[29] Tac. Or. 26.
[30] Fronto, Ep. ad Ant. p. 114.
[31] Cic. Brut. xxix.
[32] Hor. Od. i. 12.
[33] Nobilis ornatur lauro collega secunda.—Juv.x.
[34] See Brut. xxxv. 132,sq.
[35] See Dunlop, vol. ii. p. 274.
[36]I.e.the continuous edict, as being issued fresh with every fresh praetor.
[37] De repetundis, de peculatu, de ambitu, de maiestate, de nummis adulterinis, de falsis testamentis, de sicariis, de vi.
[38] Verr. i. 14.
[39] That against Caepio,De Or. ii. 48, 199.
[40]Eloquentium iurisperitissimus: Scaevola wasiurisperitorum eloquentissimus.—Brut. 145.
[41] De Or. iii. 1, 4.
[42] Brut. lv.
[43] Orator. lxiii. 213.
[44] Judiciorum rex. Divin. in Ae. Caecil. 7.
[45] Dict. Biog. s.v. Hortensius. Forsyth'sHortensius, and an article on him by M. Charpentier in his "Writers of the Empire," should be consulted.
[46] Div. in Q. Caecil.
[47] Brut. xcv.
[48] "Dellendus Cicero est, Latiaeque silentia linguae"—Sen Suas.
[1] Au vos consulere scitis, consulem facere nescitis? See Teuffel, R. L. § 130, 6.
[2] Lael. i. His character generally is given, Brut. xxvi. 102.
[3] Q. Mucius Scaevola, Pontifex, son of Publius, nephew of Q. Mucius Scaevola, Augur.
[4] Quoted by Teuffel, § 141, 2.
[5] Dict. Biog.
[6] See De Or. i. 53, 229.
[7] Ep. ii. 2, 89.
[8] ii. 4, 42.
[9] See Teuffel, Rom. Lit. 149, § 4.
[10] Compare Lucr. i. 633. Magis interinanesquamde gravis inter Graios qui vera requirunt.
[11] Brut. lvi. 207.
[12] De Or. ii. 37.
[13] "egertika noaeseos."—Plat. Rep. Bk. iv.
[14]apatheia, ataraxia.
[15]epistaemaeanddoxa, so often opposed in Plato and Aristotle.
[16] Sext. Emp. Pyrrh. Hyp. i. 234. (Arkesilaos)kata men to procheiron pyrroneios ephaineto einai kata de taen alaetheian dogmatikos aen. So Bacon: Academia nova Acatalepsiam dogmatizavit.
[17] That is, all practically consideredindifference or insensibilityto be the thing best worth striving after.
[18] Cic. Tusc. iv. 3.
[19] Contrast the indifference of the vulgar for the tougher parts of the system. Lucr. "Haec ratio Durior esse videtur … retroque volgus abhorret ab hac."
[20] See a fuller account of this system underLucretius.
[1] Caes. B. C. ii. 16-20. From i. 36, we learn that all further Spain had been intrusted to him. Varro was in truth no partisan; so long as he believed Pompey to represent the state, he was willing to act for him.
[2] Phil. ii. 40, 41.
[3] Cf. Hor. Ep. 2, 43, "Sabina qualis aut perusta solibus Pernicis uxor Appuli."
[4] Fr. of Catus. Cf. Juvenal. "Usque adeo nihil est quod nostra infantia caelum Hausit Aventinum, baca nutrita Sabina?"
[5] i. 4, 4.
[6] Ac. Post. i. 2. 8. He there speaks of them asvetera nostra.
[7] Given in Appendix, note i.
[8] Given in Aulus Gellius, xiii. xi. 1.
[9] v. i., et Romae quidem stat, sedet Athenis, nusquam autem cubat.
[10] We take occasion to observe the frequent insertion of Greek words, as in Lucilius and in Cicero's letters. These all recall the tone of high- bred conversation, in which Greek terms were continually employed.
[11] Mommsen, vol. iv. pt. 2, p. 594; Riese, Men. Satur. Reliquiae, Lips. 1865.
[12] See the interesting discussion in Cicero, Acad. Post. 1.
[13]Antiquitates rerum humanarum et divinarum.
[14] He also quotes the Aeneid as a source of religious ideas. Civ. D. v. 18, 19, et al.
[15] C. D. vi. 3, qui agant, ubi agant, quando agant, quid agant.
[16] Qui exhibeant (sacra), ubi exhibeant, quando exhibeant, quid exhibeant, quibus exhibeant.
[17] Plato says,Synoptikis a dialektikos; the true philosopher can embrace the whole of his subject; at the same time,temnei kai arthpa; he carves it according to the joints, not according to his notions where the joints should be (Phaedr.) But the Romans only understood Plato's popular side.
[18] See the end of the Res Rust. Bk. i.
[19] L. L. ix, 15; cf. vi. 82, x. 16, v. 88.
[20] R. R. iii. 5.
[21] Acad. Post. i. 3.
[22] Civ. Dei iv. 31.
[23] Cic. De Or. i. 39; N. D. ii. 24.
[24] Civ. Dei vi. 5.
[25] Seneca.
[26] Civ. Dei xviii. 9, 10, 17.
[27] Ad Att. xvi. 11. The Greek term simply means "a gallery of distinguished persons," analogously named after thePeplosof Athene, on which the exploits of great heroes were embroidered.
[28] That on Demetrius Poliorcetes is preserved: "Hic Demetrius aeneis tot aptust Quot luces habet annus exsolutus" (aeneis= bronze statues).
[29] Plin. xxxv. 2; benignissimum inventum.
[30] See Bekker's Gallus, p. 30, where the whole subject is discussed.
[31] Civ. Dei, vi. 2.
[32] Aul. Gell. iii. 10, quotes also from theHebdomadesin support of this.
[33] Müller notices with justice the mistake of Cicero in putting down Varro as a disciple of Antiochus, whereas the frequent philosophical remarks scattered throughout theDe Lingua Latinapoint to the conclusion that at this time, Varro had become attached to the doctrines of stoicism. It is evident that there was no real intimacy between him and Cicero. See ad Att. xiii. 12, 19; Fam. ix. 8.
[34] vi. 6, vii. 76.
[35] v. 92, vii. 32.
[36] v. 44, 178.
[37] v. 71, vii. 87.
[38] vi. 52, vii. 36.
[39] vii. 60; where, after a quotation from Plautus, we have—"hoc itidem in Corollaria Naevius: idem in Curculione ait,"—where the words fromhoctoNaeviusare an after addition. Cf. vii. 54.
[40]E.g.homo bulla—Di facientes adiuvant—Romani sedentes vincunt.
