FOOTNOTES:

Article II, Section 32 of the Tennessee constitution reads: "No convention or General Assembly of this State shall act upon any amendment of the Constitution of the United States proposed by Congress to the several States unless such convention or General Assembly shall have been elected after such amendment is submitted." The presumption was naturally that this clause was nullified by the U. S. Supreme Court's decision. On June 10, Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, president of the National American Suffrage Association, telegraphed Governor Albert H. Roberts, urging him to call an extra session. He, thereupon, sought the opinion of Attorney General Frank M. Thompson as to the power of the present Legislature to ratify, who answered that it would have the power. He said that he had submitted the question to the U. S. Department of Justice through Solicitor General John L. Frierson, to whom President Wilson had also appealed, whose answer in brief was as follows: "The ruling of the Supreme Court in the Ohio case and the consideration which I gave to this question in preparing those cases for hearing leave no doubt in my mind that the power to ratify an amendment to the FederalConstitution is derived solely from the people of the United States through this constitution and not from the people or the constitution of the State. The provision of the Tennessee constitution that no Legislature shall act on an amendment to the Federal Constitution unless elected after the proposal of the amendment, if valid, would undoubtedly be a restriction upon that power.... If the Legislature is called in extra session it will have the clear right to ratify."

A request was made to President Wilson for assistance, and on June 24 he sent the following telegram to Governor Roberts: "It would be a real service to the party and to the nation if it is possible for you under the peculiar provisions of your State constitution, having in mind the recent decision of the Supreme Court in the Ohio case, to call a special session of the Legislature to consider the Federal Suffrage Amendment. Allow me to urge this very earnestly." At the same time the Governor received a telegram signed by practically every member of the Tennessee delegation at the National Democratic convention meeting in San Francisco, impressing on him the advantage to the party of his calling the extra session. In addition U. S. Senator Kenneth McKellar, a member of the platform committee of that convention, secured a plank in the platform, endorsing the amendment and urging the Democratic Governors and legislators of Tennessee and other States to unite in an effort to complete the ratification. On June 26 Homer S. Cummings, chairman of the Democratic National Committee, informed the Governor that the committee that day by unanimous vote had directed him to send the following message: "We most earnestly emphasize the extreme importance and urgency of an immediate meeting of your Legislature for the purpose of ratifying the proposed 19th Amendment to the Federal Constitution." On June 8 the Tennessee Democratic convention had passed the following resolution: "We heartily favor the ratification of the 19th Amendment to the Constitution of the United States ... and we demand that the Governor call an extra session."

Governor Roberts answered President Wilson: "I will call the extra session in ample time for the women to vote in the1920 elections." This he did on August 7, calling the Legislature to convene on the 9th.[173]

The first of July Governor Roberts appointed Mrs. Leslie Warner State chairman to organize for ratification. She selected a committee of one hundred, some from each county, recommended by the legislators, and opened headquarters at the Hotel Hermitage in Nashville and Mrs. James B. Ezzell was elected vice-chairman, Mrs. Margaret Ervin Ford, secretary of the committee, which became known as the Democratic Ratification Committee. On the advisory board were: Miss Charl Williams, vice-chairman of the National Democratic Committee; Miss Della Dortch, regional chairman of the National League of Women Voters; Mesdames A. H. Roberts, wife of the Governor; Guilford Dudley, third vice-president of the National Suffrage Association; John B. Gilmore, James S. Fraser and Miss Lutie Jones. Mrs. George Fort Milton, chairman of the League of Women Voters, appointed Mrs. John M. Kenny State chairman for ratification with Mesdames John R. Aust and Claude B. Sullivan chairmen of committees. They opened headquarters at the Maxwell House. Mrs. James Beasley became chairman of the Republican committee and ex-Governor Rye of the Men's Committee, assisted by ex-Governors Albert A. Taylor and Ben W. Hooper and Mr. Hal H. Clements.

