27th July 1572.7th February 1573.22nd June 1574 (countenances the rise of prices over those of 1572 only until the end of the year).3rd December 1575.19th April 1576 (for Holland and Zealand, and to continue for only six months, when, by the ordinance of 25th October of the same year, a considerably lower limit was prescribed).1579. In this year no less than four plakkaats were issued, with the object of enforcing a reduction of prices, but in vain, and the last of the four, issued on the 19th December, was obliged to recognise some portion of the rise of prices which it was attempted to counteract.9th October 1581. In less than a year the effect of the strenuous attempt in 1579 had been completely swept away, and a further advance had to be recognised.From 1586 the series of proclamations divides into two, as has been said, owing to the revolt and establishment of the United Netherlands.The one set, relating to the Spanish Netherlands, includes proclamations of30th April 1590, again recognising provisionally a further advance, and renewed on15th December 1593,21st October 1594,16th November 1599,23rd June 1602 (with some slight alterations),30th December 1605, attempting to restrain a farther advance,30th June 1607,13th May 1609,30th September 1610,22nd March 1611, again recognising the inevitable advance.
27th July 1572.
7th February 1573.
22nd June 1574 (countenances the rise of prices over those of 1572 only until the end of the year).
3rd December 1575.
19th April 1576 (for Holland and Zealand, and to continue for only six months, when, by the ordinance of 25th October of the same year, a considerably lower limit was prescribed).
1579. In this year no less than four plakkaats were issued, with the object of enforcing a reduction of prices, but in vain, and the last of the four, issued on the 19th December, was obliged to recognise some portion of the rise of prices which it was attempted to counteract.
9th October 1581. In less than a year the effect of the strenuous attempt in 1579 had been completely swept away, and a further advance had to be recognised.
From 1586 the series of proclamations divides into two, as has been said, owing to the revolt and establishment of the United Netherlands.
The one set, relating to the Spanish Netherlands, includes proclamations of
30th April 1590, again recognising provisionally a further advance, and renewed on
15th December 1593,
21st October 1594,
16th November 1599,
23rd June 1602 (with some slight alterations),
30th December 1605, attempting to restrain a farther advance,
30th June 1607,
13th May 1609,
30th September 1610,
22nd March 1611, again recognising the inevitable advance.
The last named remained in force until 21st May 1618, with the exception of not being applicable in Volkenburg, Dalen, and Limburg, where the abnormal height to which monies had risen necessitated a special ordinance (4th March 1616), lowering the price to the limit of 22nd March 1611, by five separate three-monthly steps or intervals.
The last named remained in force until 21st May 1618, with the exception of not being applicable in Volkenburg, Dalen, and Limburg, where the abnormal height to which monies had risen necessitated a special ordinance (4th March 1616), lowering the price to the limit of 22nd March 1611, by five separate three-monthly steps or intervals.
THE PLAKKAATS OF THE UNITED PROVINCES
The second and separate series of monetary ordinances issuing from their High Mightinesses, the States-General of the United Provinces, is remarkably parallel to the above. It begins with the ordinance of 2nd September 1594: "In view of the rising price of gold and silver," it says, a "lessening of that price to the limit of 1586 is ordered at three intervals, 15th September 1594, 10th November, 10th January 1595."
Like the contemporary enactment of the Spanish Netherlands, it proved ineffectual, and a further risehad to be recognised in the ordinance of 2nd March 1596, and again of 2nd April 1603. The preambles of these ordinances, which are preserved in the huge collections of Can and Scheltus, generally recite their purpose of providing against the disorders in the coinage, caused by the daily rise in price, by the greed and licence of the times, and by the inrush of the silver coins of other states. Such is specially the tenor of that of 21st March 1606, one of the most famous of these ordinances. Two years later an attempt was made to reduce prices to the limit of 1606. It proved ineffectual, and by the proclamations of 1st July 1610, 26th September 1615, and 13th February 1619, further advances were recorded. By the last-named, renewed on 5th June 1621, an attempt was made to re-establish the prices of 1610.
