248The narrow channel between Leucas and the mainland, which had been artificially enlarged. Dionys Halic. 1, 50.
248The narrow channel between Leucas and the mainland, which had been artificially enlarged. Dionys Halic. 1, 50.
2494,63.
2494,63.
2504,62.
2504,62.
2514,67.
2514,67.
252The pun disappears in translation. The line isὁρᾷς τὸδῖονοὗ βέλος διέπτατο.
252The pun disappears in translation. The line is
ὁρᾷς τὸδῖονοὗ βέλος διέπτατο.
253Games in his honour were celebrated at Sicyon. See Plutarch,Arat.45.Cleomenes, 16.Supra, p.147n.Infra,28,19;30,23.
253Games in his honour were celebrated at Sicyon. See Plutarch,Arat.45.Cleomenes, 16.Supra, p.147n.Infra,28,19;30,23.
254A memorial, apparently, of the fruitless expedition of Pyrrhus into Laconia inB.C.272.
254A memorial, apparently, of the fruitless expedition of Pyrrhus into Laconia inB.C.272.
255The Guard. The wordagemaproperly means the leading corps in an army; but it obtained this technical meaning in the Macedonian army (see Arrian, 1, 1, 11), whence it was used in other armies also founded on the Macedonian model, as for instance in Alexandria (seeinfra, ch. 65).
255The Guard. The wordagemaproperly means the leading corps in an army; but it obtained this technical meaning in the Macedonian army (see Arrian, 1, 1, 11), whence it was used in other armies also founded on the Macedonian model, as for instance in Alexandria (seeinfra, ch. 65).
256Hypaspists, originally a bodyguard to the king, had been extended in number and formed one or more distinct corps of light infantry (Grote, ch. 92).
256Hypaspists, originally a bodyguard to the king, had been extended in number and formed one or more distinct corps of light infantry (Grote, ch. 92).
257Here again, as in5,1, the outgoing Strategus appears to go out of office at the time of the election of his successor (see note on ch.1, and cp.4,6). There seems to have been some variety of practice. Perhaps the interval was left somewhat to mutual arrangement, the summer solstice being the outside limit.
257Here again, as in5,1, the outgoing Strategus appears to go out of office at the time of the election of his successor (see note on ch.1, and cp.4,6). There seems to have been some variety of practice. Perhaps the interval was left somewhat to mutual arrangement, the summer solstice being the outside limit.
258See2,69.
258See2,69.
259Archidamus was the brother of Agis, the king of the other line, who had been assassinated inB.C.240. Plutarch,Cleom.5, probably on the authority of Phylarchus, represents the murder of Archidamus as not the work of Cleomenes, but of the same party that had murdered Agis and feared the vengeance of his brother. (See Thirlwall, 8, p. 158, who agrees with Plutarch.)
259Archidamus was the brother of Agis, the king of the other line, who had been assassinated inB.C.240. Plutarch,Cleom.5, probably on the authority of Phylarchus, represents the murder of Archidamus as not the work of Cleomenes, but of the same party that had murdered Agis and feared the vengeance of his brother. (See Thirlwall, 8, p. 158, who agrees with Plutarch.)
260Homer,Il., 22, 304.
260Homer,Il., 22, 304.
261The false Smerdis (Herod. 3, 61-82).
261The false Smerdis (Herod. 3, 61-82).
262Hence the sacred breed of Nisaean horses, used for the Persian king’s chariot (Herod 7, 40; 9, 20). The Nisaean plain was one of those in Media containing the best pasture, and is identified by Rawlinson with that ofKhawarandAlistannearBehistun.
262Hence the sacred breed of Nisaean horses, used for the Persian king’s chariot (Herod 7, 40; 9, 20). The Nisaean plain was one of those in Media containing the best pasture, and is identified by Rawlinson with that ofKhawarandAlistannearBehistun.