Early in July Miss Marjorie Shuler, chairman of publicity of the National Suffrage Association, was sent by it to assist. She expressed gratification at what had been accomplished, saying: "The Tennessee women have done wonders; they are now well organized and things look promising for ratification." She joined with the committees in urging Mrs. Catt to come and direct the work and she came soon after the middle of July and remained six weeks.[174]Her first move was to start a series of letters through the League of Women Voters to local groups urging meetings,deputations to legislators and the return to headquarters of their signed pledges to vote for ratification, which later were very useful. With Mrs. Milton and with Miss Shuler in charge of publicity, a speaking tour began at Memphis and ended in eastern Tennessee, including all the large cities and creating much favorable sentiment. During this trip Mrs. Catt did not hesitate to call attention to the sinister forces which it was discovered were working against ratification and she sent a message to Senator Harding and Governor Cox, the presidential candidates, describing them. On July 24 Miss Esther Ogden, a director of the National Association, with a deputation of women, appeared before the National Democratic Committee in session at Columbus, O., presenting a memorial from that association, signed by Mrs. Catt, urging the committee to assume the responsibility of achieving the ratification and she brought their favorable answer to Nashville. The last week in July Mrs. Catt received the following from Senator Harding: "I am exceedingly glad to learn that you are in Tennessee seeking to consummate the ratification of the suffrage amendment. If any of the Republican members should ask my opinion as to their course I would cordially recommend immediate favorable action." He sent a similar message to Senator John C. Houk, State chairman, but later when the Harding-Coolidge League of the District of Columbia urged him to appeal further for ratification he answered: "You can understand why I cannot consistently urge Tennessee legislators to vote for ratification without knowing their reasons for such commitment as they have made. The situation is being reported to national headquarters, where it will be given attention at once."

A letter from Governor Cox to Mrs. Catt said: "I am very much gratified at the news that you are to remain in Tennessee for the ratification campaign. It gives me added reason for expressing confidence that the Legislature will act favorably, which will greatly please the national Democratic party." In addition he sent Miss Charl Williams, a member of the Democratic National Committee, to Nashville with the message that if necessary he would himself come and fight for it. On August 7 at the request of Will H. Hays, chairman of theRepublican National Committee, Mrs. Harriet Taylor Upton, vice-chairman of its executive committee, came to assist.

Urged by President Wilson, Governor Cox, George White, chairman of the National Democratic Committee, and Senator Pat Harrison, its chairman of publicity and speakers, U. S. Senator McKellar came with his valuable help. Miss Edna A. Beveridge of Maryland and Mrs. Lydia Holmes, president of the Louisiana Suffrage Association, came to assist Mrs. Catt. Miss Sue White, Tennessee chairman of the National Woman's Party, assisted by Mesdames L. Crozier French, Walter Jackson, Frank Phillips, Miss Anita Pollitzer, Miss Betty Grim, Parley P. Christensen and others, also opened headquarters and worked for ratification. Since there were so many committees at work it was decided to appoint a general chairman and Miss Charl Williams was the wise choice.

From the time the special session was called anti-suffragists gathered in Nashville from Maine to the Gulf of Mexico, many of them paid workers. Everett P. Wheeler, a New York lawyer, president of a so-called American Constitutional League, formerly the Men's Anti-Suffrage Association, came and formed a branch composed of men prominent politically, who used every means known to influence legislation; sent speakers into the districts of friendly legislators, promised rewards, used threats, and charges of bribery were so insistent that Judge D. B. DeBow ordered a grand jury investigation. There was no depth to which some of the men trying to defeat woman suffrage did not descend.[175]

Mrs. James S. Pinckard of Alabama, president of the Southern Women's Rejection League; Miss Josephine Pearson, its Tennessee president; Miss Mary G. Kilbreth, president of theNational Anti-Woman Suffrage Association, with many of their followers were at work with the legislators. They were industriously assisted by Mrs. Ruffin G. Pleasant, wife of the ex-Governor of Louisiana, and by Miss Kate M. Gordon of that State and Miss Laura Clay of Kentucky, ardent suffragists but opposed to the Federal Amendment. The presidents or other officers of anti-suffrage associations in Ohio, Maryland, Delaware, Massachusetts, Maine and other States joined with the forces above.

The Legislature convened in extraordinary session Aug. 9, 1920, and heard the Governor's message, which said in part: "The Legislatures of thirty-five States have ratified the amendment, only one more being required to make it effective as a part of the Constitution of the United States. Its prompt ratification is urgently recommended. Tennessee occupies a pivotal position and the eyes of all America are upon us. Millions of women are looking to this Legislature to give them a voice and share in shaping the destiny of the Republic." He then quoted the platform declarations of both State and National Democratic and Republican parties urging ratification. The next day the Senate was called to order by President Andrew L. Todd, who introduced the ratification resolution. It was introduced in the House by the Shelby county delegation, all for it. Both were referred to the Committee on Constitutional Amendments.

On the night of August 12 a joint hearing was held and able speeches were made by Senator McKellar, Generals James A. Fowler and Charles A. Cates, Jr., and Attorney Ed T. Seay. Anti speakers were: Congressman Finis J. Garrett, Major E. B. Stahlman, Judges S. F. Wilson and G. N. Tillman. Miss Charlotte Rowe, of Yonkers, N. Y., represented the National Anti-Suffrage Association. The next day a memorial from Maryland "antis" urging rejection was read in the Senate. Senator L. E. Gwin presented the committee report recommending ratification, signed by himself and Senators M. H. Copenhaver, John C. Houk, C. C. Collins, J. W. Murray, T. L. Coleman, Douglas Wikle and E. N. Haston. Senators W. M. Cameron and J. W. Rice presented the minority report. After many eloquentspeeches in favor and two in opposition the Senate vote was ayes 25, noes 4, two not voting, and a motion to reconsider was tabled.