[41] Varro refuses to invoke the Greek gods, but turns to the old rusticdi Consentes, Jupiter, Tellus; Sol, Luna; Robigus, Flora; Minerva, Venus; Liber, Ceres; Lympha and Bonus Eventus. A motley catalogue!
[42] ii. 4.
[43] ii. 4.
[1] The biographical details are to a great extent drawn from Forsyth's Life of Cicero.
[2] Ordiosaemeia.
[3]Pro Quintio.
[4]Pro S. Roscio Amerino.
[5] SeeDe Off.ii. 14.
[6]Pro Roscio Comoedo.
[7]Pro M. Tullio.
[8]Divinatio in Caecilium.
[9] In Verrem. The titles of the separate speeches areDe Praetura Urbana,De Iurisdictione Siciliensi,De Frumento,De Signis,De Suppliciis.
[10]Pro Fonteio.
[11]Pro Caecina.
[12]Pro Matridio(lost).
[13]Pro Oppio(lost).
[14]Pro Fundanio(lost).
[15]Pro A. Cluentio Habito.
[16]Pro lege Manilia.
[17]Pro G. Cornelio.
[18]In toga candida.
[19]Pro. Q. Gellio(lost).
[20]De lege Agraria.
[21]Pro C. Rabirio.
[22]Pro Calpurnio Pisone(lost).
[23]In L. Catilinam.
[24]Pro Muraena.
[25]Pro Cornelio Sulla(lost).
[26]Pro Archia poeta.
[27]Pro Scip. Nasica.
[28]Orationes Consulares.
[29]Pro A. Themio(lost).
[30]Pro Flacco.
[31]Orationes post reditum. They aread Senatum, andad Populum.
[32]De domo sua.
[33]De haruspicum responsis.
[34]Pro L. Bestia.
[35]Pro Sextio.
[36]De Provinciis Consularibus.
[37]Pro Coelio.
[38] Pro Can. Gallo_ (lost).
[39]In Pisonen.
[40]Pro Plancio.
[41]Pro Scauro(lost).
[42] Pro G. Rabirio Postumo_ (lost).
[43]Pro T. Annia Milone.
[44]Pro Marcello.
[45]Pro Q. Ligario.
[46]Pro Rege Deiotaro.
[47]Orationes Philippicae in M. Antoniumxiv.
[48] Such are the speeches for the Manilian law, for Marcellus, Archias, and some of the later Philippics in praise of Octavius and Servius Sulpicius.
[49] It will be remembered that Milo and Clodius had encountered each other on the Appian Road, and in the scuffle that ensued, the latter had been killed. Cicero tries to prove that Milo was not the aggressor, but that, even if he had been, he would have been justified, since Clodius was a pernicious citizen dangerous to the state.
[50] Rosc. Com. 7.
[51] In Verr. ii. v. 11.
[52] In Vatin. 2.
[53] Pro Font. 11.
[54] Pro Rabir. Post. 13.
[55] Cat. iii. 3.
[56] Pro Coel. 3.
[57] Phil. ii. 41.
[58] In Verr. v. 65.
[59] Pro Coel. 6.
[60] Pro Cluent. pass.
[61] Forsyth; p. 544.
[62] He himself quotes with approval the sentiment of Lucilius:
nec doctissimis; Manium Persium haec legere nolo; Iunium Congum volo.
[63]De Republica,De LegibusandDe Officiis.
[64] N. D. ii. 1, fin.
[65] De Off. i. 43.
[66] See Acad. Post. ii. 41.
[67] De Off. i. 2.
[68] De Fin. ii. 12.
[69] De Fin. ii. 12.
[70]E.g.the sophisms of the Liar, the Sorites, and those on Motion.
[71] Ac. Post. 20.
[72] De Leg. i. 13 fin. Perturbatricem autem harum omnium rerum Academian hanc ab Arcesila et Carneado recentem exoremus ut sileat. Nam si invaserit in haec, quae satis scite nobis instructa et composita videntur, nimias edet ruinas. Quam quidem ego placare cupio, submovere non audeo.
[73] i. 28.
[74] Tusc, i. 12, a very celebrated and beautiful passage.
[75] The Paradoxes are—(1)oti monon to kalon agathon, (2)oti autarkaesaearetae pros eudaimonian, (3)oti isa ta amartaemata kai ta katorthomata, (4)oti pas aphron mainetai. We remember the treatment of this in Horace (S. ii. 3). (5)oti monos o sophos eleutheros kai pas athron doulos, (6)oti monos o sophos plousios.
[76] A well-known fragment of the sixth book, theSomnium Scipionis, is preserved in Macrobius.
[77]Latrant homines, non loquunturis his strong expression, and in another place he calls the modern speakersclamatores non oratores.
[78] Calamus.
[79] Atramentum.
[80] CalledLibrariiorA manu.
[81] Caesar generally used as his cipher the substitution of d for a, and so on throughout the alphabet. It seems strange that so extremely simple a device should have served his purpose.
[82] This is Servius's spelling. Others readTemelastis, orTalemgais, Orelli thinks perhaps the title may have beenta en elasei(Taenelasi, corrupted toTamelastis)i.e.de profectione sua, about which he tells us in the first Philippic.
[83] Brut. 75.
[84] Brut. 80.
[85] Sextilius Ena, a poet of Corduba. The story is told in Seneca, Suas. vi.
[1] Cicero went so far as to write some short commentarii on his consulship in Greek, and perhaps in Latin also; but they were not edited until after his death, and do not deserve the name of histories.
[2] Cf.ad. Fam.; v. 12, 1, and vi. 2, 3.
[3] X. i. 31. He calls itCarmen Solutum.
[4] SeeBell. Civ. i. 4, 6, 8, 30; iii. 1.
[5] "Clementia tua," was the way in which he caused himself to be addressed on occasions of ceremony.
[6] B. G. iv. 12.
[7] B. G. ii. 34. and iii. 16.
[8] Ib. see vii. 82.
[9] It was then that, as Suetonius tells us, Caesar declared that Pompey knew not how to use a victory.
[10] B. G. v. 36.
[11] Ib. iii. 25.
[12] Ib. i. 6, 7.
[13] Ib. iii. 59.
[14] B. G. iii. 7.
[15] Suetonius thus speaks (Vit. Caes.24) of his wanton aggression, "Nec deinde ulla belli occasione ne iniusti quidem ac periculosi abstinuit tam federatis tam infestis ac feris gentibus ultro lacessitis." An excellent comment on Roman lust of dominion.
