CHAPTER VIII.EXPEDITION INTO CANADA.
Although these dashing exploits met with the unqualified approval of public sentiment throughout the country, yet Congress for a time wavered as to the disposition of the captured fortresses. An endorsement of those victories by that body would destroy all chances of an ultimate reconciliation with England, of which some entertained strong hopes; others thought the day for a peaceable settlement had passed, and insisted that those victories should be followed by energetic action. The Green Mountain Boys kept possession of the forts until Congress had, so to speak, legitimated their capture, and by its order, Colonel Hinman’s regiment of Connecticut troops was dispatched to relieve them.
Another question had arisen as to which should have the credit of capturing the posts, Allen or Arnold. Both had sent dispatches to the provincial authorities, with an account of the capture, each claiming the honor of victory. “Colonel Allen,” wrote Arnold to the Massachusetts committee of safety, “is a proper man to head his own wild people, but is entirely unacquainted with military service; and as I am the only person who has been legally authorized to take command of this place, I am determined to insist on my rights, ... and shall keep the fort at every hazard, until I have further orders.” The Massachusetts authorities referred the matter to Congress.
Allen had written to the Albany committee for men and provisions to enable him to maintain his conquest. That committee feared retaliatory measures from Great Britain, and asked advice of the New York committee; but that body was also unequal to the task of acting in a matter of such moment, and referred likewise to Congress.
Both Allen and Arnold were ambitious for further laurels, and each were anxious to lead an expedition into Canada. Allen wrote to the New York authorities in this strain: “If the Colonies would suddenly push an army of two or three thousand strong into Canada, they might make an easy conquest, except a reinforcement from England should prevent it. Such a diversion would weaken Gage, and insure us Canada. I wish to God America would, at this critical juncture, exert herself agreeably to the indignity offered her by a tyrannical ministry. She might rise on eagles’ wings, and mount up to glory, freedom and immortal honor, if she did but know and exert her strength. Fame is now hovering over her head. A vast continent must now sink to slavery, poverty, horror and bondage, or rise to unconquerable freedom, immense wealth, inexpressible felicity, and immortal fame. I will lay my life on it, that with fifteen hundred men and a proper train of artillery I will take Montreal. Provided I could be thus furnished, and if an armycould command the field, it would be no insuperable difficulty to take Quebec.” A letter in similar strain was written by Arnold to the Governor of Connecticut.
About this time Captain Remember Baker was killed by an Indian in the British service. This being the first blood shed in the northern department, his death made more noise in the country than would the loss of a hundred men toward the close of the war.
On the arrival, at Ticonderoga, of Colonel Hinman’s Connecticut troops, the greater part of the Green Mountain Boys returned to their homes. Ethan Allen and Seth Warner repaired to Congress to get pay for their men, and to solicit authority to raise a new regiment. They were received with distinguished marks of honor by that body. The same pay was awarded them that was given to the Continental troops; and it was recommended to the New York Convention that a corps of Green Mountain Boys should be raised to serve under officers of their own choosing.
To the Convention of New York Allen and Warner accordingly repaired—the province on whose statute books was recorded an unrepealed act of outlawry against them—and boldly asked for an audience. There was at first some demurring as to their admission to the Hall of Assembly; but patriotism, and an overruling necessity, plead in their behalf. A regiment of Green Mountain Boys, five hundred strong, was decreed, and the people of the Grants were notified of the resolve, and requested to raise the regiment.
Congress was not at first inclined to favor an invasion into Canada, but subsequent developments induced a change in its plans. The recent exploits on the Lake had produced a favorable effect on the Canadians, and it was thought they would flock to the patriot standard were it unfurled among them with an imposing force. Besides, another effectual blow in this quarter might paralyze all hostility, if given before there had been time to rally.
