[341a]Blackstone, vol. 1. Robinson’s Sermon on Slavery, and appendix. Sullivan’s Lectures, 258.
[341b]It has been suggested that some vestiges of our ancient vassalage is discoverable still in the abject state of the bulk of those miscalledfreemen, nine out of ten of whom, perhaps, have no will of their own in the choice of representatives, but implicitly act under the direction of the modern masters of the town.—The author, however, does not mean to give the name ofslave-holdersto the two families that now nominate, appoint, return, or send our members to parliament.
[342]The author hopes the reader will excuse the repetition of this topic: he wishes all the different orders of the community may be convinced that they are brethren, and that those of the higher orders may possess the proper feelings towards their inferiors, even of the very lowest degrees, who though they have not so much at stake in these perilous times, are yet of the very same species with themselves, and so must be entitled to their tender and fraternal attentions.
[343]The same seems also to have been the case in the recent continental conquests and changes: the lower orders and bulk of the people appear to be gainers rather than losers by those events: they were so burdened and oppressed by the old governments, without any hope of redress, or the least prospect of melioration, that they became at last quite regardless who should be their rulers, and rather hailed than deprecated the French emperor’s successes and triumphs; believing, it seems, that, if he became their master, their condition, as it could not well be worse, would or might probably be better than what it then was become under their own native princes, who treated them, not as men, or beings of the same species with themselves, but rather as beasts of burden, made only for their use and service; and who were oftentimes disposed of by them and sold like other cattle. Such was the abject and degraded state of the lower classes and great body of the people in most of the regular and old established governments of Europe, before the French revolution. Had the rulers been wise enough afterwards to conciliate the good will and esteem, and secure the attachment of the people, by holding out and granting to them what would be worth contending for, the French had never been able to over-run every country and overturn every government as, they have done. Emancipating the people, and admitting them to the enjoyment of real freedom, would render them a different race of men, capable of effectually defending their country; and repelling any hostile attack or invasion. But the statesmen, directors, and managers of the old governments are not, it seems, to be convinced of these obvious, salutary, and important truths. Instead of adopting such a plan, they have too plainly manifested a disposition to augment rather than diminish the burdens and sufferings of the people. The consequence was natural, and what might have been expected. But the managers of the old institutions have not yet begun to learn wisdom from observation and experience.—Even the pretended patriotsof Spain, who have made such fuss about their national liberty and independence, have shewn as much reluctance as the rest, to ease the burdens of the people, or ameliorate the condition of the great body of the nation; and as they seem bent upon perpetuating the old tyranny, and unwilling to avail themselves of the only step that would give their resistance any chance of success, their miscarriage and downfal ought to be viewed without regret.
[346a]See Carte, and Parkin; also Beauties of England, vol. xi.
[346b]The business was at least acceded to by bishop Nykke, but the surrender seems to have been made by his successor bishop Rugg.
[349]It must be a mistake, and should no doubt be 1039; so that he filled the see but one year.—See Beauties of England, as before.
[350]See Beauties of England, vol. xi, where a fuller account is given of some of these bishops.
[351]Armstrong’s history of Norfolk, vol. 1. p. 206.
[358]See Tour of Norfolk, p. 180: also Beauties of England as before.
[359]Pope Urban promisedthe full remission of all their sins, not only to everyone who crossed the seas in that quarrel, and personally engaged in that bloody crusade against the other pope and his adherents, but also to all who would engage to pay any number of able soldiers employed on the occasion, and even to all such as would advance any part of their substance to the general (bp. Spencer,) towards defraying the expences of the expedition. The pope’s absolution, pronounced by the said episcopal commander in chief, was expressed as follows—
“By the authority apostolical, to me in this behalf committed, We absolve thee A. B. from all thy sins confessed with thy mouth, and being contrite with thy heart, and whereof thou wouldst be confessed, if they came into thy memory: and we grant unto thee plenary remission of all manner of sins, and we promise unto thee thy part of the reward of all just men, and of everlasting salvation. And as many privileges as are granted unto them that go to fight for the Holy Land, we grant onto thee; and of all the prayers and benefits of the church, the universal synod, as also the holy catholic church we make thee partaker.”—(See Fox, Vol. 1.)
“By the authority apostolical, to me in this behalf committed, We absolve thee A. B. from all thy sins confessed with thy mouth, and being contrite with thy heart, and whereof thou wouldst be confessed, if they came into thy memory: and we grant unto thee plenary remission of all manner of sins, and we promise unto thee thy part of the reward of all just men, and of everlasting salvation. And as many privileges as are granted unto them that go to fight for the Holy Land, we grant onto thee; and of all the prayers and benefits of the church, the universal synod, as also the holy catholic church we make thee partaker.”—(See Fox, Vol. 1.)
[360]There were doubtless many Lynn people in that army; the general being lord of this town.
[363]It is somewhat remarkable, that though both Mackerell and Parkin appear to have made use of that MS Volume, and the former drew most of his materials from it, for the most part verbatim, yet neither of them take any notice of those letters, which yet form the most curious part of the whole volume.
