[335]Robertus, lib. iv.
[336]Robert.; Albert of Aix, lib. iii.
[337]Guibert; Albert of Aix, lib. iii.
[338]Robertus; Albert.
[339]Five thousand perished on the bridge and in the water, according to Robert the Monk.
[340]Robertus Monachus.
[341]Guibert mentions previously that the number of horses was reduced to a thousand; lib. iv.
[342]Robertus; Guibert.
[343]Raimond d’Agiles.
[344]Guibert, lib. v.; Fulcher, cap. 7.
[345]Will. Tyr.; Albert; Fulcher, cap. 8.
[346]Raimond d’Agiles.
[347]William of Tyre says he was a noble Armenian, chief of the tribe ofBenizerra, or the sons of the armour-forgers, and calls him Emir Feir. Abouharagi, however, says he was a Persian, and calls him Ruzebach.
[348]Guibert; Will. Tyr.; Albert.
[349]Guibert.
[350]William of Tyre, lib. v.; Robert, lib. v.; Guibert, lib. v.
[351]This transaction is reported variously. Albert of Aix says, that the proposal of Boemond was at once received with joy. Raoul of Caen gives a different account, and states that the bishop of Puy, on the suggestion of Boemond, suggested that the town should be given to him who could first obtain it. Guibert and Robert relate it as I have done above. The archbishop of Tyre declares that no one opposed the proposal of Boemond but the Count of Toulouse.
[352]Will. Tyr.; Albert of Aix; Guibert, lib. v.
[353]Albert of Aix; Robertus, lib. v.
[354]Robertus, lib. v., 2d June, A. D. 1098.
[355]Guibert, lib. v.; Raimond d’Agiles; Albert.
[356]There is some reason to believe that Boemond was the first who entered, as stated by William of Tyre; but as Albert of Aix makes no mention of the fact, and as Guibert de Nogent declares positively that Boemond, who is certainly his favourite hero, did not mount till sixty others had preceded him, as Raimond d’Agiles gives the honour of the feat to Fulcher de Chartres, and as Robert the Monk confirms that assertion, I have left the matter in doubt, as I found it. In regard to the story of Phirouz murdering his brother in his sleep, because he would not aid in his design, I believe fully that it was but one of those ornamental falsehoods with which men are ever fond of decorating great and extraordinary events. I doubt not that the tale was current in the time of William of Tyre, who reports it; and the act was, beyond question, looked upon as a noble and devoted one on the part of Phirouz; but as I find nothing to confirm it in any book I possess, except the simple fact of that Armenian having been a traitorous rascal, please God, till further evidence I will look upon it all as a lie. Robert the Monk represents, in very glowing terms, the grief of Phirouz for the death of his two brothers, who were killed in themelée. Phirouz became a Christian, at least in name; and to cover the baseness of his perfidy, he declared that the Saviour himself had appeared to him in a vision, commanding him to deliver up the town.
[357]Albert of Aix; Guibert, lib. v.; Raimond d’Agiles.
[358]Albert of Aix, lib. iv.
[359]Guibert; Albert; Raimond d’Agiles.
[360]Raimond; Robertus Monachus, lib. vi.; Albert.
[361]Guibert, lib. v.
[362]Albert of Aix, lib. iv.
[363]See Mills’s History of the Crusades.
[364]Robertus Monachus, lib. vi.; Guibert; Fulcher; Albert.
[365]Guibert, lib. v.; Robertus; Albert.
[366]Guibert; Albert of Aix.
[367]William of Tyre; Albert of Aix.
[368]Robertus, lib. vi.; Albert of Aix, lib. iv.; William of Tyre.
[369]Robertus Monachus, lib. vi.; Guibert, lib. v.
[370]Albert of Aix.
[371]Robertus, vi.; Albert of Aix.
[372]Guibert.
[373]Guibert; Fulcher; Albert, lib. iv.
[374]Guibert, lib. v.
[375]Albert of Aix, lib. iv.
[376]Albert.
[377]Guibert; Fulcher; Albert.
[378]Raimond d’Agiles; Fulcher; William of Tyre; Albert; Guibert.
[379]Fulcher; Raimond.
[380]Radulph. Cadom.
[381]Raimond d’Agiles.
[382]Fulcher; Raimond; Albert; Guibert of Nogent.
[383]Albert of Aix; Raimond d’Agiles; Will. Tyr.
[384]Albert of Aix.
[385]Albert of Aix; Guibert, lib. iii.
[386]Albert of Aix.