So much for the ordinances themselves. It is only necessary to add, for their general elucidation, that they generally contain and prescribe in detail the value of each separate coin circulating in the Low Countries at the particular time, coupled with an engraving of the coin, as an assistance to the people in recognising them. Indeed, some of the ordinances, that of 1606 for instance, contain engravings of upwards of 1000 different pieces—a significant witness to the international welter of coins in the Netherlands exchange. Dissected in detail, with regard to only a few of these coins, the tabular result is as follows:—
THE NETHERLAND PLAKKAATSGerman Gold Guldens.(75 to a Mark of Gold, 18 Carats 4 Grs. Fine.)Spanish Ducats.(70 to a Mark of Gold, 23 Carats 71⁄2Grs. Fine.)Date.Declared Value in Netherlands Currency as by the Plakkaats.Date.Declared Value in Netherlands Currency as by the Plakkaats.Florins.Stivers.Florins.Stivers.149918149911915221101522231526112152624181191539191539211811915481101548211552111155222155911215592515721151572271573119157321515741161574213157520157530157620157633117212157720157733157923157934243022218233015812815813615902915903101605210159931516072121609319160921516184116112161⁄216182171⁄2United Netherlands.158638United Netherlands.159431215862831015942123821015963928160331615962103151⁄216032143151606215160631616082171608402163182153161610401610 &218161541onwards161942162144Spanish Pistoles.(36 to a Mark of Gold, 21 Carats 10 Grs. Fine.)French Crowns.(Old,i.e.not "of the Sun," 72 to a Mark of Gold, 22 Carats 41⁄2Grs. Fine)Date.Declared Value in Netherlands Currency as by the Plakkaats.Date.Declared Value in Netherlands Currency as by the Plakkaats.Florins.Stivers.Florins.Stivers.154831214991151⁄21552318152211915594015261191572441151⁄215734161539117157441011515755015481171576541552119413155920157754157222157951015732951015742655157521258157621315815181577212159064157921516056921516076122121⁄2160970214161172158130161875159033160536160738160931216113121⁄2United Netherlands.1618314158660United Netherlands.15946615863063159433603115966630160361516033816066171606310160871160831461931261731016107416103141615761615315161971216193167631516217121621318English Rose Nobles.(32 to a Mark of Gold, 23 Carats 81⁄2Grs. Fine.)English Sovereigns.(40 to a Mark of Gold.)Date.Declared Value in Netherlands Currency as by the Plakkaats.Date.Declared Value in Netherlands Currency as by the Plakkaats.Florins.Stivers.Florins.Stivers.1499451520451⁄215483015224101⁄215264171⁄2155230451⁄21539410155430451⁄215484101575441552416155950157646157253157361015794815746615757515767101577701579807106861415817415907916078216098101611813United Netherlands.1618816158651159455United Netherlands.53158671251159480159652716160359712160651215967131608516160388514875128616105181606891608816812891610816161990816162190Philippus Rijder.(671⁄2and subsequently 70 to a Mark of Gold, 23 Carats 81⁄2Grs. Fine.)Burgundian Gulden(or Gulden Andries).(72 to a Mark of Gold, 19 Carats Fine, from 1456 to 1567; later, 75 to a Mark, 18 Carats 6 Grs. Fine.)Date.Declared Value in Netherlands Currency as by the Plakkaats.Date.Declared Value in Netherlands Currency as by the Plakkaats.Florins.Stivers.Florins.Stivers.1499119149919152223152211215262415261131191915392115391101191915482115481111552221552112155925155911315722715721151⁄215732151573119157521815741161576331575201577301576201579331181⁄2301577222181⁄21579233015158136231⁄21590381⁄224161031815812916113191590211160721416092171611218United Netherlands.United Netherlands.1586381586291594310159421339211382915963915962111603314160321516063151606216160831716082183162173152161610401610219German Thaler(Silver).Netherland Rijksdaalder(Silver).Date.Declared Value in Netherlands Currency as by the Plakkaats.Date.Declared Value in Netherlands Currency as by the Plakkaats.Florins.Stivers.Florins.Stivers.153916158322171548181586251552191559110159426157111115721122515731161141603271577118157921160828158125161121127United Netherlands.158625United Netherlands.15942625160327161028160828271619210161028161921016212121621212
In France the result of the American influx of metals did not make itself felt until the time of FrancisI.During his reign the value of the mark of gold increased 33 livres 4 sols. 2 dens., and that of silver 1 livre 10 sols.