[365]The documents or papers above referred to, consist of 1. a Letter from John Wentworth mayor of Lynn to the king (Hon. iv.) dated on St. Martin’s day 1403, and complaining of the opposite party, as outrageous persons who committed the most horrid crimes, and proceeded in the most riotous manner against their opponents, with the intent to spoil and rob them of their goods, burn their houses, slay and dismember their persons, &c. It is not the first letter he wrote to his majesty, for he refers to others of anterior date. Those however are lost, or we might possess a more correct knowledge of this business. Thesecondof those papers is a Letter from Petipas, then mayor, to some of his friends, complaining of Wentworth and his adherents andassentauntsfor troubling him in the discharge of his duty, and requiring them “be bille or be mouthe” [by letter or by word of mouth] to acquaint his reverend lord of Norwich [i.e. the bishop] with the affair, and solicit his interference. &c. Its date is 1413, the first of Henry V.—Thethirdis from the same, and seemingly to the same, and written, it is presumed, in 1414, the former part of which was the latter part of his 2nd year, for he was then mayor two years successively. Thefourthwas fromThomas Hunt, who became mayor in the autumn of 1415 toJohan Spencer, viscount de Norff. [i.e. the High Sheriff of the county] and is dated “atte Lenn ye tede day of the mone of Juylet, ye yere of ye regne of King Henry ye fyft ye ferth:” which wasA.D.1416. This curious paper complains ofThomas Felwell, goldsmith, who had been indicted for his misdeeds, as an instigator ofa rysingandryot—also ofThomas Hardell, andThomas Enemethe, “and very many of the misdoers resorten and drawen again in counsailles to Barth. Petipas in sustenance of his p. tie,” &c. It also offers the said Viscount, or high sheriff, apresent of a young He-Bear, which seems a queer circumstance. But what makes this paper of most importance, is its confirming, along with the other documents, the very distracted state of the town at that period.—Thefifthis addressed “to the lord bishopp of Norwich” (the aboveJohn de Wakeryngit seems.) “from his owen humblest tenants and devout Bedesmen, the Mayre and good men of his town of Lenne Bishopp.” Its date is the 9 of March, the 3rd of Henry V. which seems to answer toA.D.1415, or 1415–16, and the mayor was probably the aboveThomas Hunt.—Thesixthand last of those papers was a royal injunction or mandate from “Henry (VI.) by the Grace of God king of England and of France and lord of Ireland unto the Mair of the town of Lenne Byshopp;” and relates chiefly, as was before hinted, to some irregularity or neglect in the choice of the 24 Jurats, directing and enjoining that they should be freemen and lawful, and of the most discreet, sufficient, andleast suspiciouspersons of the said town; and each of them possessing property in lands and tenements to the amount of C. S (i.e. one hundred shillings) a year—equal no doubt to more than 100l.a year now: also directing that in case any of the 24 Jurats happened to die in the course of the year, others equally unexceptionable should be immediately chosen in their room, &c.—As a sample of the style and orthography of the magistrates of Lynn 400 years ago, and a specimen of their mode of address to their prelatical lord and master, we shall here subjoin the mayor and aldermen’s Letter to bishopWakeryng.
“Worschipfull Lord and reverent fader in God, we commaund us unto yow, humble thankant yow wt alle oure hertes, of good & graciouse lordschip yt. yo han schewed to us before yis tyme prayand to yow of good continunace & revrent fader, for as meche as we han conteyned be John Thornham yor. servt. yt ye are & will be graciouse lord to us, therefor as unknowen men, we wryten to yow in our symple manr. preying yow yt Barth. Petypas, Will Hallyate, Thomas Middleton taylor, Thomas Barrington goldsmyth, Thomas Monethe, Thomas Beckham, John Balders, Thomas Littleport, Thomas Hardell, John Blome, Rich. Baxter, Andrew Fourbe, abide out of yor. towne of lenne unto the tyme of yor. stalling at Norwich, the whiche schalle not be longe be the grace of God, atte which tyme we shalle mete with yow & fulliche declare to yow all manr. of hevynesse ye whiche yay han wroght to us, & yt. to yor. worschipfull person disclosed & fulliche in hye & in lowe, put it in govnance of yow & of yor counsayll, & for truly sire sithen ye. tyme yt. yay wenten out of ye town of Lenne, of whiche ye shun sone be lord of, be ye grace of God stode never in beter reste & pees than it hath done sithen that tyme, & yet dothe atte this day, & be yor. good governance, these persons above wretyn sett an syde, we tryste in God to have reste & pees for ever more in yor. towne & in our persons ye shal fynd us as lowly tenants as any that longs to yow within yor. lordshippes, & wt. our bodyes & our goodes, be as lowly to yow worschipful and revrend fader in God we preye, ye. holy trinite: keep yow body and soule, & fullfill your desires as ye can yor. self devise. Written at Lenne ye IX day of Marche under ye seall of the office of Mayralty.Your owen humblest tenants and devout Bedesmen,Mayre and good men of your towne of Lenne Bishopp.”
“Worschipfull Lord and reverent fader in God, we commaund us unto yow, humble thankant yow wt alle oure hertes, of good & graciouse lordschip yt. yo han schewed to us before yis tyme prayand to yow of good continunace & revrent fader, for as meche as we han conteyned be John Thornham yor. servt. yt ye are & will be graciouse lord to us, therefor as unknowen men, we wryten to yow in our symple manr. preying yow yt Barth. Petypas, Will Hallyate, Thomas Middleton taylor, Thomas Barrington goldsmyth, Thomas Monethe, Thomas Beckham, John Balders, Thomas Littleport, Thomas Hardell, John Blome, Rich. Baxter, Andrew Fourbe, abide out of yor. towne of lenne unto the tyme of yor. stalling at Norwich, the whiche schalle not be longe be the grace of God, atte which tyme we shalle mete with yow & fulliche declare to yow all manr. of hevynesse ye whiche yay han wroght to us, & yt. to yor. worschipfull person disclosed & fulliche in hye & in lowe, put it in govnance of yow & of yor counsayll, & for truly sire sithen ye. tyme yt. yay wenten out of ye town of Lenne, of whiche ye shun sone be lord of, be ye grace of God stode never in beter reste & pees than it hath done sithen that tyme, & yet dothe atte this day, & be yor. good governance, these persons above wretyn sett an syde, we tryste in God to have reste & pees for ever more in yor. towne & in our persons ye shal fynd us as lowly tenants as any that longs to yow within yor. lordshippes, & wt. our bodyes & our goodes, be as lowly to yow worschipful and revrend fader in God we preye, ye. holy trinite: keep yow body and soule, & fullfill your desires as ye can yor. self devise. Written at Lenne ye IX day of Marche under ye seall of the office of Mayralty.
Your owen humblest tenants and devout Bedesmen,Mayre and good men of your towne of Lenne Bishopp.”
In this lowly and abject manner did these humblest tenants and devout beadesmen, the mayor and corporation of Lynn, of that day, approach their high and mighty lord, bishop Wakeryng. They were indeed his subjects and vassals, as their predecessors had long been; and they might think that such cringing conduct became them: but some of them would occasionally shew a disposition to kick and resist, as had been the ease in bishopSpencer’stime, and also now, it seems, in the case ofPatipas, as well as ofMillerafterwards, who is said to have gone to law with the bishop and cast him. But, in general, corporations, while they are some of the most unfeeling, relentless, and tyrannical towards their inferiors, are at the same time some of that most abject and obsequious of all men towards their superiors and masters: hardly presuming at any time to have a will of their own. They are as ready to erect statues to bad as to good kings; and the premier, however corrupt or flagitious, is pretty surf of being always their lord chancellor, or keeper of their conscience.