[387]Guibert; Albert; Raimond.
[388]Raimond d’Agiles; Fulcher.
[389]Raimond; Raoul de Caen.
[390]Raimond.
[391]Raimond d’Agiles.
[392]Histor. Hieros; Jacob. Vit.
[393]Raimond d’Agiles; Fulcher.
[394]Guibert.
[395]Will. Tyr. lib. vi.
[396]Raoul of Caen.
[397]Albert.
[398]Albert.
[399]Raimond d’Agiles.
[400]Will. Malmsbury; Guibert de Nogent; Raimond d’Agiles.
[401]Albert; Raoul of Caen; Guibert.
[402]Fulcher; Albert.
[403]Guibert; Albert.
[404]Mills.
[405]Guibert; Fulcher.
[406]Raimond d’Agiles; William of Tyre.
[407]Seenote IX.
[408]Albert of Aix; Will. Tyr.; Raimond d’Agiles.
[409]Guibert.
[410]Guibert; Albert; Will. Tyr.
[411]Guibert; Albert.
[412]Guibert.
[413]Albert of Aix.
[414]Guibert; Raimond d’Agiles; Albert.
[415]Raimond d’Agiles.
[416]Albert of Aix.
[417]William of Tyre.
[418]Albert; Guibert.
[419]Fulcher; Albert of Aix; Guibert; Raoul of Caen.
[420]Raimond d’Agiles; Guibert de Nogent.
[421]Raimond d’Agiles.
[422]Raoul of Caen; Raimond.
[423]Guibert.
[424]Guibert, lib. vi.; Albert of Aix, lib. v.; William of Tyre.
[425]Albert of Aix.
[426]Fulcher; Guibert.
[427]Albert of Aix.
[428]Raimond d’Agiles; Albert of Aix.
[429]Raimond d’Agiles.
[430]Fulcher; Raoul of Caen.
[431]Guibert; Raimond.
[432]Albert of Aix; Guibert; Robert. Mon. lib. viii.
[433]Mills follows Raimond d’Agiles. I have chosen the account of Albert of Aix, because I find it better supported by evidence.
[434]William of Tyre.
[435]Raimond d’Agiles.
[436]Fulcher. Raimond d’Agiles.
[437]William of Tyre, lib. vii.
[438]Robert. Mon.
[439]Albert.
[440]William of Tyre; Albert of Aix.
[441]Albert.
[442]Robert; Guibert.
[443]Ibid.
[444]Albert.
[445]Raoul of Caen; Albert; Fulcher.
[446]Albert of Aix, lib. v.
[447]Guibert.
[448]Guibert, lib. vii.; Robert.
[449]Holy War.
[450]Raimond.
[451]Robert; Albert; Guibert, lib. vii.
[452]Fulcher mentions several ladders, but says they were too few.
[453]Albert of Aix; Guibert.
[454]Raimond; Albert.
[455]Albert of Aix.
[456]Guibert; Albert.
[457]Albert of Aix.
[458]Raimond d’Agiles; Guibert.
[459]Albert of Aix.
[460]Raimond d’Agiles; Albert of Aix.
[461]Albert describes perfectly the effect of the Greek fire, and says it could only be extinguished by the means of vinegar, which, on the second day, the crusaders provided in great quantity.
[462]Raimond.
[463]Guibert; Albert of Aix.
[464]Raimond d’Agiles; William of Tyre.
[465]Robert; Guibert. lib. vii.; Albert.
[466]15th July. A. D. 1099.
[467]Guibert; Raimond.
[468]Albert; Robert.
[469]Ibid; Guibert.
[470]Guibert; Raimond d’Agiles; Robert.
[471]Tancred and Gaston of Bearn had promised quarter to these unhappy wretches, and had given them a banner as a certain protection. It was early the next morning, before those chiefs were awake, that this massacre was committed by some of the more bloodthirsty of the crusaders. Tancred was with great difficulty prevented from taking signal vengeance on the perpetrators of this crime.—Guibert; Albert.
