’s translation.
[54]Cf.Poetics1449a19 ff., Bywater’s translation.
[55]Cf.op. cit., p. 472. This exegesis has now been commended by Pickard-Cambridge; cf.Classical Review, XXVI (1912), 53. Cornford has expressed the same view by means of a neat paraphrase: ἐκ σατυρικοῦ εἰς σεμνὸν μετέβαλεν, cf.The Origin of Attic Comedy(1914), p. 214, n. 1. Gomperz’ translation (1897) reads as follows: “Was das Wachstum ihrer Grossartigkeit anlangt, so hat sich das Trauerspiel im Gegensatze zur ursprünglichen Kleinheit der Fabeln und der zum Possenhaften neigenden Artung der Diction ihres satyrspielartigen Ursprungs wegen erst spät zu höherer Würde erhoben.... Ursprünglich hatte man sich nämlich, da die Dichtung satyrhaft und mehr balletartig war, des trochäischen Tetrameters bedient.”
[55]Cf.op. cit., p. 472. This exegesis has now been commended by Pickard-Cambridge; cf.Classical Review, XXVI (1912), 53. Cornford has expressed the same view by means of a neat paraphrase: ἐκ σατυρικοῦ εἰς σεμνὸν μετέβαλεν, cf.The Origin of Attic Comedy(1914), p. 214, n. 1. Gomperz’ translation (1897) reads as follows: “Was das Wachstum ihrer Grossartigkeit anlangt, so hat sich das Trauerspiel im Gegensatze zur ursprünglichen Kleinheit der Fabeln und der zum Possenhaften neigenden Artung der Diction ihres satyrspielartigen Ursprungs wegen erst spät zu höherer Würde erhoben.... Ursprünglich hatte man sich nämlich, da die Dichtung satyrhaft und mehr balletartig war, des trochäischen Tetrameters bedient.”
[56]Cf.Poetics1449a22 f., Butcher’s translation.
[56]Cf.Poetics1449a22 f., Butcher’s translation.
[57]In 467B.C.Aristias concluded his tragedies with thePalaestae, “a satyric drama of his father Pratinas” (cf. arg. Aesch.Seven against Thebes). It is generally supposed that this was a posthumous piece. But Professor Capps suggests that Pratinas may frequently have provided a satyr-play for someone’s else trilogy, and thus explains the disproportionate number of satyric dramas in Pratinas’ list and of tragedies in other poets’ lists.
[57]In 467B.C.Aristias concluded his tragedies with thePalaestae, “a satyric drama of his father Pratinas” (cf. arg. Aesch.Seven against Thebes). It is generally supposed that this was a posthumous piece. But Professor Capps suggests that Pratinas may frequently have provided a satyr-play for someone’s else trilogy, and thus explains the disproportionate number of satyric dramas in Pratinas’ list and of tragedies in other poets’ lists.
[58]Cf. Suidas,s.v.“Pratinas”: ... Φλιάσιος, ποιητὴς τραγῳδίας, ἀντηγωνίζετο Αἰσχύλῳ τε καὶ Χοιρίλῳ, ἐπὶ τῆς ἑβδομηκοστῆς Ὀλυμπιάδος, καὶ πρῶτος ἔγραψε Σατύρους ... καὶ δράματα μὲν ἐπεδείξατο νʹ, ὦν Σατυρικὰ λβʹ. ἐνίκησε δὲ ἅπαξ. Note that the earliest name was simply Σάτυροι, “satyrs.” Murray has proposed another interpretation of Suidas’ phrase: “I take this to mean that Pratinas was the first person to write words for the revelling masquers to learn by heart. Thespis, like many early Elizabethans, had been content with a general direction: ‘Enter Satyrs, in revel, saying anything’” (incorporated in Miss Harrison’sThemis, p. 344). Nevertheless, he adds that he “does not wish to combat” the other view.