That body thought General Schuyler a fit leader for the undertaking, in which sentiment it was heartily seconded by Washington. Schuyler at once set about his duties amid difficulties that well-nigh distracted him. He had calculated on being joined at a certain date by the regiment of Green Mountain Boys which Allen and Warner had undertaken to raise in the Grants. But a quarrel had ensued between those brothers in arms, which filled the Green Mountains with discord and party feuds. The election of officers took place on the 27th of July, by committees from the different townships. Ethan Allen had been passed by, and Seth Warner nominated a Lieutenant-Colonel of the regiment. This was a crushing blow to the ambition of Allen. He said in his letters from camp: “I find myself in the favor of the officers of the army, and the younger Green Mountain Boys; but the old farmers on the Hampshire Grants, who do not incline to go to war, and whom I have saved from the encroachments of New York, have met in a committeemeeting, and in their nominations have wholly omitted me.” Allen repaired to Ticonderoga, where he was retained to act as pioneer on the Canadian frontier.
The expedition against Canada had been determined on. Arnold, more fortunate that his rival, had attained the object of his ambition, which was no less than the command of a force against Canada: he was to proceed by way of the Kennebec River.
At the beginning of September, Gen. Schuyler, who commanded the main expedition, was stationed with his little army at Isle Aux Noix, at the outlet of Lake Champlain. From this point he sent out Colonel Ethan Allen and Major Brown to reconnoitre the country, distribute friendly addresses among the people, and ascertain their feelings. Then proceeding along the Sorel River, he approached the fort at St. Johns, when a cannonade opened, and a slight action ensued. Night coming on, they cast up a small intrenchment and encamped. Owing to unfavorableintelligence they withdrew to Isle Aux Noix to await the arrival of artillery and reinforcements.
Meanwhile, Allen returned from his reconnoitering expedition, of which he gave a most encouraging report. The Canadian captains of the militia were ready, he said, to join the Americans whenever they should appear with sufficient force. He had held talks, too, with the Indians, and found them well disposed. He was convinced that an inroad into the province would meet with a hearty cooperation.
Preparations were made for a second investment of St. Johns, and Ethan Allen was sent to beat up for recruits among the people he had lately visited, while Major Brown was dispatched with one hundred and thirty men to make friends in the vicinity of Chamblee, and form a junction with the army as soon as it should arrive at St. Johns.
General Schuyler had been for some time the victim of a complication of maladies. When everythingwas in readiness for his departure, he was attacked by a severe access of his disorder, which compelled him to turn over the conduct of the expedition to General Richard Montgomery. He then set out in a covered barge for Ticonderoga. An hour after his departure he met Colonel Warner with one hundred and fifty Green Mountain Boys, the first that had reported of the new regiment. Some had deserted, and the remainder were at Crown Point, whence they were about to embark. About three hundred of the regiment finally joined the expedition.
The investment of St. Johns was begun, yet it proceeded but slowly. A letter had been received, meantime, from Colonel Allen, giving high hopes of further reinforcement. “I am now,” wrote he, “at the parish of St. Ours, four leagues from Sorel to the South. I have two hundred and fifty Canadians under arms. As I march they gather fast. You may rely on it that I shall join you in about three days with five hundred or more Canadian Volunteers. I could raise one or twothousand in a single week’s time; but I will first visit the army with a less number, and if necessary, go again recruiting. Those who used to be enemies to our cause come, cap in hand, to me; and I swear by the Lord I can raise three times the number of our army in Canada, provided you continue the siege. The eyes of all America, nay of Europe, are or will be on the economy of this army, and the consequences attending it.”
Colonel Ethan Allen was on his way to St. Johns when he met Major Brown with his detachment. A conversation ensued, during which Brown remarked that the garrison at Montreal did not exceed thirty men, and might easily be surprised. Allen’s nature was instantly aroused. Here was an opportunity for another bold stroke like that at Ticonderoga. A plan was forthwith agreed upon. Allen was to return to a point nearly opposite Montreal, and cross the river, by means of canoes, a little below the town in the night; while Brown agreed to cross with two hundred men a little above; and the two detachmentswere to attack Montreal simultaneously at opposite points.
The two parties, who were several miles from each other, mutually agreed that in the event of either being hindered from coming at the time appointed, early notice should be given to the other. The night proved windy, and Brown, judging it dangerous to attempt crossing the river in canoes, went quietly to rest. Allen, apprehending no danger from the wind, on the night of the 24th of September sent the few canoes in his possession repeatedly across the river, first taking the precaution of stationing guards in the roads to prevent any alarm reaching Montreal. As he had heard nothing to the contrary from Brown, he supposed that officer to be carrying out his part of the enterprise.