On August 17 the House Committee reported in favor of ratification, saying: "This is the performance of solemn platform promises and we take great pride in the fact that to Tennessee has been accorded the signal distinction of passing a resolution which will secure the final adoption of the 19th Amendment." Speaker Seth M. Walker then moved to adjourn to gain time, which was carried by 52 ayes, 44 noes. He had given the suffragists his word that he would not only vote for ratification but would lead the fight for it in the House. On the contrary he suddenly underwent a radical change and fought it bitterly through the entire session.

On August 18 occurred the most exciting and dramatic session ever held in the House. Speaker Walker moved to table the resolution in an effort to kill it. R. L. Dowlen, who had undergone a serious operation, was brought from his bed to the Capitol to vote for it. T. A. Dodson received a message that his baby was dying and after he had taken the train it was found that his vote would be needed to carry it. A member reached the train as it was pulling out, found him and they leaped off. He cast his vote for the resolution and a man who was able to do so sent him home on a special train. The Speaker lobbied openly after clearing the House of suffrage lobbyists. Sitting with his arm around the shoulder of Banks S. Turner he stopped his voting when his name was called, but Turner won the honor of all present when, at the end of the roll call, he threw off Speaker Walker's arm, stood up and cast his vote for ratification. Harry T. Burn, aged 24, had been voting with the opposition but had given the suffragists his word that, as he had voted for the Presidential suffrage bill in 1919 and as his mother wanted him to vote for ratification, he would do so if his vote should be needed but otherwise he would vote against it, as his constituency was opposed. When the vote was a tie—48 to 48—he instantly realized that the resolution would be lost unless he should vote for it. This he did and the vote stood 49 ayes, 47 noes. Speaker Walker then changed hisvote from no to aye, making the vote 50 ayes, 46 noes, and moved to reconsider.[176]

By the rules of the House Speaker Walker had for three days the exclusive right in which to call up the motion to reconsider, after which others could do so. During this time the opponents worked madly to get one of the loyal 49 to change his vote without avail. They attempted every unscrupulous scheme known to control legislation. All failing, as a last desperate move, 36 in the early morning hours made a hegira to Decatur, Ala., where they remained for about ten days.

On August 23 the seats of the "antis" were conspicuously vacant. As the Speaker had not asked for a reconsideration, Mr. Riddick moved to call from the Journal the motion to reconsider. Speaker Walker ruled this out of order, giving among other reasons that Judge E. F. Langford of the Chancery Court had granted a temporary injunction restraining the Governor, Secretary of State and Speakers from certifying to Secretary of State Colby that the Legislature had ratified. Mr. Riddick appealed from the decision of the chair and it was not sustained. He then moved that the House reconsider its action in concurring in the Senate ratification, which was defeated by 49 noes, 9 present and not voting. He next moved that the Clerk of the House be instructed to transmit to the Senate the ratification resolution, which was carried by a viva voce vote. Governor Roberts, himself formerly a Judge, could not be checked by the devices of the opposition but asked Attorney General Thompson to place the matter before Chief Justice D. L. Lansden of the State Supreme Court. He issued a writ of supersedeas and certiorari, which, taking the matter out of the jurisdiction of the Chancery Court,amounted to a dissolving of the injunction. The Governor then mailed the certificate of ratification to Secretary Colby at noon, August 24, which he received on the morning of August 26. This completed the necessary thirty-six ratifications and Secretary Colby immediately proclaimed the Federal Suffrage Amendment a part of the Constitution of the United States.

During the weeks of machinations by the opposition, Governor Roberts, State Superintendent of Education Albert H. Williams, the other officers of the administration and the efficient Steering Committee, made up of members of the Legislature, headed by President Todd and Chief Clerk W. M. Carter of the Senate, were on complete guard night and day.

After the American Constitutional League had failed in the courts of Tennessee they planned to secure injunctions against election officials to prevent women from voting and carried their fight to the courts of the District of Columbia, losing in every one. They finally reached the Supreme Court of the United States, which eventually decided that the 19th Amendment was legally and constitutionally ratified. [This matter is referred to inChapter XX of Volume V.] Meanwhile on September 20 Speaker Walker and other opponents went to Washington and requested Secretary Colby to withdraw and rescind the ratification proclamation. Failing in this effort they went on to Connecticut to prevent ratification by the special session there, which had at last been called, and this mission also was a failure.

To Tennessee will forever belong the glory of placing the last seal on the Federal Amendment by which the women of the United States were enfranchised.