[370]That year the king and queen, with their eldest son Arthur prince of Wales, and Margaret countess of Richmond, the king’s mother, visited Lynn, and were lodged at the Austin monastery, on the site of which Mr. Rishton’s house now stands. The occasion of this royal visit we know not.
[372]See Tour of Norfolk 286, &c. also Beaut. of Engl. as before.
[377]See Smith’s Inquiry, 2. 101. He also observes that how servile soever may have been originally the condition of the inhabitants of the towns, they yet arrived at liberty and independence much earlier than the occupiers of land in the country.
[379]Smith, as before, 104. Among the other principal works that relate to these matters are Madox Firma Burgi, and Brady’s historical treatise of cities and boroughs.
[380]See Political Review for December, 1809.
[381]See Monthly Rev. for August 1805, p. 446.
[383]Smith, as before, p. 106.
[384]Smith, as before, p. 108.
[385]Smith, 110.
[387]See Mackerell, 223.
[388]See above, page366.
[389]Of the spirit, or principle that dictated the erection of those statues it may now be safely said, that it was thoroughly vile and disgraceful.—What better can be said of the spirit that was so predominant here during Pitt’s administration and execrable reign of terror, when all honest men who saw, deprecated, and reprobated his madbrain system were held up to the contempt and derision of every political coxcomb, and even to the fury of the populace, as Jacobins and traitors? Time has already done something towards justifying the views and principles of these persecuted people; and futurity will do them still ampler justice. The present generation is likely to be now soon convinced that their politics, which have been so bitterly and violently decried, were a thousand times more worthy of adoption than those of their malicious opponents and revilers: and posterity will not fail to exhibit in their proper colours the extreme folly and wrongheadedness of the measures that this illfated country has been pursuing for the last eighteen years and upwards.
[390]Parkin, 116.
[391]The Jews were then very numerous in this country, as well as very opulent, and continued so for no short period. They were generally ill used, and sometimes underwent the most cruel and base treatment. Yet on some occasions, they met with different and better usage, and at least what may be called the appearance of favour and encouragement. The following instance is not a little remarkable and striking—“It will hardly be credited, [says Andrews] that, in 1241, Henry III issued writs to the sheriffs, ordering them to convene aparliament of Jews: six from some towns, and two from others. The writs are now extant. The Jews were proud of this; but Henry only meant to plunder them.” The last assertion if probably too true. Henry was just that kind of man. It is however very little known that he was, beforehand with Bonaparte in convening a Jewish parliament or Sanhedrim. But the characters of these two potentates are extremely dissimilar, and so probably were their motives for convening the Jewish delegates.—In the above mentioned reign of Richard I. the Jews were most shamefully and cruelly plundered and massacred here in different places. In the guilt and infamy of those foul and horrid deeds Lynn appears to have been deeply implicated. The tragical tale is related byParkinfrom William of Newburgh, and byMackerell fromHollingshed.—It states that one of the Lynn Jews being converted to christianity, his brethren were so enraged against him, that they resolved to kill him whenever they had an opportunity. Having accordingly met him one day in the street, they instantly fell upon him, fully intending to execute their bloody purpose, but he escaped out of their hands, and fled into the next church; they followed him thither, and breaking open the doors, would have taken him out by force. Crowds of the inhabitants, with a great number of foreigners, consisting of mariners and others, who traded here, now came upon them, rescued the man, and drove them into their own houses. The townsmen refrained from any further acts of violence, fearful of incurring the displeasure of their sovereign, who had taken the Jews under his protection; but the mariners and the other strangers followed them to their own dwellings, massacred them there, plundered their houses and set them on fire, and immediately taking shipping, escaped with their spoil.—Of the truth of some part of this story some doubt may very reasonably be entertained. It is not very likely that the Jews should act as is here represented toward their converted brother, as they could not be insensible of the extreme risk of such a conduct. Nor is it at all probable that the town rabble should refrain from assisting the strangers in the massacre of the Jews, or desist from joining them in plundering and burning those unhappy people’s houses. These may be presumed to be additions to what did then really happen, and designed for the purpose of exaggerating the conduct and blackening the character of the poor Jews, as well as throwing the whole blame and infamy of the most shocking part of the conduct of the opposite party on those foreign mariners and other strangers who happened to be then in the town. It was always the manner of the pretended christians of those days, to impute some previous horrid atrocity to the Jews, in order to blind people’s eyes, and extenuate their own barbarous and diabolical treatment of them. Upon the whole the plunder and massacre of the Jews seem to be that part of the above story which is unquestionably authentic. But Lynn was not the only place in England where the Jews were then so treated. The brutal and horrid work began in London, whence it extended to Lynn and other places, even as far as York, where it ended in a scene most shockingly tragical; the effects of which proved fatal to the commercial prosperity of that ancient city.—See Andrew, 1. 192.
[392]Parkin, 120 whose authority is Madox’s Hist. of the Exchequer.
[393a]Parkin, as before.
[393b]That Lynn was a mayor-town in the reign, or before the death ofJohn, has been disputed by some; but the fact seems fully ascertained from the Patent rolls—that king’s letters patents, dated at Devizes, Wilts, June 7 (1216) in the 18th year of his reign, being addressed totheMayorand good men of Lenn.
[395]See Gibson’s Camden—Parkin—Mackerell, and Tour of Norfolk.
[396]Carte 1. 340.
[398]Compare Parkin, Rapin, Carte, and Andrews.
[399a]See Gibson’s Camden.
[399b]Parkin, 122.
[401]Parkin, p. 122.
[402]Parkin, as before.
[405a]Parkin 123.
[405b]See Parkin, as before; who further observes, that Lynn was famous at that time for importing wine: and it seems that foreign wine was then very cheap here, compared with what it is at present. Hence Parkin mentions a pipe of wine as selling here then at 1l.15s.and a tun of wine at 50s.These were probably red wine, for he afterwards mentions a tun of white wine as having been sold for three marks and a half, i.e. 2l.6s.3d.—The mark being 13s.4d.—Wine sells here now at a price above 50 times higher than what it did at that period. Salmon was an article that appears to have always fetched a high price in those days; and Parkin, in the place from which these articles have been extracted, mentions 20s.as paid for 5 Salmons sent to the bishop of Norwich at South Elmham, on Monday before the feast of the purification. Ten such Salmons were then, it seems, as valuable as a pipe of wine.