[472]The story of the second massacre rests upon the authority of Albert of Aix, from whose writings it has been copied by all who have repeated it. Albert of Aix never visited the Holy Land. None of those who were present at the fall of Jerusalem (that I can discover) make the slightest mention of such an occurrence; and we have the strongest proof that part of Albert’s story is false; for he declares that all the Saracens were slaughtered in this second massacre, even those who had previously been promised protection; and we know that many were sent to Ascalon.—SeeGuibert, lib. vii. Robert, who was present speaks of many who were spared.—Robertus, lib. ix. Fulcher, who was in the country, if not present, does not allude to a second massacre. Raimond d’Agiles, who was a witness to the whole, passes it over in silence; though each of these persons always speaks of the slaughter of the Saracens as the most praiseworthy of actions. The Archbishop of Tyre also, who copied Albert wherever he could be proved correct, has stamped doubt upon this anecdote by omitting it entirely. I have thought fit to notice this particularly, because Mills lays no small stress upon the tale.
[473]Guibert; Albert; William of Tyre.
[474]See Raimond d’Agiles; Guibert; Albert; Brompton; William of Malmsbury.
[475]Fulcher, cap. 18; Robert. Mon. lib. ix.
[476]Godfrey appears never to have taken the title of king, from a feeling of religious humility.
[477]Robert.
[478]Albert; Will. Tyr.
[479]Albert.
[480]He was taken, after having suffered a complete defeat from the emir Damisman, as he was hastening to the succour of Gabriel of Armenia.
[481]Will. Tyren.; Radulph.; Cadom.
[482]Arnould, one of the most corrupt priests in the army, had been elected patriarch, but was deposed almost immediately; and Daimbert, who arrived from Rome as legate, was chosen in his stead. This Daimbert it is of whom I speak above. He seems to have conceived, from the first, the idea of making Jerusalem an eastern Rome, and wrung many concessions from Godfrey, which were little respected by that chief’s successors.
[483]William of Tyre.
[484]Hist. Hieros.; Jacob. lib. i.; William of Tyre; Fulcher; Albert.
[485]Will. of Tyre; Fulcher of Chartres.
[486]Fulcher.
[487]William of Tyre.
[488]Hist. Hieros.; Jacob. Vit.; Will. of Tyre.
[489]Fulcher; Albert.
[490]Raoul of Caen; Will. Tyr.; Fulcher.
[491]Guibert; lib. vii.
[492]Will. of Tyr.; Guibert.
[493]Guibert says that Boemond died from the effects of poison. Other authors declare that grief for having been obliged to enter into a less advantageous treaty with Alexius than he had anticipated occasioned his death; but, from his whole history, I should not look upon Boemond as a man likely to die of grief.
[494]He was the grandson of that Raimond, Count of Toulouse, of whose conduct I have so often had occasion to speak already, and whose perseverance against Tripoli will be mentioned hereafter.
[495]Will. Tyr.
[496]Fulcher; Albert of Aix; William of Tyre.
[497]Albert of Aix; William of Tyre.
[498]Fulcher.
[499]Albert of Aix.
[500]Fulcher; Albert.
[501]Albert.
[502]Albert of Aix.
[503]Fulcher.
[504]Albert.
[505]Fulcher, cap. 35, A. D. 1105.
[506]Fulcher, cap. 27.
[507]Albert, lib. ix.; Fulcher.
[508]Albert; Fulcher.
[509]James of Vitry; Hist. Hieros. ab.
[510]Hist. Hieros. abrev.
[511]Mills says that the last historical mention of Peter is that which relates to his recognition by the Christians of Jerusalem; but such is not the case. We find him mentioned as a very influential person on the occasion of the battle of Ascalon.—SeeRaimond d’Agiles;Guibert, lib. vii.
[512]Guibert, lib. vii.
[513]Albert of Aix, lib. x.; William of Tyre.
[514]Fulcher; William of Tyre.
[515]Guibert, lib. vii.
[516]Guibert. lib. vii.
[517]Ibid.
[518]William of Tyre.
[519]Albert of Aix and Fulcher give a different account of Baldwin’s escape.
[520]Will. Tyr. lib. x.
[521]Albert; Raimond d’Agiles; Fulcher; William of Tyre; Guibert.
[522]Albert of Aix; Raimond d’Agiles; Guibert.
[523]Mills is wrong in supposing that plate armour was not at all known before the beginning of the thirteenth century. As far back as the time of Louis the Debonair, the Monk of St. Gall gives a full description of a man in plate armour, and also mentions the barb, or iron covering of the horse.
[524]See, for these particulars, the Monk of St. Gall; Albert of Aix; Raimond d’Agiles; Fulcher; Guibert; William of Brittany; Menestrier St. Palaye; Ducange.
[525]Albert of Aix, lib. viii.
[526]Fulcher; Guibert.
[527]Albert of Aix; Fulcher; Robertus Monachus.
[528]Fulcher; William of Tyre; Albert.