The main reduction took place at two periods, 1519 and 1540, and with a consequent change in theratio slightly in favour of silver. The earliest find in America was gold, and at first this metal shows a tendency to depreciate. Concurrently silver, as the overvalued metal, commenced to disappear from circulation. It was to prevent this export that in 1519 theécu au soleilwas advanced to 40 sols., and again in 1532 to 45 sols.—an advance of 121⁄2per cent. The silvertestoonwas advanced at the same time from 10 sols. to 10 sols. 6 dens., an advance of 5 per cent. Even so equilibrium was not produced, and disorders in the currency continued, along with the prevalence of lower-rated coins. The town of Marseilles complained of it in a petition to the King (8th May 1539), and the important edict of Blois, 1540, which left theécus au soleiluntouched at 45 sols., while advancing thetestoonto 10 sols. 8 dens., was professedly and purposely issued "to more equalise the silver with the value of the gold, and consequently to make the value of our monies, both red and white, corresponding." Two years later the States-General when they met complained of the lack of currency, and demanded the opening of the Mint at Aix. The request was granted, but without visible result.
The same process of advance, unequally maintained, continued under HenryII.and CharlesIX.(seeaccompanying tables).
TABLE OF THE MOVEMENT OF GOLD & SILVER IN FRANCE 1493-1662.TABLE OF THE MOVEMENT OF GOLD & SILVER IN FRANCE 1493-1662.
TABLE OF THE MOVEMENT OF GOLD AND SILVER IN FRANCE, 1500-1660Date.Price of the Mark of Gold.Price of the Mark of Silver.Livres.Sols.Dens.Livres.Sols.Dens.14881303411001519147001210015401657614001549172001500156118500151501573200001700157522200190016022401002054161527866.........163632000231008th May163638400250022nd Sept.1641.........2610016624231011.........
FRANCE: THE MINT INQUIRY OF 1575
In the case of the latter monarch it is expressly stated that the change, which was effected in 1573, when the ratio was established at 11.77, had been preceded by a period during which "the people" had of themselves augmented the value of theécu d'orto 54 sols. At this limit the Government was obliged to fix it, but by the year 1577 it had risen successively to 58, 60, and 65 sols. The evil, as it was thought to be, of the advance of the monies was attributed to the caprice and unscrupulousness of "the people," and the King called several councils of experts to discuss the matter. Still the process continued unabated, and on the 19th December 1575, Henry III. assembled the States-General. Thecour des monnaies—the officials of the Mint—at once approached him with a petition. Their representation is of peculiar significance:—
"In spite of the bad police prevailing, we draw intimes of peace twice as much silver from abroad as the foreigners draw from us. If the reform we advocate were adopted we should double this net gain.... Between us and the Netherlands and Germany, where we generally trade, there is this difference, that 6écus, at the price at which they are exposed here, only come to 5 in the said places, which has induced a sudden and enormous dearness in the merchandise which we export from there, and besides has caused us a great disorder—to wit, that the merchants have transported all ourdouzainsand other billon money, to save themselves from the loss they would have had to incur in settling inécusor in any foreign species of gold or silver on which, at the price they are current at by the caprice of the people, there would be a loss in settlement of 15, 20, and 25 per cent.... The cause of the enhancement of prices proceeds from the malice of several who turn into bullion the best of your coins in order to fill the kingdom with others of less goodness, enriching themselves thus with the blood and misery of the people....
FRANCE: THE REFORM OF 1577
"The remedy is to lower the rate of the monies.... Theécusought to come down to 50 sols., but for the present we would consent to it being put at 60, awaiting a further reduction. The currency of all foreign coins ought to be prohibited as the chief cause of these evils. For although by all your ordinances they have been valued according to the price of theécu, yet the people have always increasedthem more than they have your own monies, so that theécuat this moment, to be in accordance, ought to pass for 78 sols. This arises from the craft of the foreigner, and the only exceptions of importance are therealsandpistolesof Spain, which are of known goodness and profit to the melter. They have never brought us harm, but, on the other hand, they are being melted down all over France, and at the present rate the foreigner gets a profit of about 7 livres on the mark of them, so that we advise prohibition of their circulation. Finally, we advise to do away with the old reckoning by livres and sols, and substitute for it the reckoning by écus."
The States-General, adopting in part the weakest suggestion of this remarkable paper, fixed the écus at 65 sols. The Mint officials at once represented that this only increased the evil. Henry accordingly assembled at Pontoise a conference of experts, and as the outcome of their deliberations decided on the adoption of the chief recommendation of the Mint officials' representation. By his proclamation of 13th November 1577, the reckoning by livres was abolished and that of goldécussubstituted, values of under 1 écu or 60 sols. to be settled in divisional coinage, and circulation of all foreign coins prohibited, with the exception of Spanish andPortuguesegold ducats. It was forbidden to constrain payment of any sum above 100 sols. in billon money, and in sums below that amount to present more than the third of the total sum in such billon money.