263ἕταιροι are cavalry; the πεζέταιροι of the Macedonian army are represented in Polybius by the Hypaspists. Seesupra, ch.27, cp. 16, 18.
263ἕταιροι are cavalry; the πεζέταιροι of the Macedonian army are represented in Polybius by the Hypaspists. Seesupra, ch.27, cp. 16, 18.
264That is, Demetrius II. and Antigonus Doson.
264That is, Demetrius II. and Antigonus Doson.
265See Professor Mahaffy,Greek Life and Thought, p. 405, who points out that this refers to the Egyptian troops especially, whose old military castes (see Herod. 2, 164-6) though not extinct had forgotten their old skill. In a sense, however, it applies to both kinds of troops; for they had to be trained to acttogether, as is shown in the next chapter.
265See Professor Mahaffy,Greek Life and Thought, p. 405, who points out that this refers to the Egyptian troops especially, whose old military castes (see Herod. 2, 164-6) though not extinct had forgotten their old skill. In a sense, however, it applies to both kinds of troops; for they had to be trained to acttogether, as is shown in the next chapter.
266See above, ch. 5 note.
266See above, ch. 5 note.
267Two different towns of this name have already been mentioned (ch. 48, 52). This Dura appears to be in Phoenicia; but nothing is known of it.
267Two different towns of this name have already been mentioned (ch. 48, 52). This Dura appears to be in Phoenicia; but nothing is known of it.
268Seleucus I.,B.C.306-280. Antigonus, the One-eyed, inB.C.318, occupied Coele-Syria and Phoenicia after a victory over Perdiccas. Diodor. Sic. 18, 43.
268Seleucus I.,B.C.306-280. Antigonus, the One-eyed, inB.C.318, occupied Coele-Syria and Phoenicia after a victory over Perdiccas. Diodor. Sic. 18, 43.
269Battle of Ipsus,B.C.301.
269Battle of Ipsus,B.C.301.
270Seeante, ch.40-2,57-8.
270Seeante, ch.40-2,57-8.
271Antiochus Hierax, son of Antiochus II.
271Antiochus Hierax, son of Antiochus II.
272Laodice was the sister of the wife of Antiochus (5,43) and a daughter of King Mithridates (8,22-23).
272Laodice was the sister of the wife of Antiochus (5,43) and a daughter of King Mithridates (8,22-23).
273Selge was said to be a colony of the Lacedaemonians. Strabo 13, 7, 3.
273Selge was said to be a colony of the Lacedaemonians. Strabo 13, 7, 3.
274Called Barathra. See Strabo, 17, 1, 21.
274Called Barathra. See Strabo, 17, 1, 21.
275Agema. See note on5,25.
275Agema. See note on5,25.
276Sarissae, the long Macedonian spears.
276Sarissae, the long Macedonian spears.
277Polybius therefore reckons the value of the λέβητες and ὑδρίαι as five talents.
277Polybius therefore reckons the value of the λέβητες and ὑδρίαι as five talents.
278That is about 171,000 lbs., see34,8, note, reckoning the talent as = 57 lbs.
278That is about 171,000 lbs., see34,8, note, reckoning the talent as = 57 lbs.
279ἀρτάβη, an Egyptian measure = the Attic medimnus.
279ἀρτάβη, an Egyptian measure = the Attic medimnus.
280Callinicus, ob.B.C.226. This must refer to another case.
280Callinicus, ob.B.C.226. This must refer to another case.
281Seeante, ch. 30. Agetas had been elected Aetolian Strategus in the autumn of 218B.C., Aratus Achaean Strategus in the early summer ofB.C.217.
281Seeante, ch. 30. Agetas had been elected Aetolian Strategus in the autumn of 218B.C., Aratus Achaean Strategus in the early summer ofB.C.217.
282See2,61-4.B.C.222.
282See2,61-4.B.C.222.
283See2,39.
283See2,39.
284Seesupra, ch. 24.
284Seesupra, ch. 24.