[529]Ducange.
[530]Assizes par Thaumassiere.
[531]William of Tyre, lib. xviii.
[532]Vertot.
[533]Hist. Hierosol., Jacob. Vitri.
[534]Vertot Preuves.
[535]Vertot.
[536]Jacob Vitriaci in Hist. Hierosol.
[537]William of Tyre.
[538]Jac. Vitriaci; Hist. Hierosol.
[539]Will. Tyrensis, lib. xxii.; Jacob. Vit.
[540]William of Tyre.
[541]William of Tyre marks precisely, that the particular rules to which they were subjected, and the dress to which they were restricted, were regularly fixed by the church at the council of Troyes, in the course of the ninth year after their first institution. Now the council of Troyes took place in 1128, and Baldwin du Bourg ascended the throne of Jerusalem on the 2d or April, 1118, ten years previously. Their first institution, therefore, could not be in the reign of Baldwin I., as Mills has stated it, without a gross error on the part of the Archbishop of Tyre, who wrote in the year 1184, and therefore was not likely to be mistaken on a subject so near his own days.
[542]Hist. Hierosol.; Jacob. Vitriaci.
[543]The Templars founded many charitable institutions, but attendance on the sick was not a part of their profession.
[544]For a more particular and correct account of the armour of the crusades, I must refer to the invaluable work of Dr. Meyrick, which I regret much not to have had by me while writing this book. My sources of information have been alone the historians of the day, in consulting whom the ambiguity of language is very often likely to induce error in matters which, like armour, are difficult to describe.
[545]Mills says, “The news of the loss of the eastern frontier of the Latin kingdom reached France at a time peculiarly favourable for foreign war.” It will be seen that I have taken up a position as exactly the reverse of that assumed by that excellent author as can well be conceived; but I have not done so without much investigation, and the more I consider the subject, the more I am convinced that the moment when the feudal power was checked by the king and assailed by the communes, was not the most propitious to call the nobility to foreign lands—that the moment in which the burghers were labouring up hill for independence, was not a time for them to abandon the scene of their hopes and endeavours—and that the moment when a kingdom was torn by conflicting powers, when the royal authority was unconfirmed, and the nobility only irritated at its exertion, was not the period that a monarch should have chosen to quit his dominions.
[546]A curious essay might be written on the classes or castes in Europe at that period. It is quite a mistaken notion which some persons have entertained, that the only distinctions under the monarch, were noble and serf. We find an immense class, or rather various classes, all of which consisted of freemen, interposed between the lord and his slave. Thus Galbertus Syndick, of Bruges, in recounting the death of Charles the Good, Count of Flanders, A. D. 1130, mentions not only the burghers of the town, but various other persons who were not of the noble race, but were then evidently free, as well as the Brabançois or Cotereaux, a sort of freebooting soldier of that day. Guibert of Nogent, also, in his own life, and Frodoardus, in the history of Rheims, refer to many of whose exact station it is difficult to form an idea.
[547]Rouillard, Histoire de Melun: Vie de Bouchard.
[548]I know that I use this word not quite correctly, but I can find none other to express more properly what I mean.
[549]Suger in vit. Ludovic VI.
[550]Galbert in vit. Carol.
[551]Suger in vit. Ludovic VI.
[552]Chron. Vezeliac.
[553]Guibert Nog. in vit. s.
[554]Chron. Vezeliac.
[555]Gesta regis Ludovici VII.
[556]The only two I know who accompanied this crusade, and wrote any detailed account of it, are Odon de Deuil, or Odo de Diagolo, and Frisingen, or Freysinghen. It is an extraordinary fact, that the Cardinal de Vitry makes no mention of the second crusade.
[557]William of St. Thierry, Mabillon.
[558]Geoffroi de Clairvaux, Continuation of the Life of St. Bernard.
[559]Odo of Deuil.
[560]Mabillon.
[561]Guizot.
[562]A. D. 1147
[563]Odon de Deuil.
[564]William of Tyre.
[565]Odon de Deuil.
[566]Seenote X.
[567]It appears from the passage of Odo of Deuil which mentions the curious servility, as he designates it, of the Greeks never sitting down in the presence of a superior till desired to do so, that the French of that day were not quite so ceremonious as in that of Louis XIV.
[568]Odo of Deuil.
[569]Nicetas.
[570]Cinnamus, cited by Mills.
[571]Odon de Deuil.
[572]Ibid.
[573]Manuel Comnenus had married Bertha, and Conrad, Gertrude, both daughters of Berenger the elder, Count of Sultzbach.