[16] I am told by Professor Rolleston that Caesar is here mistaken. The pine, by which he presumably meant the Scotch fir, certainly existed in the first century B.C.; and as to the beech, Burnham beeches were then fine young trees. Doubtless changes have come over our vegetation. The linden or lime is a Roman importation, the small-leaved species alone being indigenous; so is the English elm, which has now developed specific differences, which have caused botanists to rank it apart. There is, perhaps, some uncertainty as to the exact import of the wordfagus.
[17] B. G. vi. 11,sqq.
[18] Phars. i. 445-457.
[19] B. G. vi. 19.
[20] Ib. iii. 20.
[21] Ib. iv. 5.
[22] Ib. see i. 30; ii. 30.
[23] Ib. ii. 17; v. 5. Ib. iii. 16, 49, and many other passages.
[24] B. G. ii. 16, 207.
[25] Brut. lxxv. 262.
[26] "Calamistris inurere," a metaphor from curling the hair with hot irons. The entire description is in the language of sculpture, by which Cicero implies that Caesar's style is statuesque.
[27] "Praerepta non praebita facultas."
[28] B. C. ii. 27, 28.
[29] Ib. i. 67.
[30] Ib. iii. 78. Compare also the brilliant description of the siege of Salonae iii. 7.
[31]Vell. Pat.ii. 73.
[32]De Or.iii. 12.
[33] SeeAul. Gell.i. 10.
[34] The wordambactus(=cliens); and the formsmalacia,detrimentosus,libertati(abl.),Senatu(dat.). But these last can be paralleled from Cicero.
[36] Id. 5.
[37] Id. 33.
[38] Id. 31.
[39] Id. 5.
[40] Id. 15.
[41] Id. 19.
[42]E.g.20.
[43] Ib.
[44] Tac. De Or. 21. "Non alius contra Ciceronem nominaretur." Quint. x. i. 114.
[45]Elegantia, Brut. 72, 252.
[46] The best will be found in Suet. Jul. Caes. vi. Aul. Gel. v. 13, xiii. 3. Val. Max. v. 3. Besides we can form some idea of them from the analysis of them in his own Commentaries.
[47]De Analogia, in two books, Suet. 56.
[48] Brut. lxxii.
[49] See the long quotation in Gall. xix. 8.
[50] Gell. ix. 14.
[51] Charis. i. 114.
[52] Ibid.
[53] Gell. vii. 9.
[54] Prisc. i. 545.
[55] Cassiod. ex Annaeo Cornuto.—De Orthog.col. 2228.
[56] Macrob. i. 16.
[57]E.g.Macrob. Sat. i. 16. Plin. xviii. 26.
[58] Sat. vi. 334.
[59] Cicero calls themVituperationes, ad Att. xii. 41.
[60] Suet. Caes. 77.
[61] Suet. 78.
[62] Ib. 75. Flor. iv. 11, 50.
[63] Ib. 74.
[64]Doctis Iupiter! et laboriosis, Cat. i. 7.
[65] More particularly the life of his friend Atticus, which breathes a really beautiful spirit, though it suppresses some traits in his character which a perfectly truthful account would not have suppressed.
[66] This is Nipperdey's arrangement.
[67] Hist. Rom. vol. viii.
[68] ii. 2.
[69] i. 2.
[70] They are fully expounded in the second volume of Roby's Latin Grammar.
[71] UnlessCotusbe thought a more accurate representative of the Greek.
[72] Nipperdey, xxxvi.-xxxviii. quoted by Teuffel.
[73] Dunlop, ii. p. 146.
[74] Suet. Caes. 45.
[75] Ib. 56.
[76]Victrix causa deis placuit, sed victa Catoni.—Phars. i. 128.
[77] Catil. 53.
[78]Cat.3. The chapter is very characteristic;Jug.3, scarcely less so.
[79] Suet. Gram. 15, tells us that a freedman of Pompey named Lenaeus vilified Sallust; he quotes one sentence:Nebulonem vita scriptisque monstrosum; praeterea priscorum Catonisque ineruditissimum furem. Cf. Pseudo-Cic. Decl. in Sall. 8; Dio. Hist. Rom. 43, 9.
[80]Res gestas carptim ut quaeque memoria digna videbantur, perscribere. Cat. 4.
[81] Anson, id. iv.ad Nepotemimplies that he began his history 90 B.C. Cf. Plutarch,Compar. of Sulla and Lysander. And see on this controversy Dict. Biog. s. v.Sallust.
[82] Jug. 95.
[83] Suet. J. C. 3.
[84]A spe, metu, partibus, liber.—Cat. 4; cf. Tac. Hist. i. 1. So in the Annals,sine ira et studio.
[85] This is not certain, but the consensus of scholars is in favour of it.
[86] Cat. 31, Cicero's speech is calledluculenta atque utilis Reipublicae, cf. ch. 48.
[87] Ib. 8, 41, compared with Caes. B. C. ii. 8; iii. 58, 60.
[88] Ib. 1, compared with 52 (Caesar's speech).
[89] See esp. Cat. 54.
[90] Jug. 15.
[91] Ib. 67.
[92] Jug. 31.
[93] Cat. 35, 43; cf. also ch. 49.
[94] Jug. 95.
[95] Cat. 5.
[96] Jug. 6,sqq.
[97] Cat. 15, and very similarly Jug. 72.
[98] Quint. x. 1.Nec opponere Thucydidi Sallustium verear. The most obvious imitations are, Cat. 12, 13, where the general decline of virtue seems based on Thuc. iii. 82, 83; and the speeches which obviously take his for a model.
[99] As instances we give—multo maxime miserabile(Cat. 36),incultus, ûs(54),neglegisset(Jug. 40),discordiscus(66), &c. Poetical constructions are—Inf. forgerund, often;pleraque nobilitasformaxima pars nobilium(Cat. 17). Forasyndetoncf. Cat. 5,et saepiss.
[100] Cat. 10. The well-known lineos ch' eteron men kenthoi eni phresin, allo os bazoi, is the original.
[101] Ib. i. 1,virtus clara aeternaque habetur; obedientia finxit.
[102] It should perhaps be noticed that many MSS. spell the name Salustius.
[1] The actors in theAtellanaenot only wore masks but had the privilege of refusing to take them off if they acted badly, which was the penalty exacted from those actors in the legitimate drama who failed to satisfy their audience. Masks do not appear to have been used even in the drama until about 100 B.C.
[2] Second Philippic.
[3]Planipedes audit Fabios. Juv. viii. 190.
[4] "Or Jonson's learned sock be on." Milton here adopts the Latin synonym for comedy.
[5] ThePallium. This, of course, was not always worn.