285According to Suidas, these were light vessels used by pirates: but whether the name arose from their construction, capacity, or the number of their oars,seems uncertain. According to Hesychius they had two banks of oars(δίκροτος ναῦς· πλοῖον μικρόν).
285According to Suidas, these were light vessels used by pirates: but whether the name arose from their construction, capacity, or the number of their oars,seems uncertain. According to Hesychius they had two banks of oars(δίκροτος ναῦς· πλοῖον μικρόν).
286See ch. 95.
286See ch. 95.
287This language is so vague that we might suppose from it that the Achaeans elected Timoxenus in the summer ofB.C.217 to come into office in the following spring. But there is nowhere else any indication of such an interval at this period, and we must suppose Polybius to be speaking in general terms of the result of the peace during the next ten months. Agelaus was elected Aetolian Strategus in the autumn ofB.C.217.
287This language is so vague that we might suppose from it that the Achaeans elected Timoxenus in the summer ofB.C.217 to come into office in the following spring. But there is nowhere else any indication of such an interval at this period, and we must suppose Polybius to be speaking in general terms of the result of the peace during the next ten months. Agelaus was elected Aetolian Strategus in the autumn ofB.C.217.
288Euripides, fr. 529. Ed. Nauck.
288Euripides, fr. 529. Ed. Nauck.
289Some disconnected fragments which are usually placed at the end of the first chapter, and form the second chapter of this book, I have placed among the minor fragments at the end of these volumes.
289Some disconnected fragments which are usually placed at the end of the first chapter, and form the second chapter of this book, I have placed among the minor fragments at the end of these volumes.
290Aristotle’s classification is kingship, aristocracy, πολιτεία, democracy, oligarchy, tyranny (Pol. 4, 2). This was derived from Plato (Pol. 302, c.) who arranges the six (besides the ideal polity) in pairs, kingship, tyranny,—aristocracy, oligarchy,—democracy, good and bad. Plato has no distinct name except δημοκρατία παράνομος, for the bad democracy which Polybius calls ὀχλοκρατία, “mob-rule.” Polybius’s arrangement is this—Kingship (arising from a natural despotism or monarchy)degenerates into Tyranny.Aristocracydegen”erates intoOligarchy.Democracydegen”erates intoMob-rule.
290Aristotle’s classification is kingship, aristocracy, πολιτεία, democracy, oligarchy, tyranny (Pol. 4, 2). This was derived from Plato (Pol. 302, c.) who arranges the six (besides the ideal polity) in pairs, kingship, tyranny,—aristocracy, oligarchy,—democracy, good and bad. Plato has no distinct name except δημοκρατία παράνομος, for the bad democracy which Polybius calls ὀχλοκρατία, “mob-rule.” Polybius’s arrangement is this—
Kingship (arising from a natural despotism or monarchy)
291εὐθύνας. Polybius uses a word well known at Athens and other Greek states, but the audit of a Consul seems to have been one of money accounts only. At the expiration, however, of his office he took an oath in public that he had obeyed the laws, and if any prosecution were brought against him it would be tried before the people. See the case of Publius Claudius,1,52.
291εὐθύνας. Polybius uses a word well known at Athens and other Greek states, but the audit of a Consul seems to have been one of money accounts only. At the expiration, however, of his office he took an oath in public that he had obeyed the laws, and if any prosecution were brought against him it would be tried before the people. See the case of Publius Claudius,1,52.
292This refers primarily to theconsiliumof thequaesitorin any specialquaestio, which up to the time of the lex judiciaria of Gracchus,B.C.122, was invariably composed of Senators. The same would apply to theQuaestiones perpetuae, only one of which existed in the time of Polybius, i.e.,de repetundis, established in 149B.C.by the lex Calpurnia. Other single judices in civil suits, though nominated by the Praetor, were, Polybius intimates, almost necessarily Senators in cases of importance.