The day advanced, but no signal came from Major Brown. It was evident he had not crossed. Allen would gladly have retraced the steps he had taken, but it was too late. Information had been conveyed to the town, and a force of fortyregular troops were sent out to attack him. A smart action ensued; most of Allen’s Canadian recruits gave way and fled; a number of Americans were slain; at last he surrendered to Major Campbell, honorable terms being promised, together with thirty-eight of his men who remained faithful to him.
The prisoners were marched into town and delivered up to Colonel Prescott, the Commandant. Their rough appearance and rude equipments became the subject of much adverse comment. “Their leader,” says Irving, “albeit a Colonel, must have seemed worthy of the band; for Allen was arrayed in rough frontier style; a deer-skin jacket, a vest and breeches of coarse serge, worsted stockings, stout shoes, and a red woolen cap.” We give Allen’s own account of the reception he met with:
“He [the Commandant] asked me my name, which I told him. He then asked me whether I was that Colonel Allen that took Ticonderoga. I told him I was the very man. Then he shook hiscane over my head, calling me many hard names, among which he frequently used the word rebel, and put himself in a great rage.”
Notwithstanding Major Campbell’s promise of honorable treatment of his prisoners, Allen was put on board the Gaspé schooner of war, and heavily ironed—Prescott giving him the parting assurance that he would yet grace a halter at Tyburn. From his place of confinement he wrote the subjoined letter to the General:
“Honorable Sir:—In the wheel of transitory events I find myself a prisoner, and in irons. Probably your honor has certain reasons to me inconceivable, though I challenge an instance of this sort of economy of the Americans during the late war to any officers of the Crown. On my part, I have to assure your honor, that when I had the command and took Captain Delaplace and Lieutenant Fulton, with the garrison of Ticonderoga, I treated them with every mark of friendship and generosity, the evidence of whichis notorious, even in Canada. I have only to add, that I expect an honorable and humane treatment, as an officer of my rank and merit should bear, and subscribe myself, your honor’s most obedient servant,
Ethan Allen.”
The following is appended by the British annotator: “N. B.—The author of the above letter is an outlaw, and a reward is offered by the New York Assembly for apprehending him.”
After the prisoners had been conducted into Montreal, General Prescott gave orders to a sergeant and file of men, to put to death some Canadians who had been taken in arms with Colonel Allen. They forthwith went, with bayonets fixed, to execute their commission. Allen, understanding their purpose, stepped between them and the Canadians, and told the guard to thrust him with their bayonets if they must shed human blood, but to spare the Canadians who deservedno censure, as what they had done was in obedience to his orders. The guards hesitated, and Prescott being consulted, that officer revoked the order.[E]
During Allen’s imprisonment he was confined on board a man-of-war, commanded by Captain Littlejohn, who exercised much clemency towards his prisoner, and removed his irons except when military officers came on board. A dispute arose between the Captain and an officer, resulting in arrangements for a duel. The Captain requested Allen to serve as his friend. The latter replied “if it was consistent with his situation he would do himself the honor.” The Captain answered that “he could change his dress, and go on shore in disguise, and no questions would be asked.” The parties went ashore, but by the interposition of friends the dispute was settled.
At a later period, Colonel Allen was put on board a ship under command of Captain Smith.He was heavily ironed, and confined in the most dreary part of the vessel. When fairly out to sea, Captain Smith ordered Allen’s irons taken off, and requested him to eat at his own table while he remained on shipboard. The Colonel came from his dark abode and thanked the Captain for his generous conduct, remarking “he did not know it would ever be in his power to return the compliment.” That officer replied—“gentlemen did not know when they might render essential services to one another.”
On board was a great number of prisoners, who laid a plan to kill Captain Smith, and run off with the ship. When the project was ripe for execution, Allen was led into the secret. He firmly told them if they murdered Captain Smith they must also murder him, at which they were greatly alarmed. He quieted their fears by saying, “drop your plans, and I will be as faithful to you as I have been to Captain Smith.” Here the matter ended, and the Captain never knew of his danger, nor of the service of his grateful friend.