[411]The word Gild, (says Chambers,) is formed from the SaxonGildan, to pay, became every man wasgildare, i.e. to pay something towards the charge and support of the company.
[412]Annual Review, for 1807, 490.
[413a]See Jacob’s Law Dictionary, under the wordGuild.
[413b]Religious persons, clerks, knights and their eldest sons, excepted.
[413c]Chamber’s Cyclopædia, underGildandFrankpledge.
[415]See Turner’s Hist. of the Anglo-Saxon, 2nd Ed. vol. 2. p. 109, &c.
[420]Parkin, 134, 5.
[421a]The Gilds of the common people, or those which had no large possessions attached to them, were then probably not meddled with, but suffered to go on as before. Some of them, as we have before seen, existed in Camden’s time, and perhaps a good while afterwards.
[421b]St. George’s Hall, after it became the property of the corporation, was long used as a court-house, to hold the quarter-sessions for the county. Those sessions have since been removed to the Trinity Guildhall, now the Town-hall: since which time St. George’s hall has been converted into a Play-house, and is now during the mart time, and for sometime after, occupied annually by a company of comedians.
[423]A word is here left out:Security, perhaps.
[424a]surety, perhaps.
[424b]It probably should be 2s.
[425a]Here is an illegible word: those that follow also are scarcely intelligible.
[425b]Our modern clerks are better paid.
[425c]They had secrets, it seems, which they deemed of much importance; but it does not appear of what sort they were.
[426a]Some word or words seem here wanting.
[426b]This shews that this Gild also had a Hall.
[426c]Supposing the number of members to be 50, his annual stipend, or salary amounted to only 25s.A chaplain now would expect fifty times that sum, at least.
[427]Hoodsmust have been the word omitted.
[429]A strange word, whose meaning seems not very easy to ascertain.
[430]This shews that some of the members of this Gild were poor.
[431a]This Gild consisted then, it seems, of 50 members.
[431b]By this it appears that the Corpus Christi Gild had a separate Hall, but where it stood does not appear. That Gild seems therefore to have been another of the superior order.
[431c]It seems by this that the Gild of St. Lawrence also was one of those of a superior order.
[432a]The minstrels, it may be supposed, were employed on their public days, to add to the conviviality, or glee and hilarity of those meetings; which shews the members were not of an uncheerly cast. Minstrels must have been then in no small request at Lynn.
[432b]“A Bill” [of expences relating to the Almshouse, with memoranda.]
s.
d.
The Alderman’s ffee
3.
4.
Mess [Mass] Pence
6.
8.
For sowing [sewing] blankets & Sheets
0.
8.
A Bucket for the Almeshouse
0.
5.
Straw to the Beds
0.
3.
To Wm. Lister Almes
0.
4.
To Nicholas . . . Almes
0.
8.
To a Mason for a daies work
0.
7.
His man
0.
4.
Shinks
0.
1.
For 3 pair sheets
7.
6.
2 pair ditto
4.
8.
3 Mattrisses
8.
0.
For Mass pence at Oferings
4.
0.
For the Hearth making in ye Kitchen
1.
8.
For a Lanthorn in the middle of the house
0.
7.
For the Bed bottoms
1.
1.
Paid for the souls of Nicholas Bardeny Prior of Lynn, Wm. Wattlett, John Dean, and many more, each of them 2s. 6d.
Robt. Soame gave a Load of Oatstraw for repairing their Beds.
Ordered that the Keeper ring the Bell at 6 o’clock at night, & there be prayers daily, & that the Alderman visit the Almeshouse once a month to see that nothing be amiss.
[436a]This is the only mention we have met with ofSaint Julian’s Horn, the history of which, no doubt, would be very amusing, if it could be recovered.
[436b]This shews that even our suffragan bishops assumed the power of granting indulgences, or licences to sin with impunity, on such conditions as they chose to prescribe.
[439a]Parkin, 130.
[439b]Ibid. 141.
[440a]Parkin, 142.
[440b]Those of the Gilds seem to bethe only aldermenof Lynn in those days, see page395.
[441]Of St Audrey and hersmock, and our Lady and herappearancesat Thetford, some account may be found in Martin’s History of that town. Speaking of the church of St. Audrey, he says, it was of but small revenue, but that a famous relique made ample amends to the priest for the smallness of his stipend. He then introduces the following extract fromBacon’s Reliques of Rome, fol. 181.—
“In Thetford, a Mayor town in Norfolk, there was a parish church, now destroyed, called St. Audrise. In this church among other reliques, was asmockof St. Audrise, which was there kept as a great Jewel and precious Relique. The virtue of thatsmockwas mighty and manifold, but specially in putting away the toothach and swelling of the throte: so that the paciente was first of all shriven and hard masse, and did such oblations as the priest of the church enjoyned.”
“In Thetford, a Mayor town in Norfolk, there was a parish church, now destroyed, called St. Audrise. In this church among other reliques, was asmockof St. Audrise, which was there kept as a great Jewel and precious Relique. The virtue of thatsmockwas mighty and manifold, but specially in putting away the toothach and swelling of the throte: so that the paciente was first of all shriven and hard masse, and did such oblations as the priest of the church enjoyned.”
The Vulgar supposed this relique to be so full of sacred virtue, that they ordered, in their Wills, certain persons to go in pilgrimage to it for the salvation of their souls. Margaret Whoop, of East Harling, had the following clause in her Will, which was dated 1501: “I will that another man go in pilgrimage for me to Thetford, and offer for me to St. Audrey’s Smock.” See Martin’s Thetford, p. 79.—Nothing is more probable than that this same smock, in those days, drew many a pilgrim from Lynn to Thetford.
Of the blessed Virgin’sappearancesto divers persons at Thetford, one was to a woman who had lost the use of her tongue, but whom she cured the same time. The person who asserted and recorded this was a monk. The same monk has prefaced his account of another of the Virgin’s miracles at Thetford in the following notable and curious manner.