292This refers primarily to theconsiliumof thequaesitorin any specialquaestio, which up to the time of the lex judiciaria of Gracchus,B.C.122, was invariably composed of Senators. The same would apply to theQuaestiones perpetuae, only one of which existed in the time of Polybius, i.e.,de repetundis, established in 149B.C.by the lex Calpurnia. Other single judices in civil suits, though nominated by the Praetor, were, Polybius intimates, almost necessarily Senators in cases of importance.
293Casaubon altered this to “two hundred.” In 3, 107, Polybius certainly states that the ordinary number of cavalry was 200, raised in cases of emergency to 300, and Livy, 22, 36, gives an instance. But both authors in many other passages mention 300 as the usual number, and any alteration of this passage would be unsafe.
293Casaubon altered this to “two hundred.” In 3, 107, Polybius certainly states that the ordinary number of cavalry was 200, raised in cases of emergency to 300, and Livy, 22, 36, gives an instance. But both authors in many other passages mention 300 as the usual number, and any alteration of this passage would be unsafe.
294Praefectus sociisandquaestor. But this quaestor must be distinguished from the Roman quaestors.
294Praefectus sociisandquaestor. But this quaestor must be distinguished from the Roman quaestors.
295For the Spanish sword see Fr. xxii.
295For the Spanish sword see Fr. xxii.
296Polybius does not mention the subdivision of maniples into centuries, for which the word ordines is sometimes used. Livy, 8, 8; 42, 34.
296Polybius does not mention the subdivision of maniples into centuries, for which the word ordines is sometimes used. Livy, 8, 8; 42, 34.
297The plethrum = 10,000 square feet. The side of the square of the Praetorium, therefore, is 200 feet.
297The plethrum = 10,000 square feet. The side of the square of the Praetorium, therefore, is 200 feet.
298That is theviaseparating it from the next block, or from the vallum.
298That is theviaseparating it from the next block, or from the vallum.
299That is, one between the two legions, and two between the blocks in each.
299That is, one between the two legions, and two between the blocks in each.
300That is to say—without theextraordinarii(1/5)—there are 2400 to get into 10 spaces instead of 3000 into 30.
300That is to say—without theextraordinarii(1/5)—there are 2400 to get into 10 spaces instead of 3000 into 30.
301That is, who have been selected from the pedites sociorum to serve on the praetoria cohors.
301That is, who have been selected from the pedites sociorum to serve on the praetoria cohors.
302Polybius always calls this the χάραξ or χαράκωμα. But the Romans had two words,aggerthe embankment, andvallumthe palisading on the top of it. Either word, however, is often used to represent the whole structure.
302Polybius always calls this the χάραξ or χαράκωμα. But the Romans had two words,aggerthe embankment, andvallumthe palisading on the top of it. Either word, however, is often used to represent the whole structure.
303That is, whether in first, second, or other watch in the night.
303That is, whether in first, second, or other watch in the night.
304See the story of Cato’s son, Plutarch,Cato Maj.20.
304See the story of Cato’s son, Plutarch,Cato Maj.20.
305In seeking a constitution to compare with that of Rome, that of Athens is rejected (1) as not being a mixed one, (2) as not having been successful: successful, that is, in gaining or keeping an empire. He is speaking somewhat loosely. The power of Athens, of which Themistocles laid the foundation, was mainly consolidated by Pericles; so that Polybius includes much of the period of her rise with that of her decline.
305In seeking a constitution to compare with that of Rome, that of Athens is rejected (1) as not being a mixed one, (2) as not having been successful: successful, that is, in gaining or keeping an empire. He is speaking somewhat loosely. The power of Athens, of which Themistocles laid the foundation, was mainly consolidated by Pericles; so that Polybius includes much of the period of her rise with that of her decline.
306For what remains of the account of Ephorus see Strabo, 10, 4, 8-9. The reference to Plato is to the “Laws,” especially Book I. See also Aristotle,Pol.2, 10, who points out the likeness and unlikeness between the Cretan and Lacedaemonian constitutions.