[574]Odon de Deuil.
[575]William of Tyre; Odon de Deuil.
[576]The Pope, in his exhortation to the second crusade, had not only regulated the general conduct of the crusaders, and formally absolved all those who should embrace the Cross, but he had given minute particulars for their dress and arms, expressly forbidding all that might encumber them in their journey, such as heavy baggage, and vain superfluities, and all that might lead them from the direct road, such as falcons and hunting-dogs. “Happy had it been for them,” says Odo of Deuil, “if, instead of a scrip, he had commanded the foot pilgrims to bear a cross bow, and instead of a staff, a sword.”
[577]Odo of Deuil; Will. Tyr.
[578]Will. Tyr; Odon de Deuil; Gest. Ludovic VII; Nicetas.
[579]Odon de Deuil.
[580]Will. Tyr.; Odon de Deuil.
[581]Odon de Deuil; Freysinghen; William of Tyre.
[582]William of Tyre.
[583]Odon de Deuil.
[584]Odo of Deuil always calls Otho, Bishop of Freysinghen, brother of the Emperor Conrad. He was, however, only a half-brother; his relationship being by the mother’s side.
[585]Will. Tyrens lib. xvi.; Odon de Deuil.
[586]Odon de Deuil; Will. Tyr.
[587]Odon de Deuil.
[588]Odon de Deuil.
[589]William of Tyre.
[590]Odon de Deuil.
[591]Ibid.
[592]William of Tyre; Vertot.
[593]Gest. Ludovic. regis; William of Tyre; Vertot.
[594]Vertot, a learned man and a diligent investigator, speaks of Eleonor in the following curious terms: “On pretend que cette princesse, peu scrupuleuse sur ses devoirs, et devenue éprise d’un jeune Turc baptisé, appellé Saladin, ne pouvait résoudre à s’en séparer, &c.” These reports of course gave rise to many curious suppositions, especially when Richard Cœur de Leon, Eleonor’s son by her second marriage, went to war in the Holy Land. On his return to France, Louis VII. instantly sought a plausible pretext for delivering himself from his unfaithful wife without causing the scandal of a public exposure of her conduct. A pretence of consanguinity within the forbidden degrees was soon established, and the marriage was annulled. After this Eleonor, who, in addition to beauty and wit, possessed in her own right the whole of Aquitain, speedily gave her hand to Henry II. of England, and in the end figured in the tragedy of Rosamond of Woodstock.
[595]William of Tyre; Vertot.
[596]Gest. regis Ludov. VII.
[597]Vertot.
[598]William of Tyre; Col. script. Arab.; Vertot.
[599]William of Tyre; Freysinghen, reb. gest. Fred.; Gest. reg. Lud. VII.
[600]Guil. Monach. in vit. Suger. Ab. Sanct. Dion.; Gest. reg. Lud. VII.
[601]Guil. Monach. in vit. Sug.
[602]All the writers of that day attempt to excuse St. Bernard for having preached a crusade which had so unfortunate a conclusion. The principles upon which they do so are somewhat curious. The Bishop of Freysinghen declares, that it was the vice of the crusaders which called upon their heads the wrath of Heaven: and, to reconcile this fact with the spirit of prophecy which elsewhere he attributes to the Abbot of Clairvaux, declares that prophets are not always able to prophesy.—Freysing. de rebus gestis Fred. Imperat.Geoffroy of Clairvaux, who was a contemporary, and wrote part of the Life of St. Bernard, would fain prove that the crusade could not be called unfortunate, since, though it did not at all help the Holy Land it served to people heaven with martyrs.
[603]Existing orders of knighthood.
[604]Fulcher; Raoul Glaber.
[605]Robert; Fulcher; Raimond d’Agiles.
[606]Raynouard, Poesies des Troubadours; Millot, Hist. des Troubadours; Le Grand d’Aussi Fabliaux.
[607]Raynouard.
[608]Oeuvres de Maroc.
[609]Fauchet.
[610]Le Grand d’Aussi.
[611]Bernard, the Treasurer; James of Vitry; William of Tyre.
[612]William of Tyre; Bernard.
[613]William of Tyre.
[614]Cardinal of Vitry; William of Tyre.
[615]Cardinal of Vitry; Will. of Tyre.
[616]Bernard; William of Tyre.
[617]William of Tyre; James of Vitry; Guillelm de Nangis; Chron. ann. 1174.
[618]William of Tyre.