MAP I. The Suffrage Map from 1869 to 1893. Wyoming as a Territory in 1869 and as a State in 1890 gave equal suffrage to women.MAP I.The Suffrage Map from 1869 to 1893. Wyoming as a Territory in 1869 and as a State in 1890 gave equal suffrage to women.

MAP I.

The Suffrage Map from 1869 to 1893. Wyoming as a Territory in 1869 and as a State in 1890 gave equal suffrage to women.

MAP II. The Suffrage Map from 1893 to 1910. Colorado gave equal suffrage to women in 1893 Utah in 1895, Idaho in 1896.MAP II.The Suffrage Map from 1893 to 1910. Colorado gave equal suffrage to women in 1893 Utah in 1895, Idaho in 1896.

MAP II.

The Suffrage Map from 1893 to 1910. Colorado gave equal suffrage to women in 1893 Utah in 1895, Idaho in 1896.

MAP III. The Suffrage Map when Congress submitted the Federal Amendment June 4, 1919. In the white States women had full suffrage; in the dotted States Presidential; in Illinois, Nebraska, North Dakota, Tennessee and Vermont Municipal also; in the first three County besides.MAP III.The Suffrage Map when Congress submitted the Federal Amendment June 4, 1919. In the white States women had full suffrage; in the dotted States Presidential; in Illinois, Nebraska, North Dakota, Tennessee and Vermont Municipal also; in the first three County besides.

MAP III.

The Suffrage Map when Congress submitted the Federal Amendment June 4, 1919. In the white States women had full suffrage; in the dotted States Presidential; in Illinois, Nebraska, North Dakota, Tennessee and Vermont Municipal also; in the first three County besides.

MAP IV. The Legislatures of all the white States ratified the Federal Woman Suffrage Amendment; those of the black States rejected it except that of Florida, whose Governor said it would do so if he called a special session.MAP IV.The Legislatures of all the white States ratified the Federal Woman Suffrage Amendment; those of the black States rejected it except that of Florida, whose Governor said it would do so if he called a special session.

MAP IV.

The Legislatures of all the white States ratified the Federal Woman Suffrage Amendment; those of the black States rejected it except that of Florida, whose Governor said it would do so if he called a special session.

MAP V. The Suffrage Map after the Ratification of the Federal Amendment—universal, complete woman suffrage in every State.MAP V.The Suffrage Map after the Ratification of the Federal Amendment—universal, complete woman suffrage in every State.

MAP V.

The Suffrage Map after the Ratification of the Federal Amendment—universal, complete woman suffrage in every State.