[58]Cf. Suidas,s.v.“Pratinas”: ... Φλιάσιος, ποιητὴς τραγῳδίας, ἀντηγωνίζετο Αἰσχύλῳ τε καὶ Χοιρίλῳ, ἐπὶ τῆς ἑβδομηκοστῆς Ὀλυμπιάδος, καὶ πρῶτος ἔγραψε Σατύρους ... καὶ δράματα μὲν ἐπεδείξατο νʹ, ὦν Σατυρικὰ λβʹ. ἐνίκησε δὲ ἅπαξ. Note that the earliest name was simply Σάτυροι, “satyrs.” Murray has proposed another interpretation of Suidas’ phrase: “I take this to mean that Pratinas was the first person to write words for the revelling masquers to learn by heart. Thespis, like many early Elizabethans, had been content with a general direction: ‘Enter Satyrs, in revel, saying anything’” (incorporated in Miss Harrison’sThemis, p. 344). Nevertheless, he adds that he “does not wish to combat” the other view.
[59]Fig. 3 is taken from Furtwängler and Reichhold,Griechische Vasenmalarei, first series, II, Pls. 11-12. Themembrum virilehas been omitted in the reproduction.
[59]Fig. 3 is taken from Furtwängler and Reichhold,Griechische Vasenmalarei, first series, II, Pls. 11-12. Themembrum virilehas been omitted in the reproduction.
[60]Cf.op. cit., I, 696 f.
[60]Cf.op. cit., I, 696 f.
[61]This was originally assembled by Hartwig inRömische Mittheilungen, XII (1897), 89 ff. and Wernicke,op. cit.It is now conveniently summarized by Cook,op. cit., pp. 697 ff.
[61]This was originally assembled by Hartwig inRömische Mittheilungen, XII (1897), 89 ff. and Wernicke,op. cit.It is now conveniently summarized by Cook,op. cit., pp. 697 ff.
[62]Fig. 4 is taken from Baumeister,Denkmäler, Fig. 422. The two craters at Deepdene are illustrated in Cook,op. cit., Pl. XXXIX, Figs. 1-2.
[62]Fig. 4 is taken from Baumeister,Denkmäler, Fig. 422. The two craters at Deepdene are illustrated in Cook,op. cit., Pl. XXXIX, Figs. 1-2.
[63]The three dinoi are discussed by Miss Bieber inAthenische Mitteilungen, XXXVI (1911), 269 ff. and Pl. XIII, Figs. 1-3 and Pl. XIV, Figs. 1-5. My Figs. 5-7 are taken from her publication, corresponding to Pl. XIII, Fig. 1, Pl. XIV, Fig. 4, and Pl. XIV, Figs, 1 and 2 respectively. Cook maintains that all six vases are descended from a fresco by Polygnotus,op. cit., pp. 700 f.; but this suggestion seems improbable.
[63]The three dinoi are discussed by Miss Bieber inAthenische Mitteilungen, XXXVI (1911), 269 ff. and Pl. XIII, Figs. 1-3 and Pl. XIV, Figs. 1-5. My Figs. 5-7 are taken from her publication, corresponding to Pl. XIII, Fig. 1, Pl. XIV, Fig. 4, and Pl. XIV, Figs, 1 and 2 respectively. Cook maintains that all six vases are descended from a fresco by Polygnotus,op. cit., pp. 700 f.; but this suggestion seems improbable.
[64]Cf. De Prott, “De Amphora Neapolitana Fabulae Satyricae Apparatum Scaenicum Repraesentante,” inSchedae Philologicae Hermanno Usener Oblatae(Bonn, 1891), pp. 47 ff. It seems strange that De Prott should mar his own interpretation by supposing the figure whom I have called Hesione to be a Muse. The Scythian cap ought to be decisive.
[64]Cf. De Prott, “De Amphora Neapolitana Fabulae Satyricae Apparatum Scaenicum Repraesentante,” inSchedae Philologicae Hermanno Usener Oblatae(Bonn, 1891), pp. 47 ff. It seems strange that De Prott should mar his own interpretation by supposing the figure whom I have called Hesione to be a Muse. The Scythian cap ought to be decisive.
[65]Cf. Miss Bieber,op. cit., Pl. XIV, Fig. 3.
[65]Cf. Miss Bieber,op. cit., Pl. XIV, Fig. 3.
[66]Except the eleventh and twelfth choreutae on the Naples crater (Fig. 4), viz., the figure with a lyre near the middle of the lower row and the fully clad figure next to the last on the right. If De Prott is correct in considering these figures choreutae, they must be regarded (I suppose) as having not yet completed their make-up.