306For what remains of the account of Ephorus see Strabo, 10, 4, 8-9. The reference to Plato is to the “Laws,” especially Book I. See also Aristotle,Pol.2, 10, who points out the likeness and unlikeness between the Cretan and Lacedaemonian constitutions.
307This equality of land had gradually disappeared by the time of King Agis IV. (B.C.243-239): so that, according to Plutarch [Agis5], the number of landowners was reduced to 100. This process had been accelerated by the Rhetra of Epitadeus, allowing free bequest of land, Plutarch,ib.See Thirlwall, vol. viii. p. 132.
307This equality of land had gradually disappeared by the time of King Agis IV. (B.C.243-239): so that, according to Plutarch [Agis5], the number of landowners was reduced to 100. This process had been accelerated by the Rhetra of Epitadeus, allowing free bequest of land, Plutarch,ib.See Thirlwall, vol. viii. p. 132.
308The meaning of νενεμημένους, which I here represent by “acquired a recognised position,” is at least doubtful. Casaubon translates itqui in album non fuerint recepti, referring to Sueton. Nero, 21. But nothing is elsewhere known of such analbumfor registering the names of recognised athletes. The passage is important as helping to explain how the number of those entering for the contests in the greater games was practically limited, and therefore how it happened that, for instance, the five contests of the Pentathlum did not often fall to different athletes so as to leave the victory uncertain.
308The meaning of νενεμημένους, which I here represent by “acquired a recognised position,” is at least doubtful. Casaubon translates itqui in album non fuerint recepti, referring to Sueton. Nero, 21. But nothing is elsewhere known of such analbumfor registering the names of recognised athletes. The passage is important as helping to explain how the number of those entering for the contests in the greater games was practically limited, and therefore how it happened that, for instance, the five contests of the Pentathlum did not often fall to different athletes so as to leave the victory uncertain.
309The Carthaginian Suffetes are always called βασιλεῖς by the Greek writers: see3,33, note; Herod. 7, 165; Diod.Sic.14, 53. Aristotle [Pol.2, 11], in contrasting the Spartan and Carthaginian constitutions, mentions with approval that, unlike the Spartan kings, those at Carthage were elected, and were not confined to a particular family.
309The Carthaginian Suffetes are always called βασιλεῖς by the Greek writers: see3,33, note; Herod. 7, 165; Diod.Sic.14, 53. Aristotle [Pol.2, 11], in contrasting the Spartan and Carthaginian constitutions, mentions with approval that, unlike the Spartan kings, those at Carthage were elected, and were not confined to a particular family.
310See Bosworth Smith,Carthage and the Carthaginians, p. 26 ff.
310See Bosworth Smith,Carthage and the Carthaginians, p. 26 ff.
311This seems to be the only authority for assigning to the censors thetoga purpureainstead of thetoga praetexta: and, indeed, Athenaeus speaks of them as wearing the toga praetexta (περιπόρφυρος),14,69. In Livy, 40, 45, they occupysellae curules.
311This seems to be the only authority for assigning to the censors thetoga purpureainstead of thetoga praetexta: and, indeed, Athenaeus speaks of them as wearing the toga praetexta (περιπόρφυρος),14,69. In Livy, 40, 45, they occupysellae curules.
312Livy (2, 10) makes Cocles succeed in reaching the bank alive.
312Livy (2, 10) makes Cocles succeed in reaching the bank alive.
313But Polybius afterwards admits that a falling off in this respect had begun. See18,35;32,11.
313But Polybius afterwards admits that a falling off in this respect had begun. See18,35;32,11.
314Livy, 22, 58-61.
314Livy, 22, 58-61.
315κακοὶ κακῶς, a phrase at once insulting and vulgar.
315κακοὶ κακῶς, a phrase at once insulting and vulgar.
316Plutarch,Aratus, ch. 48.
316Plutarch,Aratus, ch. 48.