FRANCE: FAILURE OF THE REFORM OF 1577
This extraordinary and, on the whole, admirably planned reformation merits so much detail because of the intense importance of its bearing. It in effect anticipated the reformation which was only accomplished in England in our own century. So far as it was actually put in practice it made France monometallic. The instinct of the time had found its way to a comprehension of the evil before it, and of the remedy. The evil was due to a badly-regulated, weltering, bimetallic system; the remedy was a monometallic system. It matters little that such terms were not in use and that the theory of the matter was not enunciated. The essential point was that thefact, thesituation, was grasped in practice for a moment, dimly it may be, yet sufficiently to illustrate the whole antecedent and succeeding event. As a matter of fact the ordinance remained practically in great part a dead letter. That it did so—that it did not accomplish its purpose—has been attributed to themalheur, the unhappiness, of the time. It was due to no such thing. It was due to the simple fact that in the ordinance two quite distinct, and one of them impossible, reforms were projected. The attempt to tie down theécuto 60 sols. was foredoomed to failure, and as the eye of contemporaries was fixed more entirely on prices rather than on method of tender, the most significant part of the ordinance passed out of mind; already by the time of the death of Henry III., "the people," it is again said, had increased theécuto 64 sols. On the 30th March 1594 a proclamationwas issued to call it down to the value prescribed by the celebrated declaration of 1577,i.e.60 sols. but, finding it impossible, the whole system created by that declaration was abolished (September 1602); the reckoning byécuswas done away with, and the old system of reckoning by livres returned to; the goldécuwas tariffed at 65 sols., and the circulation of foreign monies was again permitted. HenryIV., in his proclamation abolishing the almost invulnerable system established by HenryIII., attributes to the attempts at working that system "the present dearness of everything." It is almost impossible fully to represent the unwisdom of this counter-reformation. To the eye of the then legislator there was only one evil—the rising of prices. If levelly effected it was, as a matter of fact, no evil at all—far the reverse indeed, and he did not need to concern himself about it at all. Besides, it was irresistible. The evil that escaped his eye, or to which he was blind, was that unceasing process of flux which was caused by the different ratios prevailing in different parts of Europe. The scheme of HenryIII.would have proved effective, where no other measure or scheme of the time was or could be, and its abrogation in 1602 by HenryIV.removed a bulwark and a barrier, and made way for catastrophe.
Le Blanc considers that this repeal of the system established in 1577, itself failed of its purpose,because the increase of prices still continued. "In the seven years of peace which followed the ordinance of 1602,the depreciation of the goldécuwas as much as it had been in the preceding sixty-five years of war and trouble." The simple truth was, that it was much more likely to increase in time of peace and trade activity than in time of war. The point to notice was not at all how much theécudid depreciate, but the relativity of such its depreciation with that of the standard currency of other countries, and the monetary disorder which the inequality of ratio and of rate of depreciation induced.
Alarmed beyond measure at the evident failure of his plans, HenryIV.summoned monetary conferences of his wisest and best, and they were not even suspended by his assassination. The complaint again was, that the permission to circulate foreign monies had led to the transport of all the good coinage, to the ruin of commerce and great general disorder. Assemblies were held all over France in the trading towns, and the result of the advice of their delegates was the proclamation of 5th December 1614 (issued early in 1615). By this proclamation silver monies were left untouched, the tariff of the goldécuwas increased from 65 to 75 sols., and the value of the mark of gold proportionally increased. The ratio was thereby altered from 12.01 to 13.90. It is hardly too much to say that this step and alteration in the ratio saved France from the catastrophe which befell England and Germany in 1622 and 1623. The arrangement established in 1615 endured unaltered until 1636, when a slightreduction in the ratio was made to 13.61 (on the 8th May). Two months later it was found that so serious an export of good coinage was ensuing that "our kingdom would be entirely stripped of good currency, to our great damage, etc." A proclamation was accordingly issued (28th June 1636) attempting to regulate the course of exchange. The effort was vain, and on the following 22nd September the ratio was suddenly and violently altered to 15.36.[10]
FRANCE: THE REFORM OF 1640
A glance at the ratio prevalent in other countries will show how masterful was this act of France, but it carried with it the seeds of its own punishment. Such is the nature of the bimetallic law that any overshooting of the ratio, on no matter which side,—in favour of silver or in favour of gold,—establishes a differentiation, and the differentiation at once gives to the one metal a fulcrum or lever point—a purchasing power—against the other, and the undervalued metal, whichever it is, at once tends to disappear. Four years after this autocratic measure of France, it was found that her currency was in so depreciated a state, through exchange, that the only pieces current were lacking one-third of their full weight.