[66]Except the eleventh and twelfth choreutae on the Naples crater (Fig. 4), viz., the figure with a lyre near the middle of the lower row and the fully clad figure next to the last on the right. If De Prott is correct in considering these figures choreutae, they must be regarded (I suppose) as having not yet completed their make-up.
[67]Fig. 8 is taken from Baumeister,Denkmäler, Fig. 424. The choreutae in this scene are not to be understood as having no tails; their position does not permit this feature to be seen, cf. Haigh,The Attic Theatre³, p. 293, note.
[67]Fig. 8 is taken from Baumeister,Denkmäler, Fig. 424. The choreutae in this scene are not to be understood as having no tails; their position does not permit this feature to be seen, cf. Haigh,The Attic Theatre³, p. 293, note.
[68]Cf.Etymologicum Magnum,s.v.: τραγῳδία: ... ἢ ὅτι τὰ πολλὰ οἱ χοροὶ ἐκ σατύρων συνίσταντο, οὓς ἐκάλουν τράγους σκώπτοντες ἢ διὰ τὴν τοῦ σώματος δασύτητα ἢ διὰ τὴν περὶ τὰ ἀφροδίσια σπουδήν· τοιοῦτον γὰρ τὸ ζῷον. ἢ ὅτι οἱ χορευταὶ τὰς κόμας ἀνέπλεκον, σχῆμα τράγων μιμούμενοι.
[68]Cf.Etymologicum Magnum,s.v.: τραγῳδία: ... ἢ ὅτι τὰ πολλὰ οἱ χοροὶ ἐκ σατύρων συνίσταντο, οὓς ἐκάλουν τράγους σκώπτοντες ἢ διὰ τὴν τοῦ σώματος δασύτητα ἢ διὰ τὴν περὶ τὰ ἀφροδίσια σπουδήν· τοιοῦτον γὰρ τὸ ζῷον. ἢ ὅτι οἱ χορευταὶ τὰς κόμας ἀνέπλεκον, σχῆμα τράγων μιμούμενοι.
[69]Cf. HoraceArs Poetica, vss. 220 f:carmine qui tragico vilem certavit ob hircum,mox etiam agrestis Satyros nudavit, etc.
[69]Cf. HoraceArs Poetica, vss. 220 f:
carmine qui tragico vilem certavit ob hircum,mox etiam agrestis Satyros nudavit, etc.
carmine qui tragico vilem certavit ob hircum,mox etiam agrestis Satyros nudavit, etc.
carmine qui tragico vilem certavit ob hircum,mox etiam agrestis Satyros nudavit, etc.
carmine qui tragico vilem certavit ob hircum,
mox etiam agrestis Satyros nudavit, etc.
[70]Cf. Suidas and Photius,s.v.οὐδὲν πρὸς τὸν Διόνυσον and Apostolius xiii. 42. After giving the explanation of this phrase already cited onp. 12, n. 3, above, they continue: βέλτιον δὲ οὕτως, τὸ πρόσθεν εἰς τὸν Διόνυσον γράφοντες τούτοις ἠγωνίζοντο, ἅπερ καὶ Σατυρικὰ ἐλέγετο· ὕστερον δὲ μεταβάντες εἰς τὸ τραγῳδίας γράφειν, κατὰ μικρὸν εἰς μύθους καὶ ἱστορίας ἐτράπησαν, μηκέτι τοῦ Διονύσου μνημονεύοντες, ὅθεν τοῦτο καὶ ἐπεφώνησαν. καὶ Χαμαιλέων ἐν τῷ Περὶ Θέσπιδος τὰ παραπλήσια ἱστορεῖ. The word παραπλήσια leaves it doubtful for how much of this notice Chamaeleon (Aristotle’s pupil) should be held responsible. But at the most his accountability cannot extend beyond explaining the introduction of non-Dionysiac themes; the side remarks are Byzantine.