317βαλανάγρας. The βαλανάγρα was a straight piece of wood with upright pins corresponding with those that fall into the bolt (the βάλανοι), and which are pushed up by it. It was thus used as a key which could be taken out and kept by the Commandant, as in Herod. 3, 155; Thucyd. 2, 4. But Polybius here seems to use it as equivalent to βάλανος. See Aeneas,Tact.18-20, who recommends that the μόχλος should be sheeted with iron to prevent this very operation. Cp. 4, 57. What he means by ζύγωμα on the outside (here translated “fastenings”) is also somewhat doubtful. From Hesychius, s.v. ἐπιξευκτήρ, it might be conjectured that chains of some kind were intended. Casaubon supposed it to be a cross bar similar to the μόχλος inside, and Schw. to represent the posts and the lintel connecting them.
317βαλανάγρας. The βαλανάγρα was a straight piece of wood with upright pins corresponding with those that fall into the bolt (the βάλανοι), and which are pushed up by it. It was thus used as a key which could be taken out and kept by the Commandant, as in Herod. 3, 155; Thucyd. 2, 4. But Polybius here seems to use it as equivalent to βάλανος. See Aeneas,Tact.18-20, who recommends that the μόχλος should be sheeted with iron to prevent this very operation. Cp. 4, 57. What he means by ζύγωμα on the outside (here translated “fastenings”) is also somewhat doubtful. From Hesychius, s.v. ἐπιξευκτήρ, it might be conjectured that chains of some kind were intended. Casaubon supposed it to be a cross bar similar to the μόχλος inside, and Schw. to represent the posts and the lintel connecting them.
318See5,37. According to Phylarchus the murder of Archidamus was against the wish of Cleomenes. Plut.Cleom.5.
318See5,37. According to Phylarchus the murder of Archidamus was against the wish of Cleomenes. Plut.Cleom.5.
319To which proceedings may be referred a sentence of Polybius preserved by Suidas, s.v. διεσκευασμένην—“They send out certain Cretans, as though on a raid, giving them a sham despatch to carry.” See Livy, 24, 30-31.
319To which proceedings may be referred a sentence of Polybius preserved by Suidas, s.v. διεσκευασμένην—“They send out certain Cretans, as though on a raid, giving them a sham despatch to carry.” See Livy, 24, 30-31.
320Cp.1,35.
320Cp.1,35.
321σκορπίδια, mentioned among a number of similar engines in 1 Macc. 6, 51. Plutarch calls them σκορπίοι, and explains that they only carried a short distance, but, being concealed, gave wounds at close quarters; hence, doubtless, their name.
321σκορπίδια, mentioned among a number of similar engines in 1 Macc. 6, 51. Plutarch calls them σκορπίοι, and explains that they only carried a short distance, but, being concealed, gave wounds at close quarters; hence, doubtless, their name.
322See also Athenaeus, 4, 166-167. Theopompus of Chius was a contemporary of Philip II. and Alexander, having been born aboutB.C.376-372.
322See also Athenaeus, 4, 166-167. Theopompus of Chius was a contemporary of Philip II. and Alexander, having been born aboutB.C.376-372.
323The accusation of administering slow poisons is a very common one, as readers of mediæval history know. But the ignorance of the conditions of health was too great to allow us to accept them without question. It is doubtful whether drugs, acting in this particular way, were known to the ancients; and certainly spitting blood would be no conclusive evidence of the presence of poison. See Creighton’sHistory of the Papacy, vol. iv. Append.
323The accusation of administering slow poisons is a very common one, as readers of mediæval history know. But the ignorance of the conditions of health was too great to allow us to accept them without question. It is doubtful whether drugs, acting in this particular way, were known to the ancients; and certainly spitting blood would be no conclusive evidence of the presence of poison. See Creighton’sHistory of the Papacy, vol. iv. Append.
324This fragment is supposed, by comparison with Livy, 25, 36, to belong to the account of the fall of Gnaeus Cornelius Scipio in Spain,B.C.212.