[619]Jacob. Vitr.
[620]Bernard the Treasurer says, that the monarch wished to annul the marriage between his sister and Guy. “Si grans haine estoit entre le roy et le cuens de Jaffe que chascun jor cressoit plus et plus et jusque a tant estoit la chose venue que le roy queroit achaison par quoy il peut desevrer tot apertement le mariage qui iert entre lui et sa seror.”
[621]William of Tyre; Bernard the Treasurer: James of Vitrv.
[622]Bernard the Treasurer; James of Vitry.
[623]Bernard the Treasurer.
[624]Rog. of Hovedon.
[625]William of Tyre; William de Nangis.
[626]Bernard; William of Nangis.
[627]Will. Neub.
[628]Bernard.
[629]William of Nangis.
[630]Bernard the Treasurer; William of Nangis.
[631]Vertot.
[632]Rog. of Hovedon; William of Nangis.
[633]William of Nangis; Bernard the Treasurer.
[634]Some writers state that Saladin proposed to Chatillon to abjure Christianity, which he boldly refused: but others do not mention the circumstance, and the act of Saladin seems to me to have been more one of hasty passion than of deliberation.
[635]Bernard.
[636]Bernard the Treasurer; Continuation of William of Tyre.
[637]William of Nangis.
[638]Bernard.
[639]James of Vitry; Bernard; William of Tyre.
[640]Bernard; Albert.
[641]William of Tyre.
[642]Albert of Aix; Fulcher; Robert.
[643]There is a letter in Hovedon from a Templar to Henry II., giving an account of the state of Jerusalem and the Holy Land, dated 1179.
[644]Bernard the Treasurer; William of Nangis, A. D. 1188; B. Peterborough.
[645]William de Nangis; Jacob. Vit. lib. i.
[646]Bernard the Treasurer.
[647]A. D. 1189, 1190.
[648]I have followed James of Vitry. Some say that Frederic’s death proceeded from bathing in the Cydnus, and some in the Calycadnus. The matter is of little moment; but, as he was descending towards Antioch at the time, it is not improbable that the Cardinal de Vitry was right. Emadeddin, in the collection of Arabic historians by Reinaud, calls this river the Selef.
[649]Jacob. Vit.; Hist. Hieros. ab.; Bernardus; Lection. Canisius Antiquæ.
[650]James of Vitry.
[651]Pet. de Dusburg.; Chron. Ord. Teuton.
[652]Existing Orders of Knighthood; James of Vitry.
[653]Vit. Ludovic VII.; Roger de Hovedon.
[654]Rigord de gest. Phil Aug.; Hovedon; Robert, de Monte.
[655]Geoffroi Rudel in Raynouard; Millot; Ducange.
[656]William of Nangis, A. D. 1188; Rigord.
[657]Rigord in vit. Philip August.; Guil. de Nangis, A. D. 1188.
[658]See Rigord, who gives minutely the statutes on this occasion.
[659]Branche des royaux Lignages, ann. 1189-90, Guil. de Nangis Rigord. William the Breton.
[660]Bernard the Treasurer; James of Vitry.
[661]Continuation of William of Tyre, Anon.
[662]R. de Diceto; Roger de Hovedon; Matthew Paris. Ann. 1188.
[663]Henry died before the altar of the church of Chinon.
[664]Hovedon.
[665]Brompton; Hovedon.
[666]Diceto.
[667]Rymer, col. diplom.
[668]Brequegny, coll. ann. 1188; Rigord in vit. Phil. Aug.
[669]Benedict of Peterborough.
[670]Rigord says nothing of any illness which Philip suffered at Messina.
[671]Hovedon; Brompton.
[672]Benedict of Peterborough.
[673]Rigord; Benedict of Peterborough.
[674]Rigord.
[675]Vinesauf.
[676]Ben. Abb. Peter.; R. Hovedon.
[677]Rigord.
[678]Rigordus states positively that Berengaria had arrived before the treaty was signed between Philip and Richard. Mills says, that Richard remained in Sicily after Philip’s departure, to wait for Berengaria; but Rigord lived at the time, and was one of the most diligent inquirers who have left us records of that age. TheBranche des royaux Lignagesmakes Richard say to the King of France,
“Sire vostre suer espousaiDe laquele atan le don hui;Mes onc nul jour ne la connuiEt j’ai puis prise BérangarreQui fille est au roy de Navarre.”—1226.
William the Breton, also, who was afterward chaplain to Philip Augustus, represents Richard as saying,