The recoinage established by her proclamation of 31st March 1640, which established the newlouis d'or, was intended as a complete and permanent remedy, and it may reasonably claim the praise of having effected so much. The alteration of theratio established in 1640-41 by this recoinage (from 15.36 to 14.49) was only made after most serious deliberation. Monetary conferences of experts were held at Paris; and it was found, after careful assays of all the monies of the surrounding nations, that the prevailing ratios (1640-1) were at one and the same time—
Germany12:1Milan12:1Flanders and Netherlands12.5:1England13.33
It was therefore decided to adopt a higher ratio than all these, viz. 13.5.[11]
The history of the few years succeeding this measure is most instructive. The depreciation of monies continued, and on the 4th April 1652 a proclamation was issued, forbidding the currency of certain old monies of France, and again attempting to restrain the course of the exchanges; and three years later, 1655, under pretext that false moneyers were imitating thelouis d'orand the silverécus, the minting oflis d'argent(lilies of gold and silver) was resolved upon. "But," says Le Blanc, "everybody knows that the true motive was the same as when a little later they resolved on the minting of 4-sol. pieces. Under the above pretext, the ratio basis of 1641 was broken. Remonstrances were vain until experience proved their weight, and the minting ofthelis d'orhad to be discontinued. The pieces already minted received a value of 7 livres, and to correspond thelouis d'orwas increased to 11 livres, by proclamation 15th March 1656." As silver was left untouched, the resulting alteration of the ratio was from 131⁄2to 145⁄7.
With the advance of Antwerp as the centre of European exchanges in the fifteenth century, the mercantile pre-eminence of Florence and Venice decayed, and their monetary history loses its former prime importance. But they by no means thereby lose their interest for us. Instead of profiting as of yore by every veer in the winds of exchanges, they are at the mercy of them, as was every other country outside the charmed circle of the Netherlands. The influence of the changed conditions in the production of the precious metals, due to the discovery of America, does not show itself in Florence before 1531, when (4th August) the price was by law advanced. Three years later, 5th March 1534, it was found that the state was receiving damage from the foreign monies circulating, and that the only native coin circulating was in a worn and depreciated state. A recoinage was accordingly ordered, circulation of all foreign monies of silver was forbidden, and all payments and contracts were commanded to be made in goldscudiof the state. In order to inform the commercial element, the Mint masters were further ordered tomake trial every fifteen days of the value of any foreignscudi, and to publish the result.
There is a wonderful simplicity about this enactment. In order to defend themselves from a flood of cheap and cheapening silver, the Florentine authorities adopted a virtual gold monometallism. That the enactment was not permanently regarded and kept can only be attributed to the strength of commercial custom, and to a true perception in the mercantile community at large of the essential difficulty of the problem and its remedy. The Florentines were simply obliged to circulate all coins, gold as well as silver, because such was the universal custom of mediæval Europe. By 1552 silver foreign monies were again current in Florence, in such quantities and with such effects on the native gold currency, that they had to be again prohibited and banished (by law of 18th May 1552); renewed three years later (28th February 1555), and again in 1557 (29th April). Indeed, within the period here treated of, up to,i.e., 1660, there is a series of thirteen or fourteen separate re-enactments of the prohibition relating to these monies and the depreciated Florentine billon money ("quattrini neri"). If, during this period, Florence had occupied the commanding position that Antwerp did, quite unique interest would attach to the record of this monetary policy or experiment. But not being in that position, and being, too, quite apparently unable to enforce her own enactments in her own territory, even this merely depressive policy was partially broken down. In sofar as it was broken down she lay at the mercy of the monetary changes around her, and of the Netherland financiers, as did every other country of Europe. By the law of 5th April 1630, all species of foreign ducatoons were prohibited, "in consideration that, within the short time they have been introduced, so great a quantity, and of such differing standards, has been imported from the various foreign Mints." Five years later the gold coin was in so depreciated a state as to call for legislative interference (9th February 1635, renewed on 5th February 1645); and again in 1661 (3rd February) it was found necessary to prohibit the circulation of the silverrealsof Peru and every other kind of Spanish silver, except at bullion value. These are only a few from a long list of similar enactments, but they serve adequately to show the trend of events on small as well as large fields of operations. What an amount of commercial disturbance and disaster lies behind the dry details of these legal enactments, the case of England will serve to show.