[6] Ovid's account of theMimusis drawn to the life, and is instructive as showing the moral food provided for the people under the paternal government of the emperors (Tr. ii. 497). As an excuse for his own free language he says,Quid si scripsissim Mimos obscaena iocantes Qui semper vetiti crimen amoris habent; In quibus assidue cultus procedit adulter, Verbaque dat stulto callida nupta viro? Nubilis haec virgo, matronaque, virque, puerque Spectat, et ex magna parte Senatus adest. Nec satis incestis temerari vocibus aures; Assuescunt oculi multa pudenda pati … Quo mimis prodest, scaena est lucrosa poetae, &c. The laxity of the modern ballet is a faint shadow of the indecency of the Mime.
[7] The passage is as follows (Ep. ii. 1, 185):Media inter carmina poscunt Aut ursum aut pugiles: his nam plebecula plaudit. Verum equitis quoque iam miravit ab aure voluptas Omnis ad incertos oculos … Captivum portator ebur, captiva Corinthus: Esseda festinant, pilenta, petorrita, naves … Rideret Democritus, et … spectaret populum ludis attentius ipsis Ut sibi pradientem mimo spectacula plura, etc. From certain remarks in Cicero we gather that things were not much better even in his day.
[8] This is what Gellius (xvii. 14,2) says.
[9] The whole is preserved, Macrob. S. ii. 7, and is well worth reading.
[10] Cic. ad Att. xii. 18.
[11] See App. note 2, for more about Syrus.
[12] Hor. Sat. i. x. 6, where he compares him to Lucilius.
[13] Examples quoted by Gellius, x. 24; xv. 25.
[14] vi. 21.
[15] We should infer this also from allusions to Pythagorean tenets, and other philosophical questions, which occur in the extant fragments of Mimes.
[16] Tr. ii. 503, 4.
[17] S. 1-3, et al.
[18] Vell. Pat. ii. 83, where Plancus dancing the character of Glaucus is described, cf. Juv. vi. 63.
[19]Quae gravis Aesopus, quae doctus Roscius egit(Ep. ii. 1, 82). Quintilian (Inst. Or. xi. 3) says,Roscius citatior, Aesopus gravior fuit, quod ille comoedias, hic tragoedias egit.
[20]Cic. de Or.i. 28, 130. As Cicero in his oration for Sextius mentions the expression of Aesopus's eyes and face while acting, it is supposed that he did not always wear a mask.
[21] Ep. ii. 1, 173.
[22] xiv. 15. Others again think the name expresses one of the standing characters of theAtellanae, like theMaccus, etc.
[23] Pro Sext. 58.
[24] See Book i. chapter viii.
[25] These were doubtless much the worst of his poetical effusions. It was in them that the much-abused linesO fortunam natam me Consule Romam, andCedant arma togae, concedat laurea laudi, occurred. See Forsyth, Vit. Cic. p. 10, 11. Hisgesta Mariiwas the tribute of an admiring fellow-townsman.
[26] In the preface to hisLucretius.
[27]E.g. Inferior paulo est Aries et flumen ad Austri Inclinatior. Atque etiam, etc. v. 77; and he gives countless examples of that break after the fourth foot which Lucretius also affects,e.g. Arcturus nomine claro.Two or three lines are imitated by Virgil,e.g.v. 1,ab Jove Musarum primordia; so v. 21,obstipum caput et tereti cervice reflexum. The rhythm of v. 3,cum caeloque simul noctesque diesque feruntur, suggests a well-known line in the eighth Aeneid,olli remigio noctemque diemque fatigant.
[28] Suet. J. C. 56.
[29] N. H. xix. 7.
[30] Suet. vit. Ter. see page 51.
[31] See Bernhardy Grundr. der R. L. Anm, 200, also Caes. Op. ed. S. Clarke, 1778.
[32] De Bell. Alex. 4.
[33] Whenever a ship touched at Alexandria, Euergetes sent for any MSS. the captain might have on board. These were detained in the museum and labelledto ek ton ploion.
[34] The museum was situated in the quarter of the city calledBrucheium(Spartian. in Hadr. 20). See Don. and Müller, Hist. Gk. Lit. vol. ii. chap. 45.
[35] The school of Alexandria did not become a religious centre until a later date. The priestly functions of the librarians are historically unimportant.
[36] It is true Theocritus stayed long in Alexandria. But his inspiration is altogether Sicilian, and as such was hailed by delight by the Alexandrines, who were tired of pedantry and compliment, and longed for naturalness though in a rustic garb.
[37] This is the true ground of Aristophanes' rooted antipathy to Euripides. The two minds were of an incompatible order, Aristophanes represents Athens; Euripides the human spirit.
[38] He must have had some real beauties, else Theocritus (vii. 40) would hardly praise him so highly: "ou gar po kat' emdn noon oude ton eslon Sikelidan nikemi ton ek Samo oude Philetan Aeidon, batrachos de pot akridat hos tis erisdo."
[39] Even an epic poem was, if it extended to any length, now considered tedious;Epyllia, or miniature epics, in one, two, or three books, became the fashion.
[40] Others assign the poem which has come down to us to Germanicus the father of Caligula, perhaps with better reason.
[41] Cic. De Or. xvi. 69.
[42] Ovid (Amor. i, 15, 16) expresses the high estimate of Aratus common in his day:Nulla Sophocleo veniet iactura cothurno. Cum sole et luna semper Aratus erit. He was not, strictly speaking, an Alexandrine, as he lived at the court of Antigonus in Macedonia; but he represents the same school of thought.
[43] They are generally mentioned together. Prop IV. i. 1, &c.
[44] Nothing can show this more strikingly than the fact that the Puritan Milton introduces the loves of Adam and Eve in the central part of his poem.
[45] TheCantores Euphorionisand despisers of Ennius, with whom Cicero was greatly wroth. Alluding to them he says:—Ita belle nobis"Flavit ab Epiro lenissimus Onchesmites."Hunc spondeiazonta si cui vis to neoteron pro tuo vendita. Ad. Att. vii, 2, 1.
[46] The reader is referred to the introductory chapter of Sellar'sRoman poets of the Republic, where this passage is quoted.
[47] The reader is again referred to the preface to Munro'sLucretius.
[48]Quem tu, dea, tempore in omni Omnibus ornatum voluisti excellere rebus.
[49] i, 41.
[50] Ep. ad Q. Fr. ii. 11. It seems best to readmultis ingenii luminibus non multae tamen artisthan to put thenonbeforemultis. The original text has nonon; if we keep to that,tamenwill meanand even.