FOOTNOTES:[164]The History is indebted for this chapter to Mrs. John M. Kenny, an officer of the State Equal Suffrage Association from 1914 until the ratification of the Federal Suffrage Amendment in 1920.[165]Through the combined efforts of the joint chairmen of the campaign Committee, Mrs. Kenny and Mrs. Milton, and the association of which Mrs. Dudley was President, a conference was called to formulate a plan of amalgamation of the two State associations. This was finally accomplished in March, 1918, when Mrs. Leslie Warner of Nashville was unanimously chosen as the amalgamation president.[166]The other congressional district chairmen were Mrs. Ferd. E. Powell, Johnson City; Miss Sara Ruth Fraser, Chattanooga; Mrs. Sam Young, Dixon Springs; Mrs. Walter Jackson, Murfreesboro; Mrs. Kimbrough, Nashville; Mrs. Ben Childers, Pulaski; Miss Sue S. White, Mrs. Jas. B. Ezzell, Newsom Station; Mrs. M. M. Betts, Memphis.[167]"W. R. Crabtree, President of the Senate: May I not express my earnest hope that the Senate of Tennessee will reconsider the vote by which it rejected the legislation extending the suffrage to women? Our party is so distinctly pledged to its passage that it seems to me the moral obligation is complete.—Woodrow Wilson."[168]Mrs. Frances Fort Brown of Nashville left a bequest of $3,000 to the National American Woman Suffrage Association and its board of officers appropriated enough of it to pay the expenses of this suit.[169]The History is indebted for this chapter to Mrs. Margaret Ervin Ford, president of the State Equal Suffrage Association.[170]Mrs. C. B. Allen organized the Memphis Woman's Party within the State Association and became its president and Mrs. Ford organized it in Chattanooga with over 400 members, was elected president and ward organization started there. Nashville had the first through ward organization, due to Miss Matilda Porter.[171]The lists of the many officers of the association during the years are unavoidably too imperfect to be used without doing injustice to those omitted. In Mrs. Ford's strong desire to give full credit to all the men and women who were actively connected with the work for woman suffrage in Tennessee she sent lists so long that the lack of space made it absolutely necessary to omit them.—Ed.[172]The gold pen used by Governor Roberts in signing the bill was one used by Dr. John W. Wester when drafting the first anti-liquor bill ever introduced in the Tennessee Legislature, in December, 1841. With it also Governor Rye signed the Lookout Mountain Suffrage Bill. It belongs to Mrs. Ford, grand-daughter of Dr. Wester.[173]Anti-suffragists from all over the State bombarded Governor Roberts with threats of defeat for reelection should he persist in pushing ratification, many of whom were his strongest friends and supporters. At the special elections during the summer held to fill vacancies in the Legislature several suffragists were elected, among them M. H. Copenhaver, who took the seat of Senator J. Parks Worley, arch enemy of suffrage. T. K. Riddick, a prominent lawyer, made the race in order to lead the fight for ratification in the House. Representative J. Frank Griffin made a flying trip from San Francisco to cast his vote for it.[174]Mrs. Catt, Mrs. Upton and Miss Shuler did no lobbying in the State House.[175]After Mrs. Catt returned to New York she said: "Never in the history of politics has there been such a nefarious lobby as labored to block the ratification in Nashville. In the short time that I spent in the capital I was more maligned, more lied about, than in the thirty previous years I worked for suffrage. I was flooded with anonymous letters, vulgar, ignorant, insane. Strange men and groups of men sprang up, men we had never met before in the battle. Who were they? We were told, this is the railroad lobby, this is the steel lobby, these are the manufacturers' lobbyists, this is the remnant of the old whiskey ring. Even tricksters from the U. S. Revenue Service were there operating against us, until the President of the United States called them off.... They appropriated our telegrams, tapped our telephones, listened outside our windows and transoms. They attacked our private and public lives. I had heard of the 'invisible government.' Well, I have seen it work and I have seen it sent into oblivion."[176]Burn's vote so angered the opposition that they attempted to fasten a charge of bribery on him. On a point of personal privilege he made a statement to the House which was spread upon the Journal. After indignantly denying the charge he said: "I changed my vote in favor of ratification because I believe in full suffrage as a right; I believe we had a moral and legal right to ratify; I know that a mother's advice is always safest for her boy to follow and my mother wanted me to vote for ratification. I appreciated the fact that an opportunity such as seldom comes to mortal man—to free 17,000,000 women from political slavery—was mine. I desired that my party in both State and Nation might say it was a Republican from the mountains of East Tennessee, purest Anglo-Saxon section in the world, who made woman suffrage possible, not for any personal glory but for the glory of his party."[Lack of space prevents giving the names of the immortal 49, which were sent with the chapter.]

[164]The History is indebted for this chapter to Mrs. John M. Kenny, an officer of the State Equal Suffrage Association from 1914 until the ratification of the Federal Suffrage Amendment in 1920.

[165]Through the combined efforts of the joint chairmen of the campaign Committee, Mrs. Kenny and Mrs. Milton, and the association of which Mrs. Dudley was President, a conference was called to formulate a plan of amalgamation of the two State associations. This was finally accomplished in March, 1918, when Mrs. Leslie Warner of Nashville was unanimously chosen as the amalgamation president.

[166]The other congressional district chairmen were Mrs. Ferd. E. Powell, Johnson City; Miss Sara Ruth Fraser, Chattanooga; Mrs. Sam Young, Dixon Springs; Mrs. Walter Jackson, Murfreesboro; Mrs. Kimbrough, Nashville; Mrs. Ben Childers, Pulaski; Miss Sue S. White, Mrs. Jas. B. Ezzell, Newsom Station; Mrs. M. M. Betts, Memphis.

[167]"W. R. Crabtree, President of the Senate: May I not express my earnest hope that the Senate of Tennessee will reconsider the vote by which it rejected the legislation extending the suffrage to women? Our party is so distinctly pledged to its passage that it seems to me the moral obligation is complete.—Woodrow Wilson."

[168]Mrs. Frances Fort Brown of Nashville left a bequest of $3,000 to the National American Woman Suffrage Association and its board of officers appropriated enough of it to pay the expenses of this suit.

[169]The History is indebted for this chapter to Mrs. Margaret Ervin Ford, president of the State Equal Suffrage Association.

[170]Mrs. C. B. Allen organized the Memphis Woman's Party within the State Association and became its president and Mrs. Ford organized it in Chattanooga with over 400 members, was elected president and ward organization started there. Nashville had the first through ward organization, due to Miss Matilda Porter.

[171]The lists of the many officers of the association during the years are unavoidably too imperfect to be used without doing injustice to those omitted. In Mrs. Ford's strong desire to give full credit to all the men and women who were actively connected with the work for woman suffrage in Tennessee she sent lists so long that the lack of space made it absolutely necessary to omit them.—Ed.