“I have thought proper to relate a most remarkable miracle, because of its tendency to exemplify the mercy ofGod, and to exhibit the praise ofhis mother, and is most worthy of public attention; for whatever tends to the Glory of God, and relates to his mother, is not to be concealed or denied, but to be received as matter of fact.”—[Then comes the marvellous tale—] “William Heddrich, junr. carpenter, and Isabell his wife, lived in a town of Norfolk, called Hockham. They had a child 3 years old, who in harvest time was carried with them into the field, as was customary with peasants who went to their day labour. On a certain day about sun setting, the child happened to be sleep, and actually fell into a sound sleep on the edge of the field where his parents were reaping. In the dusk of the evening, a man driving his cart along that side of the field where the child lay, unfortunately the wheel went over the child’s head, unknown to the driver, and killed him on the spot. The father of the child was following the cart when the accident happened. He took the child up in his arms, and finding him dead and besmeared with his own blood, he made bitter lamentations. He then ran to an eminent surgeon in the same town, who had healed many who had laboured under various infirmities, by the sovereign efficacy of his medicines. After the surgeon had minutely examined the child, he found no symptoms of life; but he advised the father to carry it home, and the next day prepare for its funeral. When the father had heard the opinion of the surgeon, and was convinced that he was deprived of his child, with heart full of grief he look up the corpse and went to his house, and delivered it to his wife, that she might lay it on the bed. Then he assembled his friends and neighbours together, in order to watch that night, as was customary before a funeral. Being thus met they devoted themselves to watching, and with the greatest ardour of devotion prayed to the blessedmother of God, vowing that, if by her intercession the child should be restored to life, they would go on a pilgrimage naked to the image of the blessed virgin, in the church of the monks in Thetford, and there make the usual offering. When they had made an end of their prayers and vows, about midnight, the child revived. Those that were present, when they beheld the happy effect of their prayers, praised and blessed God. And, to perform their vows, they took the child, and carried it before the image of the blessed virgin, and fulfilled the obligation they had put themselves under.”—see Appendix to Martin’s Thetford, p. 83.
“I have thought proper to relate a most remarkable miracle, because of its tendency to exemplify the mercy ofGod, and to exhibit the praise ofhis mother, and is most worthy of public attention; for whatever tends to the Glory of God, and relates to his mother, is not to be concealed or denied, but to be received as matter of fact.”—[Then comes the marvellous tale—] “William Heddrich, junr. carpenter, and Isabell his wife, lived in a town of Norfolk, called Hockham. They had a child 3 years old, who in harvest time was carried with them into the field, as was customary with peasants who went to their day labour. On a certain day about sun setting, the child happened to be sleep, and actually fell into a sound sleep on the edge of the field where his parents were reaping. In the dusk of the evening, a man driving his cart along that side of the field where the child lay, unfortunately the wheel went over the child’s head, unknown to the driver, and killed him on the spot. The father of the child was following the cart when the accident happened. He took the child up in his arms, and finding him dead and besmeared with his own blood, he made bitter lamentations. He then ran to an eminent surgeon in the same town, who had healed many who had laboured under various infirmities, by the sovereign efficacy of his medicines. After the surgeon had minutely examined the child, he found no symptoms of life; but he advised the father to carry it home, and the next day prepare for its funeral. When the father had heard the opinion of the surgeon, and was convinced that he was deprived of his child, with heart full of grief he look up the corpse and went to his house, and delivered it to his wife, that she might lay it on the bed. Then he assembled his friends and neighbours together, in order to watch that night, as was customary before a funeral. Being thus met they devoted themselves to watching, and with the greatest ardour of devotion prayed to the blessedmother of God, vowing that, if by her intercession the child should be restored to life, they would go on a pilgrimage naked to the image of the blessed virgin, in the church of the monks in Thetford, and there make the usual offering. When they had made an end of their prayers and vows, about midnight, the child revived. Those that were present, when they beheld the happy effect of their prayers, praised and blessed God. And, to perform their vows, they took the child, and carried it before the image of the blessed virgin, and fulfilled the obligation they had put themselves under.”—see Appendix to Martin’s Thetford, p. 83.
Such were some of the pious and popular tales of other times, in the parts about Lynn: but before we affect to pity the credulous weakness and miserable stupidity of our ancestors, who could receive them, let us be careful that we ourselves are free from similar failings, or from other failings equally inexcusable and disgraceful.
[444]The electioners, this year, who chose the Alderman and Scabins, were 8 persons deputed.
[445a]What wages!
[445b]There to play an anteme of our Lady.
[448]Parkin, 145.
[449a]Mackerell’s History of Lynn, 254.—what the last expression,after the conquest, means, seems difficult to make out.
[449b]Of thisTabernaclethe author regrets that he can give no particular account. The above extract is the only record where he has met with any mention of it.—It was probably a rich shrine enclosing an image of our Saviour.
[451]At p. 39 of the said MS. volume, speaking of the people of Lynn, the writer says, “John de Grey, bishop of Norwich, was their great friend and benefactor: in 1207 he gave king John a palfrey, in order to have Duplicates of the Charter which he had obtained for his town of Lynn, it being owing to this bishop that Lynn ever had a charter, as the original one of king John now in the custody of that corporation testifies: the whole, or chief liberties of that town being before that time in the bishop.” [De Grey confirmed the royal charter against his own successors.]
[453]St. Nicholas and St. James.
[454a]Skivins, Skivini, or Scabini, were the custodes, guardians, governors, or stewards.
[454b]Mr. Day’s MS. volume, 48, and Parkin, 148.
[455a]A sextary was an ancient measure, said to be a pint and half, but it appears here, from the price &c. to be much more, and wasfour gallons.
[455b]Four Gallonsof Wine sold then for 10d.
[455c]The word obliterated was probably serta, a coronet [or chaplet.]
[455d]The skivins werefourin number, as appears from a deed of Thomas bp. of Ely in the 25th of Henry VI. Simon Pigot, Richard Cosyn, Thomas Benet, and William Pilton, then called therein, custodes sive scabins, &c. They served, as I take it, in all, two years, the seniors going off yearly, when two others were chosen &c. they had the charge &c. as appears, of the goods and effects of the guild.—Parkin.
[457]Ante palmatam. Hence we may perceive the old custom of shaking hands at an agreement or bargain. [Striking hands is still customary in some places in making bargains; the buyer holds his hand open, and the seller strikes it with open hand; whence they are said to havestruck a bargain.]
[459a]Psalm 116.
[459b]It probably should beDirge.
[459c]14th of September.
[461]Nativus servus—[This seems to do little credit to the feelings, or to the memory of these rich gild brethren: Why should any sober, industrious person, though of servile birth, or origin, be thus disdainfully precluded from partaking of the benefit of their institution, while he could advance the admission, or entrance money?]
[462a]Same date. Quere if not Edward, 1. 1279.
[462b]We have not these meetings any where explained: nor do we well know in what they were distinguished from those called generals.