[51] Lucr. had a great veneration for his genius, see ii. 723:Quae(Sicilia)nil hoc habuisse viro praeclarius in se Nec sanctum magis et mirum carumque videtur. Carmina quinctiam divini pectoris eius Vociferantur, et exponunt praeclara reperta, Ut vix humana videatur stirpe creatus.
[52] In his treatisede Poeticahe calls himphysiologon mallon i poiaeten.
[53] A French writer justly says "L'utilité c'est le principe créateur de la littérature romaine."
[54] Some one has observed that the martial imagery of Lucretius is taken from the old warfare of the Punic wars, not from that of his own time. He speaks of elephants, of Scipio and Hannibal, as if they were the heroes most present to his mind.
[55] Theeros philosuphus, so beautifully described by Plato in theSymposium.
[56] A Scotch acquaintance of the writer's when asked to define a certain type of theology, replied, "An interminable argument."
[57] Philetas wore himself to a shadow by striving to solve the sophistic riddle of the "Liar." His epitaph alludes to this:Xeine, Philaetas eimi, logon d' o pseudomenos me olese kai nukton phrontides esperioi.
[58] iii. 3. "Te sequor, o Graiae gentis decus!"
[59] v. 8, where, though the words are general, the reference is to Epicurus.
[60] By Sulla, 84 B.C.
[61] He defined it as aleia kinaesis, or smooth gentle motion of the atoms which compose the soul.
[62] The doctrine of inherited aptitudes is a great advance on the ancient statement of this theory, inasmuch as it partly gets rid of the inconsistency of regarding the senses as the fountains of knowledge while admitting the inconceivability of their cognising the ultimate constituents of matter.
[63] Prof. Maudesley's books are a good example.
[64]Dux vitae, dia voluptas(ii. 171). So the invocation to Venus with which the poem opens.
[65] As where he invokes Venus, describes the mother of the gods, or deifies the founder of true wisdom.
[66]Nec sum animi dubius Graiorum obscura reperta Difficile inlustrare Latinis versibus esse; Multa novis verbis praesertim cum sit agendum Propter egestatem linguae et rerum novitatem(i. 130).
[67] i. 75.
[68] Lu. i. 56-95.
[69] Ib. i. 710-735; iii. 1-30.
[70] Ib. i. 912-941.
[71] Ib. ii. 1-60.
[72] Ib. ii. 354-366.
[73] Ib. iii. 1036sqq.
[74] Ib. i. 32-40.
[75] Contrast him with Manilius, or with Ovid in the last book of theMetamorphoses, or with the author ofEtna. The difference is immense.
[76] Lu. ii. 371.
[77] Ib. v. 18.
[78] Ib. Ib. v. 3.
[79] Ib.apatheia.
[80] Ib. v. 1201,sqq.
[81] The passage in which they are described is perhaps the most beautiful in Latin poetry, iii. 18,sqq.Cf. ii. 644.
[82]E.g. omoiomepeia, and various terms of endearment, iv. 1154-63.
[83] S. i. 10.
[84]E.g.frequently in Juvenal.
[85]E.g. terrai frugiferai: lumina sis oculis: indugredi, volta, vacefit, facie areon the analogy of Ennius'scere comminuit brum, salsae lacrimae, &c.
[86] See Appendix.
[87] Besides the passages quoted or referred to, the following throw light upon his opinions or genius. The introduction (i. 1-55), the attack on mythology (ii, 161-181, 591-650); that on the fear of death (iii. 943- 983), the account of the progress of the arts (v. 1358-1408), and the recommendation of a calm mind (v. 56-77).
[88]E.g. quocirca, quandoquidem, id ita esse, quod superest, Huc accedit ut, &c.
[89] Lu. i. 914.
[90] Qu. x. 1, 87.
[91] Ov. Am. i. 15, 23; Stat. Silv. ii. 7, 76.
[92] Hor.Deos didici securum agere aerom, S. i. v. 101.
[93] Georg. ii. 490. Connington in his edition of Virgil, points out hundreds of imitations of his diction.
[94] Tac. Ann. lv. 34.
[95] We cannot certainly gather that Furius was alive when Horace wrote Sat. ii. 5, 40,
"Furius hibernas cana nive conspuit Alpes."
[96] S. i. x. 36.
[97] See Virg. Aen. iv. 585; xii. 228; xi. 73l.
[98] Hor. S. i. x. 46,experto frustra Varrone Atacino.
[99] Ov. Am. i. xv. 21; Ep. ex. Pont. iv. xvi. 21.
[100] Qu. x. 1, 87.
[101] Trist. ii. 439. For some specimens of his manner see App. to chap. i. note 3.
[102] Ecl. ix. 35.
[103] Told by Ovid (Metam.bk. x.).
[104] Cat. xc. 1.
[105] Cic. (Brut.) lxxxii. 283.
[106]Romae vivimus; illa domus, lxviii. 34.
[107] See. C. xxxi.
[108] C. xxv.
[109] C. i.
[110] C. xlix.
[111] C. xciii. lvii. xxix.
[112] What a different character does this reveal from that of the Augustan poets! Compare the sentiment in C. xcii.:
"Nil nimium studeo Caesar tibi velle placereNec scire utrum sis albus an ater homo."
[113] For the character of Clodia, see Cic. pro Cael.passim; and for her criminal passion for her brother, compare Cat. lxxix., which is only intelligible if so understood. Cf. also lviii. xci. lxxvi.
[114] The beautiful and pathetic poem (C. lxxvi.) in which he expresses his longing for peace of mind suggests this remark.
[115] C. lxv. and lxviii.
[116] C. xxxi.
[117] Compare, however, Lucr. iii. 606-8.
[118] C. vi. 15,quicquid habes boni malique Die nobis.
[119] See xix. 5-9, and lxxvi.
[120] Especially in the Attis.
[121] Ov. Amor. iii. 9, 62,docte Catulle. So Mart. viii. 73, 8. Perhaps satirically alluded to by Horace,simius iste Nil praeter Calvum etdoctuscantare Catullum. S. I. x.
[122] The first foot may be a spondee, a trochee, or an iambus. The licence is regarded asduriusculumby Pliny the Elder. But in this case freedom suited the Roman treatment of the metre better than strictness.
[123] A trimeter iambic line with a spondee in the last place, which must always be preceded by an iambus,e.g. Miser Catulle desinas ineptire.
[124]E.g.in C. lxxxiv. (12 lines) there is not a single dissyllabic ending. In one place we havedictaque factaque sunt. I think Martial also hashoc scio, non amo te. The best instance of continuous narration in this metre is lxvi. 105-30,Quo tibi tum—conciliata viro, a very sonorous passage.