[70]Cf. Suidas and Photius,s.v.οὐδὲν πρὸς τὸν Διόνυσον and Apostolius xiii. 42. After giving the explanation of this phrase already cited onp. 12, n. 3, above, they continue: βέλτιον δὲ οὕτως, τὸ πρόσθεν εἰς τὸν Διόνυσον γράφοντες τούτοις ἠγωνίζοντο, ἅπερ καὶ Σατυρικὰ ἐλέγετο· ὕστερον δὲ μεταβάντες εἰς τὸ τραγῳδίας γράφειν, κατὰ μικρὸν εἰς μύθους καὶ ἱστορίας ἐτράπησαν, μηκέτι τοῦ Διονύσου μνημονεύοντες, ὅθεν τοῦτο καὶ ἐπεφώνησαν. καὶ Χαμαιλέων ἐν τῷ Περὶ Θέσπιδος τὰ παραπλήσια ἱστορεῖ. The word παραπλήσια leaves it doubtful for how much of this notice Chamaeleon (Aristotle’s pupil) should be held responsible. But at the most his accountability cannot extend beyond explaining the introduction of non-Dionysiac themes; the side remarks are Byzantine.
[71]Cf. von Wilamowitz,N. Jahrbücher f. kl. Altertum, XXIX (1912), 461, and Tanner,Transactions American Philological Association, XLVI (1915), 173 ff.
[71]Cf. von Wilamowitz,N. Jahrbücher f. kl. Altertum, XXIX (1912), 461, and Tanner,Transactions American Philological Association, XLVI (1915), 173 ff.
[72]Fig. 9 is taken from theJournal of Hellenic Studies, XI (1890), Pl. XI, and is reproduced by permission of the Council of the Hellenic Society.
[72]Fig. 9 is taken from theJournal of Hellenic Studies, XI (1890), Pl. XI, and is reproduced by permission of the Council of the Hellenic Society.
[73]Reisch,op. cit., pp. 456 f., considers the goat-men Pans, or choreutae in some such comedy as Eupolis’ Αἶγες.
[73]Reisch,op. cit., pp. 456 f., considers the goat-men Pans, or choreutae in some such comedy as Eupolis’ Αἶγες.
[74]Cf. Nauck,Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, p. 69, fr. 207:τράγος γένειον ἆρα πενθήσεις σύ γε.The use of the nominative τράγος instead of a vocative is harsh, and Shorey,Classical Philology, IV (1909), 433 ff., interprets the line as an abbreviated
comparison with ὡς omitted: “
[74]Cf. Nauck,Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, p. 69, fr. 207:
τράγος γένειον ἆρα πενθήσεις σύ γε.
τράγος γένειον ἆρα πενθήσεις σύ γε.
τράγος γένειον ἆρα πενθήσεις σύ γε.
τράγος γένειον ἆρα πενθήσεις σύ γε.
The use of the nominative τράγος instead of a vocative is harsh, and Shorey,Classical Philology, IV (1909), 433 ff., interprets the line as an abbreviated
comparison with ὡς omitted: “
[75]Cf.Oxyrhynchus Papyri, IX (1912), 59:νέος γὰρ ὢν ἀνὴρπώγωνι θάλλων ὡς τράγος κνήκῳ χλιδᾷς.
[75]Cf.Oxyrhynchus Papyri, IX (1912), 59:
νέος γὰρ ὢν ἀνὴρπώγωνι θάλλων ὡς τράγος κνήκῳ χλιδᾷς.
νέος γὰρ ὢν ἀνὴρπώγωνι θάλλων ὡς τράγος κνήκῳ χλιδᾷς.
νέος γὰρ ὢν ἀνὴρπώγωνι θάλλων ὡς τράγος κνήκῳ χλιδᾷς.
νέος γὰρ ὢν ἀνὴρ
πώγωνι θάλλων ὡς τράγος κνήκῳ χλιδᾷς.
[76]Cf. Euripides’Cyclops, vss. 79 f.:δοῦλος ἀλαίνωνσὺν τᾷδε τράγου χλαίνᾳ μελέᾳ.Reisch thinks the goatskin characterized the chorus as shepherds; cf.op. cit., p. 458, note; Ridgeway considers it “the meanest form of apparel that could be worn by a slave”; cf.Origin of Tragedy, p. 87.
[76]Cf. Euripides’Cyclops, vss. 79 f.:
δοῦλος ἀλαίνωνσὺν τᾷδε τράγου χλαίνᾳ μελέᾳ.
δοῦλος ἀλαίνωνσὺν τᾷδε τράγου χλαίνᾳ μελέᾳ.