[172]The gold pen used by Governor Roberts in signing the bill was one used by Dr. John W. Wester when drafting the first anti-liquor bill ever introduced in the Tennessee Legislature, in December, 1841. With it also Governor Rye signed the Lookout Mountain Suffrage Bill. It belongs to Mrs. Ford, grand-daughter of Dr. Wester.

[173]Anti-suffragists from all over the State bombarded Governor Roberts with threats of defeat for reelection should he persist in pushing ratification, many of whom were his strongest friends and supporters. At the special elections during the summer held to fill vacancies in the Legislature several suffragists were elected, among them M. H. Copenhaver, who took the seat of Senator J. Parks Worley, arch enemy of suffrage. T. K. Riddick, a prominent lawyer, made the race in order to lead the fight for ratification in the House. Representative J. Frank Griffin made a flying trip from San Francisco to cast his vote for it.

[174]Mrs. Catt, Mrs. Upton and Miss Shuler did no lobbying in the State House.

[175]After Mrs. Catt returned to New York she said: "Never in the history of politics has there been such a nefarious lobby as labored to block the ratification in Nashville. In the short time that I spent in the capital I was more maligned, more lied about, than in the thirty previous years I worked for suffrage. I was flooded with anonymous letters, vulgar, ignorant, insane. Strange men and groups of men sprang up, men we had never met before in the battle. Who were they? We were told, this is the railroad lobby, this is the steel lobby, these are the manufacturers' lobbyists, this is the remnant of the old whiskey ring. Even tricksters from the U. S. Revenue Service were there operating against us, until the President of the United States called them off.... They appropriated our telegrams, tapped our telephones, listened outside our windows and transoms. They attacked our private and public lives. I had heard of the 'invisible government.' Well, I have seen it work and I have seen it sent into oblivion."

[176]Burn's vote so angered the opposition that they attempted to fasten a charge of bribery on him. On a point of personal privilege he made a statement to the House which was spread upon the Journal. After indignantly denying the charge he said: "I changed my vote in favor of ratification because I believe in full suffrage as a right; I believe we had a moral and legal right to ratify; I know that a mother's advice is always safest for her boy to follow and my mother wanted me to vote for ratification. I appreciated the fact that an opportunity such as seldom comes to mortal man—to free 17,000,000 women from political slavery—was mine. I desired that my party in both State and Nation might say it was a Republican from the mountains of East Tennessee, purest Anglo-Saxon section in the world, who made woman suffrage possible, not for any personal glory but for the glory of his party."[Lack of space prevents giving the names of the immortal 49, which were sent with the chapter.]

[Lack of space prevents giving the names of the immortal 49, which were sent with the chapter.]

For many reasons Texas was slow in entering the movement for woman suffrage. There was some agitation of the subject from about 1885 and some organization in 1893-6 but the work done was chiefly through the Woman's Christian Temperance Union. In February, 1903, a meeting was called at Houston by Miss Annette Finnigan, a Texas girl and a graduate of Wellesley College. Here, with the help of her sisters, Elizabeth and Katharine Finnigan Anderson, an Equal Suffrage League was formed with Annette as president. The following month Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, president of the National American Woman Suffrage Association, lectured in Houston under its auspices. During the summer Annette and Elizabeth Finnigan spoke several times in Galveston and secured a suffrage committee of twenty-five there. With this nucleus a State Woman Suffrage Association was organized at a convention held in Houston, in December, which lasted two days and was well attended. Dr. Anna Howard Shaw, vice-president of the National Association, was present at all the sessions, spoke at both evening meetings and took a deep interest in the new organization. Annette Finnigan was elected State president and during the following year made an effort to organize in Beaumont, San Antonio and Austin but the women, although interested, were too timid to organize for suffrage. Mrs. Charlotte Perkins Gilman spoke under the auspices of the league.

The second State convention or conference was held in Houston in December, 1904, Galveston and La Porte being represented. Reports were given and officers elected, Annette Finnigan remaining president. The Houston league had a paid up membershipof one hundred, regular meetings were held and the subject of woman suffrage was kept constantly before the public. An effort was made to get a woman on the school board but the Mayor refused to appoint one. Among those active in the work were Althea Jones, Miss Mary W. Roper, Mrs. E. F. and Miss Ruby McGowen of Houston; Mrs. A. Adella Penfield of La Porte, Mrs. C. H. Moore and Miss Julia Runge of Galveston. The Finnigan sisters were the leaders and the league prospered for several years until they left the State. The movement became inactive and the society formed in Austin in 1908 with twenty-five members was the only one that continued.