[125]E.g. Perfecta exigitur | una amicitia(see Ellis. Catull. Prolog.), andIupiter ut Chalybum | omne genus percut, which is in accord with old Roman usage, and is modelled on Callimachus'sZeu kater, os chalybon pan apoloito genos.
[126] This has been alluded to under Aratus. As a specimen of Catullus's style of translation, we append two lines,Hae me Konon eblepsen en aeri ton Berenikaes bostruchon on keinae pasin ethaeke theoisof translation, we append two lines, which are thus rendered,Idem me ille Cononcaelesti munerevidit E Bereniceo vertice caesariemFulgenlem clare,quam multis illa deorumLevia protendens brachiapollicitaest. The additions are characteristic.
[127] clxviii.
[128] Ca. clxi: lxii.
[129] The conceit in v. 63, 64, must surely be Greek.
[130]Epullion.
[132] See Ellis,Cat. Prolegomena.
[1] Tibullus was, however, a Roman knight.
[2] O. ii. 7, 10.Tecum Philippos et celerem fugam Sensi relicta non bene parmula.
[3] G. ii. 486.Flumina amem silvasque inglorius.
[4] i. 57.Non ego laudari curo mea Delia: tecum Dummodo sim, quaeso, segnis inersque vocer.
[5] Pr. i. 6,29.Non ego sum laudi, non natus idoneus armis.
[6] The lack of patrons becomes a standing apology in later times for the poverty of literary production.
[7] Pollio, however, stands on a somewhat different footing. In his cultivation of rhetoric he must be classed with the imperial writers.
[8] Dis te minorem quod geris imperas, 0. iii. 6, 5.
[9] Cicero was Augur. Admission to this office was one of the great objects of his ambition.
[10] Od. iii. 24, 33.
[11] C. S. 57; O. iv. 5, 21.
[12] Ecl. i. 7.
[13] Ep. ii. 1, 16.
[14] Prop. iii. 4, 1; Ovid Tr. iii. 1, 78.
[15] This subject is discussed in an essay by Gaston Boissier in the first volume ofLa Religion romaine d'Auguste aux Antonins.
[16]Tac. Ann. i. 2, Ubi militem donis, populum annona, cunctos dulcedine otii pellexit, insurgere paulatim, munia senatus magistratuum legum in se trahere, nullo adversante, cum ferocissimi per acies aut proscriptione cecidissent, ceteri nobilium, quanto quis servitio promptior, opibus et honoribus extollerentur, ac novis ex rebus aucti tuta et praesentia quam vetera et periculosa mallent.
[17] Cum divus Augustus sicut caetera eloquentiam pacaverat.—De Causs. Corr. Eloq.
[18] Pompon Dig. I. 2. 2.47 (quoted by Teuffel). Primus Divus Augustus,ut maior iuris auctoritas haberetur, constituit ut ex auctoritate eius responderent.
[19]Odi profanum vulgus et arceo(Hor. Od. iii. 1, 1),Parca dedit malignum spernere vulgus(id. ii. 16, 39),satis est equitem mihi plaudere(Sat. I. x. 77), and often. So Ovid, Fast. I.exordium.
[20] See the pleasing description in the ninth Satire of Horace's first book.
[21] Suet. Aug. 84. Tac. An. xiii. 3.
[22]Tuque pedestribus Dices historiis praelia Caesaris Maecenas melius ductaque per vias Regum colla minacium(Od. ii. 12, 9).
[23] Ep. 101, 11. I quote it to show what his sentiments were on a point that touched a Roman nearly, the fear of death:Debilem facito manu debilem pede coxa: Tuber astrue gibberum, lubricos quate dentes: Vita dum superest, bene est: hanc mihi vel acuta Si sedeam cruce sustine.
[24] He was so when Horace wrote his first book of Satires (x. 51).Forte epos acer lit nemo Varius ducit.
[25] Often quoted as the poemde Morte.
[26] Sat. vi. 2.
[27] Ecl. viii. 5, 88,procumbit in ulva Perdita, nec serae, &c. Observe how Virgil improves while he borrows.
[28] Aen. vi. 621, 2.
[29] Od. i. 61.
[30] So says the Schol. on Hor. Ep. I. xvi. 25.
[31] X. i. 98
[33] Ec. ix. 35.
[34] Virg. Ec. iii. 90; Hor. Epod. x.
[35] "Cinna procacior," Ov. Trist. ii. 435.
[36]Saepe suas volucres legit mihi grandior aevo, Quaeque necet serpens, quae iuvet herba Macer.Trist. iv. 10, 43. Quint. (x. 1, 87) calls himhumilis.
[1] See Sellar'sVirgil, p. 107.
[2]Pagusdoes not mean merely the village, but rather the village with its surroundings as defined by the government survey, something like our parish.
[3]Mantua vae miseras nimium vicina Cremonae, Ecl. 9. 27.
[4] In the celebrated passageFelix qui potuit, &c.
[5] Horace certainly did, and that in a more thorough manner than Virgil. See his remark at the end of theIter ad Brundisium, and other well- known passages.
[6] Contrast the way in which he speaks of poetical studies, G. iv. 564,me dulcis alebat Parthenope studiis florentem ignobilis oti, with the language of his letter to Augustus (Macrob. i. 24, 11),cum alia quoque studia ad id opus multoque potiora(i.e.philosophy)impertiar.
[7] This is alluded to in a little poem (Catal. 10): "Villula quae Sironis eras et peuper agelle, Verum illi domino tu quoque divitiae: Me tibi, et hos una mecum et quos semper amavi…. Commendo, in primisque patrem; tu nunc eris illi Mantua quod fuerat, quodque Cremona prius." We observe the growing peculiarities of Virgil's style.
[8] See Hor. S. i. 5 and 10.
[9] Macrob. i. 24. See note, p. 5.
[10] As Horace. Od. I. iii. 4: "Animae dimidium meae." Cf. S. i. 5, 40.
[11] "Namque pila lippis inimicum et ludere crudis." Hor. S. i. v. 49.
[12] "A penitissima Graecorum doctrina." Macr. v. 22, 15.
[13] "Gallo cuius amor tantum mihi crescit in horasQuantum vere novo viridis se subiicit alnus."—Ecl. x. 73.
[14] TheCirisandAetnaformerly attributed to him are obviously spurious.
[15] vi. and x.
[16] iii. iv.
[17] viii. ix.
[18] v. vii.
[19] Macrob. Sat. iii. 98, 19, calls Sueviusvir doctissimus.
[20] "The original motive of the poem can only have been the idea that the gnat could not rest in Hades, and therefore asked the shepherd whose life it had saved, for a decent burial. But this very motive, without which the whole poem loses its consistency, is wanting in the extantCulex."—Teuffel, R. L.§ 225, 1, 4.