δοῦλος ἀλαίνωνσὺν τᾷδε τράγου χλαίνᾳ μελέᾳ.
δοῦλος ἀλαίνων
σὺν τᾷδε τράγου χλαίνᾳ μελέᾳ.
Reisch thinks the goatskin characterized the chorus as shepherds; cf.op. cit., p. 458, note; Ridgeway considers it “the meanest form of apparel that could be worn by a slave”; cf.Origin of Tragedy, p. 87.
[77]Fig. 10 is taken from Höber,Griechische Vasen, Fig. 57 (1909).
[77]Fig. 10 is taken from Höber,Griechische Vasen, Fig. 57 (1909).
[78]Cf. Reinach,Repertoire des Vases Peints, I, 193, or Baumeister,Denkmäler, Supplementtafel, Fig. 7.
[78]Cf. Reinach,Repertoire des Vases Peints, I, 193, or Baumeister,Denkmäler, Supplementtafel, Fig. 7.
[79]Cf.op. cit., p. 459. The possibility of direct borrowing had already been denied by Wernicke,op. cit., pp. 302-6. Wernicke’s objections are not altogether convincing.
[79]Cf.op. cit., p. 459. The possibility of direct borrowing had already been denied by Wernicke,op. cit., pp. 302-6. Wernicke’s objections are not altogether convincing.
[80]Fig. 11 is taken from a photograph for which I am indebted to Professor Heinrich Bulle. He was also kind enough to express the following judgment with regard to the inscription: “Ich kann nicht mit Ch. Fränkel,Satyr- und Bakchennamen auf Vasenbildern(1912), S. 35, der Lesung von Schulze (Göttinger gel. Anz.1896, S. 254) ΣΙΒΥΡΤΑΣ zustimmen; denn die Inschrift ist ja rechtslaüfig. Man kann übrigens auch deutlich an dem Kleinerwerden der Buchstaben sehen, dass der Zeichner von links nach rechts geschrieben hat. Ich glaube mit Urlichs, (Verzeichniss d. Antikensammlung d. Univ. Wurzburgs, I, S. 50), dass es eine einfache Verschreibung aus ΣΑΤΥΡΟΣ ist.” Themembrum virilehas been omitted in the reproduction.
[80]Fig. 11 is taken from a photograph for which I am indebted to Professor Heinrich Bulle. He was also kind enough to express the following judgment with regard to the inscription: “Ich kann nicht mit Ch. Fränkel,Satyr- und Bakchennamen auf Vasenbildern(1912), S. 35, der Lesung von Schulze (Göttinger gel. Anz.1896, S. 254) ΣΙΒΥΡΤΑΣ zustimmen; denn die Inschrift ist ja rechtslaüfig. Man kann übrigens auch deutlich an dem Kleinerwerden der Buchstaben sehen, dass der Zeichner von links nach rechts geschrieben hat. Ich glaube mit Urlichs, (Verzeichniss d. Antikensammlung d. Univ. Wurzburgs, I, S. 50), dass es eine einfache Verschreibung aus ΣΑΤΥΡΟΣ ist.” Themembrum virilehas been omitted in the reproduction.
[81]Cf. the contemporaneous sileni in connection with the “wagon-ship” of Dionysus; seeFig. 65andp. 121, below.
[81]Cf. the contemporaneous sileni in connection with the “wagon-ship” of Dionysus; seeFig. 65andp. 121, below.
[82]Why “almost” is inserted here does not appear. Many Greek divinities are mentioned on Ridgeway’s pages, but none is recognized as “totally independent” of the cult of the dead.
[82]Why “almost” is inserted here does not appear. Many Greek divinities are mentioned on Ridgeway’s pages, but none is recognized as “totally independent” of the cult of the dead.
[83]Cf. hisDramas and Dramatic Dances, etc., pp. 63, 337, 385, andpassim.
[83]Cf. hisDramas and Dramatic Dances, etc., pp. 63, 337, 385, andpassim.
[84]Cf. Marrett,Classical Review, XXX (1916), 159.
[84]Cf. Marrett,Classical Review, XXX (1916), 159.