The monetary history of Germany is one of extreme confusion and intricacy. The lack of coercive power in the central authority—in the Emperor himself—was as conspicuously displayed in the monetary ordinances of the empire as in the political sphere. The imperial edicts were disregarded, and each separate circle of the empire, or each separate prince or union of princes, left to shift or actfor themselves. Amid all the confusion of such a disorganised and reeling system sufficient is perceptible to indicate the broad tendency of events, and to show how closely analogous was her experience to that of Europe generally within the same period.
In Germany, as in the Netherlands, France, and England, the influence of the discovery of America only begins to express itself about 1520, and in the usual way—influx, movements and disorders in the currency and ratio, and general complaints. In 1520 a monetary convention was summoned to meet at Forchheim. This was followed by the debate in the Reichstag at Nürnberg (1522), where great complaints were made of the unusable, false, and depreciated coinage, "due to the stealing away and exchanging abroad of the goldguldenand silver coins." It was in consequence of the representations of this Reichstag that the first of the series of three imperial Mint ordinances was issued by CharlesV.(at Esslingen, 1524). The main details of this ordinance will be found in the accompanying tables and inAppendix V.
The effect of the first imperial ordinance was to change the ratio from something between 10 and 11 to 11.38. Theguldenwas raised from 17s. 4 pf. to 17s. 6 pf. All foreign gold was to be taken at equivalent rates, and whoever gave more for foreign coins of gold was to suffer a heavy penalty. Further, the export of gold and silver was forbidden, on pain of life and goods.
The ordinance remained a dead letter, and the monetary disorder of the country only increased.
THE MOVEMENT OF SILVER IN GERMANY, 1459-1621, ILLUSTRATED BY THE MOVEMENT OF THE SILVER GROSCHEN, ACCORDING TO IMPERIAL AND OTHER MINT REGULATIONS.(See preceding Table on p.30.)Date.Cologne Mark coined into Pieces.Alloy.Equivalent Value in Convention Money.Treaty or Ordinance.Loths.Grs.Krtzrs.Pfnge.1501126613237⁄42Treaty of Dukes Henry and Erick of Brunswick and Bishop Barthold of Hildesheim, with the States of Brunswick, Hildesheim, Hanover, Lübeck, and Göttingen.151016060231⁄4Göttingen.1524136120628⁄17First imperial Mint edict of CharlesV.at Esslingen.314⁄11(1⁄2Groat)153312370413⁄4Augsburg Mint edict.15359147⁄1318062101⁄874Mint treaty between Ferdinand and the Counts Palatine of the Rhine and the States of Augsburg and Ulm.1551941⁄2755359⁄567Second imperial Mint edict of CharlesV.at Augsburg. (Remained inoperative like that of 1524,supra.)100765215588869527⁄44Saxony Mint ordinances.15591081⁄2805226⁄217Mint ordinance of FerdinandI.1572""0""Edict of the Lower Saxony Circle.16102341444282⁄351Edict of the Lower Saxony Circle.161714480402⁄3Edict of the Lower Saxony Circle.16221081⁄2805226⁄217Edict of the Upper and Lower Saxony Circle.
Treaty of Dukes Henry and Erick of Brunswick and Bishop Barthold of Hildesheim, with the States of Brunswick, Hildesheim, Hanover, Lübeck, and Göttingen.
Göttingen.
First imperial Mint edict of CharlesV.at Esslingen.
Augsburg Mint edict.
Mint treaty between Ferdinand and the Counts Palatine of the Rhine and the States of Augsburg and Ulm.
Second imperial Mint edict of CharlesV.at Augsburg. (Remained inoperative like that of 1524,supra.)
Saxony Mint ordinances.
Mint ordinance of FerdinandI.
Edict of the Lower Saxony Circle.
Edict of the Lower Saxony Circle.
Edict of the Lower Saxony Circle.
Edict of the Upper and Lower Saxony Circle.