[21] Its being edited separately from Virgil's works is thought by Teuffel to indicate spuriousness. But there is good evidence for believing that the poem accepted as Virgil's by Statius and Martial was our presentCulex. Teuffel thinkstheywere mistaken, but that is a bold conjecture.
[22] The missing the gist of the story, of which Teuffel complains, does not seem to us worse than the glaring inconsistency at the end of the sixth book of the Aeneid, where Aeneas is dismissed by the gate of the false visions. That incident, whether ironical or not, is unquestionably an artistic blunder, since it destroys the impression of truth on which the justification of the book depends.
[23] For instance, v. 291,Sed tu crudelis, crudelis tu magis Orpheulooks more like an imperfect anticipation than an imitation ofImprobus ille puer crudelis tu quoque mater. Again, v. 293,parvum si Tartara possent peccatum ignovisse, is surely a feeble effort to sayscirent si ignoscere Manes, not a reproduction of it; v. 201,Erebo cit equos Noxcould hardly have been written afterruit Oceano nox. From an examination of the similarities of diction, I should incline to regard them as in nearly every case admitting naturally of this explanation. The portraits of Tisiphone, the Heliades, Orpheus, and the tedious list of heroes, Greek, Trojan, and Roman, who dwell in the shades, are difficult to pronounce upon. They might be extremely bad copies, but it is simpler to regard them as crude studies, unless indeed we suppose the versifier to have introduced them with the express design of making theCulexa good imitation of a juvenile poem. Minute points which make for an early date aremeritus(v. 209), cf.fultus hyacintho(Ecl. 6); the rhythmscognitus utilitate manet(v. 65),implacabilis ira nimis, (v. 237); the formvidereque(v. 304); the use of the pass. part. with acc. (v. ii. 175); of alliteration (v. 122, 188); asyndeton (v. 178, 190); juxtapositions likerevolubile volvens(v. 168); compounds likeinevectus(v. 100, 340); all which are paralleled in Lucr. and Virg. but hardly known in later poets. The chief feature which makes the other way is the extreme rarity of elisions, which, as a rule, are frequent in Virg. Here we have as many as twenty-two lines without elision. But we know that Virgil became more archaic in his style as he grew older.
[24]Molle atque facetum Virgilio annuerunt guadentes rure camenae.— Sat. i. x. 40.
[25]E.g. tutthon d' osson apothenbecomesprocul tantum;panta d' enalla genoitobecomesomnia vel medium fiant mare, &c.
[26] Virgil as yet claims but a moderate degree of inspiration.Me quoque dicunt Vatem pastores: sed non ego credulus illis. Nam neque adhuc Vario videor nec dicere Cinna Digna, sed argutos inter strepere anser olores. Ec. ix. 33.
[27] Ec. v. 45.
[28] In his preface to the Eclogues.
[29] Page 248. Cf. alsotua Maecenas haud mollia iussa, G. iii. 41.
[30]Ascraeumque cano Romana per oppida carmen, G. ii. 176.
[31] The wordsIlleluderequae vellum calamo permisit agresti(Ecl. i. 10), might seem to contradict this, but the Eclogues were of a lighter cast. He never speaks of the Georg. or Aen. aslusus. So Hor. (Ep. i. 1, 10),versus et cetera ludicra pono; referring to his odes.
[32] Hor. A. P. 218.
[33] See G. i. 500,sqq.where Augustus is regarded as the saviour of the age.
[34] We have observed that except Lucretius all the great poets were from the municipia or provinces.
[35] The tenth; imitated in Milton'sLycidas.
[36] In its form it reminds us of thoseEpylliawhich were such favourite subjects with Callimachus, of which thePeleus and Thetisis a specimen.
[37] Said to have been uttered by Cicero on hearing the Eclogues read; therima spes Romaebeing of course the orator himself. But the story, however pretty, cannot be true, as Cicero died before the Eclogues were composed.
[38] Hist. Lat. Lit. vol. iii.
[39] The most powerful are perhaps the description of a storm (G. i. 316,sqq.). of the cold winter of Scythia (G. iii. 339,sqq.), and in a slightly different way, of the old man of Cerycia (G. iv. 125,sqq.).
[40] Thelatis otia fundisso much coveted by Romans. These remarks are scarcely true of Horace.
[41] Naples, Baiae, Pozzuoli, Pompeii, were the Brightons and Scarboroughs of Rome. Luxurious ease was attainable there, but the country was only given in a very artificial setting. It was almost like an artist painting landscapes in his studio.
[42] G. ii. 486. The literary reminiscences with which Virgil associated the most common realities have often been noted. Cranes are for himStrymonianbecause Homer so describes them. Dogs areAmyclean, because theLacowas a breed celebrated in Greek poetry. Italian warriors bendCretanbows, &c.
[43]Cum canerem reges et praelia Cynthius aurem Vellit, et admomuit Pastorem Tityre, pingues Pascere oportet oves, deductum dicere carmen.(E. vi. 3).
[44]En erit unquam Ille dies tua cum liceat mihi dicere facta.(E. viii. 7).
[45]Mox tamen ardentes accingar dicere pugnas Caesaris, &c. (G. iii. 46). The Caesar is of course Augustus.
[46] This eagerness to have their exploits celebrated, though common to all men, is, in its extreme development, peculiarly Roman. Witness the importunity of Cicero to his friends, his epic on himself; and the ill- concealed vanity of Augustus. We know not to how many poets he applied to undertake a task which, after all, was never performed (except partially by Varius).
[47] Except perhaps by Plato, who, with Sophocles, is the Greek writer that most resembles Virgil.
[48] Virgil, like Milton, possesses the power of calling out beautiful associations from proper names. The lists of sounding names in the seventh and tenth Aeneids are striking instances of this faculty.
[49] It is true this law is represented as divine, not human; but the principle is the same.
[50] Niebuhr, Lecture, 106.
[51] For example, Sallust at the commencement of hisCatilineregards it as authoritative.
[52] Cf. Geor. ii. 140-176. Aen. i. 283-5; vi. 847-853; also ii. 291, 2; 432-4; vi. 837; xi. 281-292.
[53]Loc. cit.
[54] Observe the care with which he has recorded the history and origin of the Greek colonies in Italy. He seems to claim a right in them.
[55] This word, as Mr. Nettleship has shown in his Introduction to the Study of Virgil, is used only of Turnus.
[56] xi. 336,sqq. But the character bears no resemblance to Cicero's.