[85]Cf. Zieliński,Die Gliederung der altattischen Komödie(1885); Humphreys, “The Agon of the Old Comedy,”American Journal of Philology, VIII (1887), 179 ff.; Poppelreuter,De Comoediae Atticae Primordiis(1893); A. Körte, “Archäologische Studien zur alten Komödie,”Jahrbuch d. archäologischen Instituts, VIII (1893), 61 ff.; Loeschcke,Athenische Mittheilungen, XIX (1894), 518, note; Bethe,Prolegomena zur Geschichte des Theaters im Alterthum(1896), pp. 48 ff.; Mazon,Essai sur la Composition des Comédies d’Aristophane(1904); Capps, “The Introduction of Comedy into the City Dionysia,”University of Chicago Decennial Publications, VI (1904), 266 ff., and in Columbia University lectures onGreek Literature(1912), pp. 124 ff.; Navarre, “Les origines et la structure technique de la comédie ancienne,”Revue des Études anciennes, XIII (1911), 245 ff.; White,The Verse of Greek Comedy(1912); Cornford,The Origin of Attic Comedy(1914), reviewed by Flickinger inClassical Weekly, VIII (1915), 221 ff.; and Ridgeway,The Dramas and Dramatic Dances of Non-European Races with an Appendix on the Origin of Greek Comedy(1915), reviewed by Flickinger,Classical Weekly, XI (1918), 109 f.
[85]Cf. Zieliński,Die Gliederung der altattischen Komödie(1885); Humphreys, “The Agon of the Old Comedy,”American Journal of Philology, VIII (1887), 179 ff.; Poppelreuter,De Comoediae Atticae Primordiis(1893); A. Körte, “Archäologische Studien zur alten Komödie,”Jahrbuch d. archäologischen Instituts, VIII (1893), 61 ff.; Loeschcke,Athenische Mittheilungen, XIX (1894), 518, note; Bethe,Prolegomena zur Geschichte des Theaters im Alterthum(1896), pp. 48 ff.; Mazon,Essai sur la Composition des Comédies d’Aristophane(1904); Capps, “The Introduction of Comedy into the City Dionysia,”University of Chicago Decennial Publications, VI (1904), 266 ff., and in Columbia University lectures onGreek Literature(1912), pp. 124 ff.; Navarre, “Les origines et la structure technique de la comédie ancienne,”Revue des Études anciennes, XIII (1911), 245 ff.; White,The Verse of Greek Comedy(1912); Cornford,The Origin of Attic Comedy(1914), reviewed by Flickinger inClassical Weekly, VIII (1915), 221 ff.; and Ridgeway,The Dramas and Dramatic Dances of Non-European Races with an Appendix on the Origin of Greek Comedy(1915), reviewed by Flickinger,Classical Weekly, XI (1918), 109 f.
[86]I am indebted to Professor Capps for this translation; the word is generally taken to mean “masks” here.
[86]I am indebted to Professor Capps for this translation; the word is generally taken to mean “masks” here.
[87]Cf. Aristotle’sPoetics1449a37-b9.
[87]Cf. Aristotle’sPoetics1449a37-b9.
[88]The phallus was a representation of themembrum virile, and such ceremonies were primarily intended to secure fertility.
[88]The phallus was a representation of themembrum virile, and such ceremonies were primarily intended to secure fertility.
[89]Cf. Aristotle’sPoetics1449a9-13.
[89]Cf. Aristotle’sPoetics1449a9-13.
[90]The second is, of course, the personification of Increase; the first is not so obvious. Some connect it with Demeter; it has also been proposed to interpret it as the Cretan form of ζημία, “damage.” The one would therefore represent the productive and the other the destructive powers; cf. Macan’s editionad loc.This would accord very neatly with Cornford’s positive and negative charms.
[90]The second is, of course, the personification of Increase; the first is not so obvious. Some connect it with Demeter; it has also been proposed to interpret it as the Cretan form of ζημία, “damage.” The one would therefore represent the productive and the other the destructive powers; cf. Macan’s editionad loc.This would accord very neatly with Cornford’s positive and negative charms.
[91]Cf. Jacoby,Das Marmor Parium, p. 13: ἀφ’ οὑ ἐν Ἀθ[ήν]αις κωμω[ιδῶν χο]ρ[ὸς ἐτ]έθη, [στη]σάν[των πρώ]των Ἰκαριέων, εὑροντος Σουσαρίωνος, καὶ ᾆθλον ἐτέθη πρῶτον ὶσχάδω[ν] ἄρσιχο[ς] καὶ οἴνου με[τ]ρητής, [ἔτη .... The exact date is not determinable but is limited to a period of twenty years by other entries just before and after this one.