[464]The remainder of the above article, being rather long, and what would take up too much room in the text, but too curious, perhaps, to be omitted, is thrown into this note, and is as follows.—
“And that the said skivins are to take keyage of merchandizes lying on the key in manner and form following. viz. For every pipe (dolium) of wine lying on the kay beyond one day 1d.and no more for a week, and so for every week.—Also, for every pipe of Wad.[465a]lying on the kay beyond a day 1d.and no more for a week, and so for every week.—Also, for every fardwell called gybe[465b]of the weight of one pipe or above lying on the kay beyond a day 1d.and no more for a week, and so for every week—And in the same manner for any other goods or ware of the weight of one pipe of wine or more lying, &c—Of every ship bringing in goods, or carrying out, 4d.or less according to the discretion of the skivins—Alsofor three stones, called Slipstones, lying on the kay beyond a day, a farthing, and not more for a week, and so for every week.—Also, for two pieces of Lead[465c]lying on the kay above one day a farthing, and not more for a week, and so for every week—Also, for sand, chalk, clay, stone, tiles, and other things, of the weight of one load, lying on the kay above a day, an halfpenny,&c.—Also, for the load of one boat of sand, chalk, &c. lying, &c. a farthing.—Also, for any wares or goods not herein named, according to the custom the skivins have used.—Also, tor every millstone, lying above a day, an halfpenny, &c.—Also, for every last of Quernstones.[465d]lying on the kay above a day, one penny &c.—Also, for every last of pitch and brimstone lying one day, 1d.and so for every day.—Also, for every hawser tyed to the kay, one penny.—Also, The sd. [qu. said] day it is ordered that no bad persons, nor any spiritual[465e]person, should work upon the kay.”
“And that the said skivins are to take keyage of merchandizes lying on the key in manner and form following. viz. For every pipe (dolium) of wine lying on the kay beyond one day 1d.and no more for a week, and so for every week.—Also, for every pipe of Wad.[465a]lying on the kay beyond a day 1d.and no more for a week, and so for every week.—Also, for every fardwell called gybe[465b]of the weight of one pipe or above lying on the kay beyond a day 1d.and no more for a week, and so for every week—And in the same manner for any other goods or ware of the weight of one pipe of wine or more lying, &c—Of every ship bringing in goods, or carrying out, 4d.or less according to the discretion of the skivins—Alsofor three stones, called Slipstones, lying on the kay beyond a day, a farthing, and not more for a week, and so for every week.—Also, for two pieces of Lead[465c]lying on the kay above one day a farthing, and not more for a week, and so for every week—Also, for sand, chalk, clay, stone, tiles, and other things, of the weight of one load, lying on the kay above a day, an halfpenny,&c.—Also, for the load of one boat of sand, chalk, &c. lying, &c. a farthing.—Also, for any wares or goods not herein named, according to the custom the skivins have used.—Also, tor every millstone, lying above a day, an halfpenny, &c.—Also, for every last of Quernstones.[465d]lying on the kay above a day, one penny &c.—Also, for every last of pitch and brimstone lying one day, 1d.and so for every day.—Also, for every hawser tyed to the kay, one penny.—Also, The sd. [qu. said] day it is ordered that no bad persons, nor any spiritual[465e]person, should work upon the kay.”
[465a]Quere.
[465b]A grant, pack, or bale of goods? gybe, from Gibbus.
[465c]Duob. peciis plumbi, probably what are now called piggs.
[465d]De Quernstonis, small grinding stones for mustard, malt &c. as I take it: Quern for corn by corruption.
[465e]Spiritual: it is likely that some of the monks or fryars used to do sq.
[These notes are Parkin’s.]
[466a]This article may be considered as a rule for preserving good manners at the guild. The prohibition of coming therebarefooted, is a plain indication, that it was common then, even for those of the better sort, to go about ordinarily without shoes and stockings. The case is very different now: and yet it may be questioned, if we live happier than they did. The former article contains directions for the conduct of the brethren and burgesses at Stirbich and other such fairs.
[466b]The remainder of the account of this guild, in the said MS. Volume, consists of brief notices, or rather the names of its aldermen at different periods: [byParkin.] Of which the following is the substance.—
Richard Lambert occurs Alderm. 1272. 56. Henry 3.Robert de London alderm. occurs 15. Edward I. and 18. Edward I. Wm de Lyndesey was his deputy. Peter de Thrundeyn chos. ald. on Friday after the assumpt. of the Virg. M. 18. Ed. I. and occurs also in the 34. of the said king.Simon Fitz Simon occ. ald. 15. § Ed. 2. John de Morton then Mayor 3rd. time.Robt. de Derby, Q. if not ald. 3. Ed. 3. seems to occ.Jeff. Drew ald. occ. 27. and 31. Ed. 3.Tho. Bottesham occ. ald. 44. Ed. 3. and in 1379.Wm. Franceys ald. 14. Ed. 3.Hen. Betely occ. ald. tem. Rich. 2.Roger Galyon occ. Mayor and Ald. 13. Hen. 4. 25 July.John Brunham occ. ald. 7. Hen. 4. 5. and in 3.Tho. Hunt occ. ald. 20 June 1 Hen. 6.Hen. Thoresby occ. ald. 25. Hen. 6. and 21 Hen. 6.Walter Cony ald. 1464. above 14 years, dy’d 29 Sept. 1479.
Richard Lambert occurs Alderm. 1272. 56. Henry 3.
Robert de London alderm. occurs 15. Edward I. and 18. Edward I. Wm de Lyndesey was his deputy. Peter de Thrundeyn chos. ald. on Friday after the assumpt. of the Virg. M. 18. Ed. I. and occurs also in the 34. of the said king.
Simon Fitz Simon occ. ald. 15. § Ed. 2. John de Morton then Mayor 3rd. time.
Robt. de Derby, Q. if not ald. 3. Ed. 3. seems to occ.
Jeff. Drew ald. occ. 27. and 31. Ed. 3.
Tho. Bottesham occ. ald. 44. Ed. 3. and in 1379.
Wm. Franceys ald. 14. Ed. 3.
Hen. Betely occ. ald. tem. Rich. 2.
Roger Galyon occ. Mayor and Ald. 13. Hen. 4. 25 July.
John Brunham occ. ald. 7. Hen. 4. 5. and in 3.
Tho. Hunt occ. ald. 20 June 1 Hen. 6.