[57] There are no doubt constantrapportsbetween Augustus and Aeneas, between the unwillingness of Turnus to give up Lavinia, and that of Antony to give up Cleopatra, &c. But it is a childish criticism which founds a theory upon these.
[58]ton katholon estin, Arist. De Poet.
[59] "Urbis orbis."
[60]Suggestions Introductory to the Study of the Aeneid.
[61] The Greek heroic epithetsdios, kalos, agathos, &c. primarily significant of personal beauty, were transferred to the moral sphere. The epithetpiusis altogether moral and religious, and has no physical basis.
[62]Pater ipse colendi; haud facilem esse viam voluit, and often. The name of Jupiter is in that poem reserved for the physical manifestations of the great Power.
[63] The questions suggested by Venus's speech to Jupiter (Aen. 1, 229,sqq.) as compared with that of Jupiter himself (Aen. x. 104), are too large to be discussed here. But the student is recommended to study them carefully.
[64] Like Dante, he was held to beTheologus nullius dogmatis expers. See Boissier,Religion des Romains, vol. i ch. iii. p. 260.
[65] Aen. xii. 882.
[66] Ib. xii. 192.
[67] See Macr. Sat. i. 24, 11.
[68] Boissier, from whom this is taken, adduces other instances. I quote an interesting note of his (Rel. Rom. p. 261): "Cependant, quelques difficiles trouvaient que Virgile s'était quelquefois trompé. On lui reprochait d'avoir fait immoler par Enée un taureau à Jupiter quand il s'arrête dans la Thrace et y fonde une ville, et selon Ateius Capito et Labéon, les lumières du droit pontifical, c'était presqu'un sacrilège. Voilà donc, dit-on, votre pontife qui ignore ce que savent même les sacristains! Mais on peut répondre que précisément le sacrifice en question n'est pas acceptable des dieux, et qu'ils forcent bientôt Énée par de présages redoutables, à s'éloigner de ce pays. Ainsi en supposant que la science pontificale d'Enée soit en défaut, la réputation de Virgile reste sans tache."
[69] Aen. x. 288.
[70] "Fièrement dessiné." The expression is Chateaubriand's.
[71] xii. 468.
[72] The reader is referred to a book by M. de Bury, "Les femmes du temps d'Auguste," where there are vivid sketches of Cleopatra, Livia, and Julia.
[73] Aen. i. 402; ii. 589.
[74] A list of passages imitated from Latin poets is given in Macrob. Sat. vi., which should be read.
[75] Such asLatiumfromlatere, (Aen. viii. 322), and others, some of which may be from Varro or other philologians.
[76] A few instances are, the origin ofAra Maxima(viii. 270), the custom of veiled sacrifices (iii. 405), theTroia sacra(v. 600), &c.
[77] The pledging of Aeneas by Dido (i. 729), the god Fortunus (v. 241).
[78]E.g.the allusion to the legendary origin of his narrative by the prefaceDicitur, fertur(iv. 205; ix. 600).
[79]E.g. olli, limus, porgite, pictai, &c.:mentem aminumque, teque … tuo cum flumine sancto;again,calido sanguine, geminas acies, and a thousand others. His alliteration and assonance have been noticed in a former appendix.
[1] In the consulship of L. Aurelius Cotta and L. Manlius Torquatus. "O nate mecum consule Manlio," Od. III. xxi. 1; Epod xiii. 6.
[2]Libertino patre natum, Sat. I. vi. 46.
[3]Natus dum ingenuus, ib.v. 8.
[4] Sat. I. vi. 86.
[5]Me fabulosae Vulture in Apulo, &c.; Od. iii. 4, 9.
[6] Ep. II. i. 71.
[7] S. I. vi. 8.
[8] Juv. vii. 218.
[9] Sat. I. iv. 113.
[10] Ep. II. ii. 43.
[11]Quae mihi pareret legio Romana tribuno, Sat. I. vi, 48.
[12]O saepe mecum tempus in ultimum deducte, Od. II. vii. 1.
[13] Ib. 5.
[14] Ep. II. ii. 51.
[15] Sueton. Vit. Hor.; cf. Sat. II. vi. 37,De re communi scribae te orabant …reverti.
[16] Ep. ii. 2, 51.
[17] S. I. vi. 55.
[18]Iubesque esse in amicorum numero.—Ib. This expression is important, since many scholars have found a difficulty in Horace's accompanying Maecenas so soon after his accession to his circle, and have supposed that Sat. I. v. refers to another expedition to Brundisium, undertaken two years later. This is precluded, however, by the mention of Cocceius Nerva.
[19] S. ii. 3. 11.
[20] Ep. I. vi. 16.
[21]Nullius addictus iurare in verba magistri, Ep. I. i. 14.
[22] S. I. ii. 25.
[23] Suet. Vit. Hor. Fragments of four letters are preserved. One to Maecenas, "Ante ipse sufficiebam scribendis epistolis amicorum; nunc occupatissimus et infirmus, Horatium nostrum te cupio adducere. Veniet igiur ab ista parasitica mensa ad hanc regiam, et nos in epistolis scribendis adiuvabit." Observe the future tense, the confidence that his wish will not be disputed. He received to his surprise the poet's refusal, but to his credit did not take it amiss. He wrote to him, "Sume tibi aliquid iuris apud me, tanquam si convictor mihi fueris; quoniam id usus mihi tecum esse volui, si per valetudinem tuam fieri potuisset." And somewhat later, "Tui qualem habeam memoriam poteris ex Septimio quoque nostro audire; nam incidit, ut illo coram fieret a me tui mentio. Neque enim, si tu superbus amicitiam nostram sprevisti, ideo nos quoque anthuperphronoumen." The fourth fragment is the one translated in the text.
[24]Quem rodunt omnes … quia sum tibi, Maecenas, convictor, S. I. vi. 46. Contrast his tone, Ep. I. xix. 19, 20; Od. iv. 3.
[25] Sat. I. ix.
[26] Sat. II. vi. 30,sqq.
[27] S. II. vi. 1.
[28] O. II. xviii. 14; III. xvi. 28,sqq.
[29] The year in which he received the Sabine farm is disputed. Some (e.g.Grotefend) date it as far back as 33 B.C.; others, with more probability, about 31 B.C.
[30] They were probably published simultaneously in 23 B.C. If we take the earlier date for his possession of the Sabine farm, he will have been nearly ten years preparing them.
[31] Ep. I. ix.
[32] Ep. I. xvii. and xviii.
[33] Ep. I. xiv.
[34] The first seven stanzas of IV. 6, with the prelude (III. i. 1-4), are supposed to have been sung on the first day; I. 21 on the second; and on the third the C. S. followed by IV. vi. 28-44.