[91]Cf. Jacoby,Das Marmor Parium, p. 13: ἀφ’ οὑ ἐν Ἀθ[ήν]αις κωμω[ιδῶν χο]ρ[ὸς ἐτ]έθη, [στη]σάν[των πρώ]των Ἰκαριέων, εὑροντος Σουσαρίωνος, καὶ ᾆθλον ἐτέθη πρῶτον ὶσχάδω[ν] ἄρσιχο[ς] καὶ οἴνου με[τ]ρητής, [ἔτη .... The exact date is not determinable but is limited to a period of twenty years by other entries just before and after this one.
[92]Figs. 12 and 13 are taken, by permission of the Council of the Hellenic Society, from theJournal of Hellenic Studies, II (1881), Pl. XIV, A1 and B1; Fig. 14 from Poppelreuter,op. cit., p. 8; and Figs. 15 and 16 from Robinson,Boston Museum Catalogue of Greek, Etruscan, and Roman Vases(1893), p. 136.
[92]Figs. 12 and 13 are taken, by permission of the Council of the Hellenic Society, from theJournal of Hellenic Studies, II (1881), Pl. XIV, A1 and B1; Fig. 14 from Poppelreuter,op. cit., p. 8; and Figs. 15 and 16 from Robinson,Boston Museum Catalogue of Greek, Etruscan, and Roman Vases(1893), p. 136.
[93]Cf. Capps,University of Chicago Decennial Publications, VI, 286, andAmerican Journal of Philology, XXVIII (1907), 186 f.
[93]Cf. Capps,University of Chicago Decennial Publications, VI, 286, andAmerican Journal of Philology, XXVIII (1907), 186 f.
[94]The divisions of tragedy are discussed onpp. 192 f., below. Five of the terms applied to the divisions of comedy appear also in tragedy, viz., prologue, parodus, episode, stasimum, and exodus; several, if not all, of the five seem to have originated in tragedy.
[94]The divisions of tragedy are discussed onpp. 192 f., below. Five of the terms applied to the divisions of comedy appear also in tragedy, viz., prologue, parodus, episode, stasimum, and exodus; several, if not all, of the five seem to have originated in tragedy.
[95]From this second half of the parabasis comedy developed another epirrhematic division to which Zieliński also gave the name of syzygy. This was not exclusively choral, however, stood at no definite point in the play, and differed in still other respects from the epirrhematic syzygy of the parabasis. Three syzygies appear in Aristophanes’AcharniansandBirds, none in hisLysistrata,Women in Council, andPlutus. Cf. White,op. cit., § 677. Since it is apparent that such syzygies are not primary in origin, they have been ignored in the foregoing discussion.
[95]From this second half of the parabasis comedy developed another epirrhematic division to which Zieliński also gave the name of syzygy. This was not exclusively choral, however, stood at no definite point in the play, and differed in still other respects from the epirrhematic syzygy of the parabasis. Three syzygies appear in Aristophanes’AcharniansandBirds, none in hisLysistrata,Women in Council, andPlutus. Cf. White,op. cit., § 677. Since it is apparent that such syzygies are not primary in origin, they have been ignored in the foregoing discussion.
[96]Or at least reflect its influence; cf. the syzygies mentioned in the last note.
[96]Or at least reflect its influence; cf. the syzygies mentioned in the last note.
[97]Cf. Cornford,op. cit., p. 46.
[97]Cf. Cornford,op. cit., p. 46.
[98]Cf. White, “An Unrecognized Actor in Greek Comedy,”Harvard Studies, XVII (1906), 124 f.
[98]Cf. White, “An Unrecognized Actor in Greek Comedy,”Harvard Studies, XVII (1906), 124 f.
[99]Cf. Zieliński,op. cit., p. 190.
[99]Cf. Zieliński,op. cit., p. 190.
[100]Published by Usener inRheinisches Museum f. Philologie, XXVIII (1873), 418.
[100]Published by Usener inRheinisches Museum f. Philologie, XXVIII (1873), 418.