Hen. Thoresby occ. ald. 25. Hen. 6. and 21 Hen. 6.
Walter Cony ald. 1464. above 14 years, dy’d 29 Sept. 1479.
[471]Secheis here distinguished fromSechehythe.
[472]Mr. Day’s MS. volume, p. 59, &c.
[476]How happy it was for them to have betwixt them and God such a powerful mediator assaint Francis!
[477a]I.e. a halfpenny.
[477b]All this is very good.
[477c]The meaning of that word seems difficult to make out.
[479]This shows that themornspechsandgeneralswere different sorts of meetings; but it seems not very clear wherein they were so.—Quere, if the former were not the religious, and the latter the convivial meetings.
[480a]Ob. seems to be here a contraction ofobolus, and signifies ahalf-penny.
[480b]How very different from the present was that time whenthree fat sheepsold foreight shillings, andthree fatted calvesfor onlyeight shilling and ten pence! The difference in a great measure may consist in the comparative value of money, or of the precious metals. They were then, perhaps, above 20 times more valuable, and less plentiful, than now. We are told that the Jewish Solomon made silver to be in Jerusalem as stone, and that it was nothing accounted of in his days: our own Solomon seems to be in the way to bring things to the same pass. But this is no sure indication of national prosperity—Solomon’s subjects, for all the vast influx of wealth, were grievously oppressed and unhappy, of which his unwise successor felt the sad and fatal effects.—The dissolution of monasteries, expulsion of the monks, and introduction of protestantism were long bewailed by many of our country men, as very serious evils, and the causes of the dearness of provisions, &c. Their sentiments and feelings they would often express in verse as well as prose: whence one of our old popular songs had in it these remarkable expressions—
“I remember the time, before the monks went hence,That a bushel of wheat sold for fourteen pence,And forty eggs a penny—”
“I remember the time, before the monks went hence,That a bushel of wheat sold for fourteen pence,And forty eggs a penny—”
We are also told that about the time when those changes took place, beef sold at ahalf pennya pound, and mutton atthree farthings, and that butchers then soldpenny piecesof beef to the poor, which weighed 2lb.& half, and often 3lb.and moreover, that 14 such pieces were sold for shilling.—When the price advanced soon after, it is no wonder that many would impute it to the late religious changes, or previous ecclesiastical revolution.
[480c]Ob. seems to be here a contraction ofobolus, and signifies ahalf-penny.
[485]Our Gilds were somewhat like the navies of our good allies the Portuguese and Spaniards, where almost every ship bears the name of some saint or other: but it does not seem that they are at all the better for that.
[486]How manyGild Hallsthere were formerly at Lynn, besides those ofSt. Georgeand theTrinity, it is now impossible to say: but we may pretty safely presume that there were several; one of them was probably that place in Purfleet Street which was a dissenting meeting house 40 or 50 years ago, and is now occupied as a school room: but we pretend not to guess to what Gild it belonged.
[488]Beauties of England, vol. xi, 245.
[489a]See Parkin 126.
[489b]We cannot find what church this was.
[489c]Men were then in England conveyed with the land.
[490]Parkin as before.
[491a]Parkin, 129.
[491b]Eccl. History, 1. 447. Ed. 1774.
[495]“As the pontiff, (says Mosheim) allowed these four Mendicant orders the liberty of travelling wherever they thought proper, of conversing with persons of all ranks, of instructing the youth and the multitude wherever they went; and, as these monks exhibited, in their outward appearance and manner of life, more striking marks of gravity and holiness than were observable in the other monastic societies, they arose all at once to the very summit of fame, and were regarded with the utmost esteem and veneration throughout all the countries of Europe. The enthusiastic attachment to these sanctimonious beggars went so far, that, as we learn from the most authentic records, several cities were divided, or cantoned out, into four parts, with a view to these four orders; the first part was assigned to the Dominicans; the second to the Franciscans; the third to the Carmelites; and the fourth to the Augustinians. The people were unwilling to receive the sacraments from any other hands than those of the Mendicants, to whose churches they crowded to perform their devotion, while living, and were extremely desirous to deposite there also their remains after death; all which occasioned grievous complaints among the ordinary priests, to whom the care of souls was committed, and who considered themselves as the spiritual guides of the multitude.” [These Medicants were evidently the Methodists and Evangelical Clergy of those days, and might, for aught we know, merit the popularity which they had acquired as much to the full as their successors of the present day.] “Nor did the influence and credit of the Mendicants end here; for we find that they were employed, not only in spiritual matters, but also in temporal and political affairs of the greatest consequence, in composing the differences of princes, concluding treaties of peace, concerting alliances, presiding in cabinet councils, governing courts, levying taxes, and other occupations, not only remote from, but absolutely inconsistent with, the monastic character and profession.” Mosh. E. H. iii. 53.
[498]See Mosheim E. H. ii. 412, &c.—Let us not think of reproaching thepapistsfor the absurdities of their Carmelites:—Our ownprotestantorder offree-masonscan any day match them in the ridiculous extravagance of their pretensions to high antiquity, or empty and pompous boasts of a very remote and dignified origin. Nor were the Carmelites perhaps in any view less respectable than the said protestant order.
[499a]Beaut. of Engl. vol. xi.
[499b]Parkin 151.
[504]The very extraordinary zeal and enthusiasm exhibited by these missionary labourers, which amount to a proof of their sincerity, must have eminently fitted them for such hazardous services, and desperate undertakings as those above described. Between those adventures of theFranciscansand some that occur in the early history of that truly respectable protestant religious order, or party, commonly calledQuakers, there appears a very strong and striking resemblance.
[505]See Mosheim’s Eccl. Hist. iii. 56. Also Priestley’s ii. 233, &c. whence the above account is chiefly extracted.
[507]There were then probably several images of the virgin in this town, all much resorted to; but that in her chapel on the mount, and this, might be the chief of them.
[508]In France they were calledJacobins, from having obtained the house ofSt. James, at Paris, for their principal church, or convent; the identical place, it is supposed, which gave the very same name in our time to a certain order of politicians, who used to hold their meetings there, and who seem to have too much resembled their former and stinted namesakes in the violence and ferociousness of their tempers and proceedings.