324This fragment is supposed, by comparison with Livy, 25, 36, to belong to the account of the fall of Gnaeus Cornelius Scipio in Spain,B.C.212.
325Or “legion,” according to others. But as both Consuls are engaged in the business, it seems reasonable to refer it to the two consular armies of two legions each.
325Or “legion,” according to others. But as both Consuls are engaged in the business, it seems reasonable to refer it to the two consular armies of two legions each.
326That is “blaming Fortune or Providence.” Schw. quotes XenophonHellen.7, 5, 12, ἔξεστι μὲν τὸ θεῖον αἰτιᾶσθαι.
326That is “blaming Fortune or Providence.” Schw. quotes XenophonHellen.7, 5, 12, ἔξεστι μὲν τὸ θεῖον αἰτιᾶσθαι.
327συμπέμψαι, a difficult word. See Strachan-Davidson’s note. It seems to me to be opposed to φυγεῖν or some such idea. Hannibal was not in flight, but kept the enemy with him, as it were, in a kind of procession, until the moment for striking.
327συμπέμψαι, a difficult word. See Strachan-Davidson’s note. It seems to me to be opposed to φυγεῖν or some such idea. Hannibal was not in flight, but kept the enemy with him, as it were, in a kind of procession, until the moment for striking.
328There is some word wanting in the text here which has been variously supplied. I have ventured to conjectureτὰ γὰρ δοκοῦνταπαράβολονκ.τ.λ., and to translate accordingly: for it is the boldness and apparent rashness of Hannibal’s movement that Polybius seems to wish to commend.
328There is some word wanting in the text here which has been variously supplied. I have ventured to conjectureτὰ γὰρ δοκοῦνταπαράβολονκ.τ.λ., and to translate accordingly: for it is the boldness and apparent rashness of Hannibal’s movement that Polybius seems to wish to commend.
329Cp. Homer,Odyss.19, 471.
329Cp. Homer,Odyss.19, 471.
330Livy, 25, 40, calls him Mutines.
330Livy, 25, 40, calls him Mutines.
331See3,86, note. Cp. Cicero de Am. § 8, cum duobus ducibus de imperio in Italia decertatum est, Pyrrho et Annibale. Ab altero propter probitatem ejus non nimis alien os animos habemus; alterumpropter crudelitatem semper haec civitas oderit.
331See3,86, note. Cp. Cicero de Am. § 8, cum duobus ducibus de imperio in Italia decertatum est, Pyrrho et Annibale. Ab altero propter probitatem ejus non nimis alien os animos habemus; alterumpropter crudelitatem semper haec civitas oderit.
332The paragraph “For the Aetolians ... in Greece,” follows “the Messenians” in ch. 30, in the Greek texts. But it is evidently out of place there, and falls naturally into this position.
332The paragraph “For the Aetolians ... in Greece,” follows “the Messenians” in ch. 30, in the Greek texts. But it is evidently out of place there, and falls naturally into this position.
333Antigonus Doson.
333Antigonus Doson.
334B.C.211. See Livy, 26, 24-26.
334B.C.211. See Livy, 26, 24-26.
335On the margin of one MS. is written “For such is the characteristic always maintained by the Athenian State.” But its relevancy is not very apparent; and at any rate it seems more likely to be a comment of the Epitomator, than a sentence from Polybius.
335On the margin of one MS. is written “For such is the characteristic always maintained by the Athenian State.” But its relevancy is not very apparent; and at any rate it seems more likely to be a comment of the Epitomator, than a sentence from Polybius.
336Scopas (B.C.211-210) must have gone out of office,i.e.it was after autumn of 210B.C.
336Scopas (B.C.211-210) must have gone out of office,i.e.it was after autumn of 210B.C.
337That is, 10s. 3-3/4d. for about a bushel and a half. See on2,15.
337That is, 10s. 3-3/4d. for about a bushel and a half. See on2,15.
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