Information had been received by Gen. Washington of the indignities heaped upon Colonel Allen, captured by Prescott when Commandant at Montreal, and who was now, himself, a prisoner in the hands of the Americans. Washington wrote to General Howe to the following import:
“Sir:—We have just been informed of a circumstance, which, were it not so well authenticated, I should scarcely think credible. It is that Colonel Allen, who, with his small party, was defeated and made prisoner near Montreal, has been treated without regard to decency, humanity, or the rules of war; that he has been thrown into irons, and suffers all the hardships inflicted upon common felons.
“I think it is my duty, sir, to demand, and do expect from you, an eclaircissement on this subject. At the same time, I flatter myself, from the character which Mr. Howe bears as a man of honor, gentleman and soldier, that my demand will meet with his approbation. I must take the liberty, also, of informing you that I shall consideryour silence as a confirmation of the report, and further assuring you, that whatever treatment Colonel Allen receives, whatever fate he undergoes, such exactly shall be the fate of Brigadier Prescott, now in our hands. The law of retaliation is not only justifiable in the eyes of God and man but absolutely a duty.”
Washington observed in a letter to Congress: “My reason for pointing out Prescott as the object who is to suffer for Allen’s fate, is that I am given to understand that Prescott is the cause of Allen’s sufferings. I thought best to be decisive on the occasion, as did the generals whom I consulted thereon.”
Shortly afterwards, Washington received a letter from Levi Allen, a brother to the Colonel, and of like enterprising and enthusiastic character. It was dated from Salisbury, Connecticut, and enclosed affidavits of the harsh treatment his brother had experienced, and of his being confined on board of the Gaspé, “with a bar of iron fixed to one of his legs, and iron to his hands.” Leviproposed to go to England, where he supposed his brother was, raise a mob and set him free, bribe the jailor, or in some way deliver him from confinement. Washington kindly advised against Levi’s wild project. The measure of retaliation was actually meted out to Prescott, of which Washington spoke in his letter to Howe.
The efforts of Washington and Congress to effect the exchange of Ethan Allen, “the brave, but eccentric captor of Ticonderoga,” were meritorious. The daring exploits of that chieftain had cost him a world of trouble. “Thrown into prison as a felon; threatened with a halter; carried to England to be tried for treason; confined in Pendennis Castle; retransported to Halifax; and now a prisoner in New York.” He writes: “I have suffered everything short of death. I am fired with adequate indignation to revenge both my own and my country’s wrongs. I am experimentally certain I have fortitude sufficient to face the invaders of America in the place of danger, spread with all the horrors of war. Provided youcan hit upon some measure to procure my liberty, I will appropriate my remaining days, and freely hazard my life in the service of the colony, and maintaining the American Empire. I thought to have enrolled my name in the list of American heroes, but was nipped in the bud.”
Allen was finally exchanged for Colonel Campbell, after three years of captivity. Washington, in a letter recommending that something be done for him, observes: “His gratitude and firmness seemed to have placed him out of the reach of misfortune. There is an original something about him that commands admiration, and his long captivity and sufferings have only served to increase, if possible, his enthusiastic zeal. He appears very desirous of rendering his services to the States, and of being employed; and at the same time he does not discover any ambition for high rank.” On the strength of this recommendation, Congress voted Allen a brevet commission of Colonel.
Montgomery, during his campaign in Canada,retained Colonel Warner and his regiment of Green Mountain Boys, who contributed their services to the downfall of the strongholds of Chamblee, St. Johns, and Montreal; having served out the time for which they had enlisted, they were dismissed and returned home.
In 1776, soon after the death of Montgomery at the storming of Quebec, the Hampshire Grants raised a second regiment under Colonel Warner, which marched to Quebec, and gave essential relief to the besieging army of that place. At the beginning of May the siege was raised in consequence of the bad state of health of the troops, and the arrival of reinforcements from England. General Sullivan conducted the retreat in a masterly manner; the army arrived at Crown Point in due time, in a deplorable state.