[511]Dominic now proposed tounitethe two orders, but Francis thought it would be better to keep separate, but in perfect harmony; in which he was probably right, as they would so be likely to act with the greater energy.—For some ages these two orders are said to have governed, with an almost absolute and universal sway, both state and church, filled the most eminent posts ecclesiastical and civil, taught in the universities and churches with an authority, before which all opposition was silent, and maintained the pretended majesty and prerogatives of the Roman pontiffs against kings, princes, bishops, and heretics, with incredible ardor and equal success. In short, they were before the reformation what the Jesuits have been since, and what many, who wear the mask of religion, are at this very day, even in protestant states.—Much as Francis and Dominic might wish their two orders to harmonize and powerfully cooperate, it seems they did not always do so. There were occasionally some disagreements and disputes between them: one of which is said to have happened in 1243. The Dominicans insisted “that they wore a more decent dress:” to which the Franciscans replied, “We have for the love of God embraced a more austere and humble life, and are consequently more holy.” “Yes” (rejoined the others) “it is true that you go barefooted, ill dressed, and girded with a rope; but you are not forbidden, as we are, to eat flesh meat, even in public, and to make good cheer.”—It is to be feared that there have been before now, even between our own protestant sects, in this enlightened country, disputes about points no less unimportant and frivolous. Another point, of equal moment with the former, upon which these two rival orders disagreed, and which occasioned the most bitter contention between them, was what is calledthe immaculate conception of the blessed virgin, or whether shewas, or wasnotborn in original sin. The Dominicans took the affirmative, and the Franciscans the negative side in this curious controversy. It was carried on with the utmost rancour, for ages, and the most scandalous means were sometimes resorted to, by the respective combatants, in order to obtain an advantage over their opponents. The religious, or rather the papal world was long divided between those two silly opinions, and what is worse, it was kept in a state of continual animosity, each side looking upon the other with perfect hatred. So usefully and commendably did these holy friars employ their time and their talents, and such benefactors were they to mankind!
[512]It is even said that hedied with great marks of piety: if so, it is to be hoped that one of those marks was that of repentance, or deep contrition for his many unworthy deeds; for it is certain that he had been, in no small degree, a violent man, and a man of blood. He was the father even of the horrid inquisition, an exciter of murderous crusades against pretended heretics, and a prime abettor of the shocking barbarities exercised on the hapless Albigenses.—If he really repented of these execrable misdeeds, he must have made a more hopeful exit than the renowned reformer of Geneva, the premeditated murderer of Servetus appears to have done.
[513]There is still what may be called a convent in Clough Lane, and even a convent of preaching brethren, but of a very different sort from the former, and whose labours, it is hoped, have been of very material and extensive benefit to a large portion of the community.
[517]Mosheim as before, vol. 3.
[522]Priestley’s Gen. Hist. Christian Church, vol. iv.
[524]See Priestley as before.
[525a]Priestley, 2. and 4.
[525b]Beauties of England, vol. xi.
[526a]Parkin, 152.
[526b]Very few, perhaps, if any, could be named of our religious orders, or christian sects but what have done some good in the world, and as few, probably, that have not also done harm. In estimating the character of a religious order, sect, or party, we are apt, as it is very natural, to set the one against the other: in doing which it too often becomes a matter of doubt, which of the two, the good or the harm, preponderates, or exceeds in quantity. When that happens, which is much less seldom than one could wish, it is a sad painful case. In our own country, at this time, the diversity of religious sects and parties is very great. Some of them are vastly popular, and others otherwise. Much do we daily hear of the exemplary zeal, and the laudable, persevering, and successful exertions of those who assume the name oforthodoxandevangelical, both in the establishment and out of it. These reports seem generally well founded. Muchgood, no doubt, has been done: and we may venture to add, muchharmalso. The great error of these zealous religionists lies in their spirit, or rather in their not knowing what manner of spirit they are of, which is evidently not the spirit of Christ. All who cannot pronounce theirShibboleth, they teach their converts to view with an evil eye: and all who go about to do good in the name of Christ, they are sure to forbid or revile, and so render all their benevolent endeavours useless, as far as lies in them,if they follow them not, or are not of their party. They may perhaps pleadapostolical example, but it is not countenanced, but expressly condemned by Christ, who enjoins a very different sort of conduct. Until they therefore think proper to comply with that injunction of his, they will have no reason to boast of the excellence, orevangelicalness oftheir spirit. [see Mark 9.39. Luke 9. 50.] All religious sects and parties, would do well to consider, that the spirit they are of, is what always forms the most important and decisive part of their character.—More of this when we come to the present religious state of Lynn.
[531]See Mackerell, 194.—and Parkin, 146.
[532]Mr. King’s MS.—also Mackerell, 195.
[544]For the whole year—Mawdlyn,on the Cawsey between Lynn and Gaywood.
s.
d.
Imprimis, Of Mr. Thoresby, for Sayer’s Marsh
xx.
0.
Item, Of Nich. Newgate of Holkham, for 5 acres of meadow in the same town, for a year
ii.
6.
Item, Of Wm. Clarke of Wotten, for one acre of pasture nigh Holme’s dale in Gaywood: pay by the year
0.
i.
Item, Of Winter and Goodwin, of Rouncton, for 11 acres pasture in Sechie; who pay by the year
x.
0.
Item, Of Robt. Jerviss, for a ffish bale, lying in the north marsh; who payeth by the year
x.
0.
Item, Of Sir Nicholas L’estrange knt. for two sheep courses and other lands, lying in West Lexham, East Lexham, and Dunham; who payeth by the year
xxiii.
iiij.
Item, Of Thomas Brown of Lynn, for a meadow lying in Gaywood; who payeth every half year, xs.
xx.
0.
Item, Of Philip Bailie, for 4 acres of meadow, lying on the west side of Mawdlin, and pays by the half year, xxs.[qu. xiis.]
xxiiij.
0.
Item, Of Robt. Hobbs, now in the tenure of Mr. Graves, for a meadow lying in Gaywood, paying quarterly, vs.
xx.
0.
Item, Of Thomas Miller, of Lynn, for a meadow lying on the side of the high way, who payeth quarterly iis.vid.
x.
0.
Item, In the compass of Congham, 7 roods of Hebbe land, lying in Congham: pay by the year one bushel of malt.
mod. brasii.
Item, Of Mr. Fr Bastard, for a close lying without Gannock gate, payeth every half year xvis.viijd.
xxxiii.
iiij.
Item, Of Robt. Jarvis of Lynn, for a meadow next the Lord’s close in Gaywood, paying by the year
xii.
iiij.