In 1912 through the efforts of Miss M. Eleanor Brackenridge of San Antonio and Miss Anna Maxwell Jones, a Texas woman residing in New York, suffrage clubs were organized in San Antonio, Galveston, Dallas, Waco, Tyler and San Marcos. Miss Finnigan returned to Texas and the Houston league was revived. The third State convention was held in San Antonio in March, 1913. Miss Brackenridge was elected president, Miss Finnigan honorary president. The convention was spirited and showed that the suffrage movement was well launched. This was just ten years after the first club was started. Miss Brackenridge possessed large means and a wide acquaintance and gave much prestige to the association. A number of notable speakers were brought to the State and the subject was introduced in women's organizations. This year through the San Antonio league a bill was introduced in the Legislature but never came to a vote.

In April, 1914, the State convention was held in Dallas and Miss Brackenridge was made honorary president and Miss Finnigan again elected president. During the year State headquarters were opened in Houston and the clubs were increased from eight to twenty-one. Miss Pearl Penfield, as headquarters and field secretary, organized the State work. The president sent letters to all the legislators asking them to pledge themselves to vote for a woman suffrage amendment to the State constitution. None of them had an idea that any of the others would agree to support it and a considerable number in a desire to "please the ladies" wrote charming letters of acquiescence. When in January, 1915, they confronted a large group of women lobbyists, experiences werehurriedly compared and consternation reigned among them. "Uncle" Jesse Baker of Granbury, of honored memory, introduced the resolution to submit an amendment to the electors. The Legislative Committee were inexperienced but they worked with such zeal that it received a vote in the House of 90 to 32. It was not considered by the Senate.

Among those who worked with Miss Finnigan during the three months in Austin were Mrs. Minnie Fisher Cunningham, president of the Galveston Equal Suffrage Association; Mrs. Tex Armstrong of the Dallas association; Mrs. J. O. Creighton of the Austin association; Mrs. Ed. F. Harris and Mrs. J. H. W. Steele of Galveston; Mrs. David Doom, Mrs. Robert Connerly, Mrs. L. E. Walker, Mrs. A. B. Wolfe and Mrs. R. H. Griffith, all of Austin; Mrs William H. Dunne of San Antonio; Mrs. Elizabeth Herndon Potter of Tyler; Mrs. W. E. Spell of Waco.

On Sunday afternoon, March 28, Dr. Shaw, the guest of Miss Brackenridge, delivered a great speech in Beethoven Hall under the auspices of the San Antonio Equal Franchise Society, accompanied on the stage by its president, Mrs. Dan Leary; J. H. Kirkpatrick, president of the Men's Suffrage League, the Rev. George H. Badger and Miss Marie B. Fenwick, a veteran suffragist. Many converts were made. In April the State convention met in Galveston and reports showed twenty-one auxiliaries. Mrs. Cunningham was elected president, alert, enthusiastic and bringing to the cause the valuable experience of work in it for the past two years. The president and new board prosecuted the work so vigorously that during the year there was a 400 per cent. increase in organizations. Miss Kate Hunter, president of the Palestine league, gave her entire summer vacation to field work.

In May, 1916, the State convention met in Dallas, re-elected Mrs. Cunningham to the presidency and instructed the executive committee to ask for suffrage planks in State and National Democratic platforms. The name was changed from Woman Suffrage to Equal Suffrage Association and the Senatorial district plan of organization was adopted, following the lines of the Democratic party. When the State Democratic convention met in San Antonio this month to elect a national committeeman there were scores of women in the galleries proudly wearing theirsuffrage colors but Governor James E. Ferguson and ex-U. S. Senator Joseph Weldon Bailey, both of unhallowed memory, united their forces and woman suffrage had not a remote chance.

Texas women went to the National Republican convention in Chicago in June and a sufficient number of them to form half a block in the "golden lane" at the National Democratic convention in St. Louis. At the latter Governor Ferguson brought in the minority report of the Resolutions Committee against a woman suffrage plank in the platform, and let it be recorded that there were only three other men on the committee who would sign it, the remainder signing the majority report placing the plank in the platform. In August the Democratic convention met in Houston to nominate State candidates and prepare the State platform. Mrs. Cunningham, Mrs. Helen Moore and Mrs. J. M. Quinnof appeared before the platform committee and with all the eloquence at their command urged it to insert a woman suffrage plank or at least to endorse the National platform. This committee was entirely in the hands of the liquor ring and Ferguson was czar of the convention, so woman suffrage was ignored.

Mrs. Edith Hinkle League, the headquarters secretary, shared the president's ten, twelve and even fourteen-hour days of labor, so that Mrs. Cummingham was able to leave the office in charge of her and volunteer assistants while she helped to fill the pressing need of field workers and organizers. She had the assistance of Miss Lavinia Engle, one of the National Association's organizers. Despite the lack of funds when word came of West Virginia's need of Mrs. Cunningham in its amendment campaign the executive board paid her expenses to that State and she donated her services. Upon her return to Texas she devoted July and August to field work, averaging two or three speeches a day during these insufferably hot months.

When the Legislature convened in January, 1917, the Legislative Committee were on hand. The following report by Mrs. Cunningham summarizes the work:

First. Opening suffrage headquarters on the main street at Austin near the Capitol. Second. A luncheon, at which the attendance exceeded the capacity of the largest hotel. The program was a mock legislative session at which the suffrage bill came up for the thirdreading and debate, those opposed imitating the style of the leading "antis" at hearings. Third. A very successful mass meeting at the Hancock Opera House with good speakers. Fourth. Introduction of the House Joint Resolution for a suffrage amendment, signed by twenty members, including some who had opposed it in 1915. Fifth. Mass meeting in the House of Representatives the night before the amendment came to a vote, invitation for this being extended by resolution of the House. Speaker F. O. Fuller presided and House and gallery were crowded.Sixth. Introduction of the Primary suffrage bill in the Senate and House. Seventh. Introduction of the Presidential suffrage bill. Eighth. Speakers touring the State and keeping the cities and towns aroused; a constant stream of letters to organizations and individuals and from them to Representatives. Ninth. Press work, a weekly news letter to those papers which would reach the legislators; getting in touch with reporters and editors of the large daily papers in the State in Austin for the session. First, last and all the time work at the Capitol, interviewing members of the House and Senate, Speaker, President, and public men who could and if asked might help a little here and there. This work was carried on daily for nearly three months.It is my judgment that the Presidential suffrage bill could have been passed (anticipating the Governor's veto though) but for the fact that the closing days of the session were taken up by the investigation of the Governor on charges preferred in the House.

Sixth. Introduction of the Primary suffrage bill in the Senate and House. Seventh. Introduction of the Presidential suffrage bill. Eighth. Speakers touring the State and keeping the cities and towns aroused; a constant stream of letters to organizations and individuals and from them to Representatives. Ninth. Press work, a weekly news letter to those papers which would reach the legislators; getting in touch with reporters and editors of the large daily papers in the State in Austin for the session. First, last and all the time work at the Capitol, interviewing members of the House and Senate, Speaker, President, and public men who could and if asked might help a little here and there. This work was carried on daily for nearly three months.

It is my judgment that the Presidential suffrage bill could have been passed (anticipating the Governor's veto though) but for the fact that the closing days of the session were taken up by the investigation of the Governor on charges preferred in the House.

On January 31 the Primary suffrage bill was favorably reported by the Senate committee but was not taken from the calendar. On February 6 the resolution to submit an amendment to the voters received 76 ayes, 56 noes in the House, lacking the required two-thirds. It was not acted upon by the Senate. On February 19 the Presidential suffrage bill was referred to a Senate committee and on the 26th was returned with a favorable minority report but not acted upon.

Early in 1917 the misdeeds of Governor Ferguson culminated and a great campaign was begun to secure his impeachment. He was the implacable foe of woman suffrage and of every great moral issue for which women stood, therefore at the very beginning of the campaign word was sent to the committee in Austin that the State Equal Suffrage Association had abandoned all other work temporarily and placed its entire resources at their command. The offer was accepted at once and the character and value of the services which the women performed may be judgedfrom the following statement from D. K. Woodward, Jr., secretary of the Central Committee in charge of the campaign:

The impeachment of former Governor Ferguson could not have been brought about without the cooperation of the women of the State.... Their work was under the direction of Mrs. Cunningham, president of the Texas Equal Suffrage Association, who came at once to Austin and established headquarters. The women were asked to reach the remote sections, to eradicate prejudice and leave understanding in its stead.... They did all that was asked of them and more. The most confirmed skeptic on the question of women's participation in public life must have been converted had he witnessed the unselfish, tireless, efficient work of these hundreds of devoted women and the striking ability of their leader, whose genius for organization, knowledge of public affairs and public men of Texas and sound judgment on all questions of policy were of untold value....[178]

Then came the entrance of the United States into the World War and the suffragists consecrated time, strength, life itself if necessary to its demands. The call to the annual convention held in Waco in May, 1917, indicated with what directness and intelligence the women approached their added responsibilities. It was "a call to the colors," to work for the war. War and Woman's Service; What can we do? Our Need of the Ballot to do it; True Americanism, were among the subjects considered. It voted to ask the War Department to abolish saloons in the soldiers' concentration and mobilization camps. Resolutions were passed pledging "loyal and untiring support to the Government." The convention expressed itself in no uncertain tones in the following resolution telegraphed to President Wilson: "For nearly seventy years the women of the United States have tried the State rights' route with its long and tortuous path. Since the Texas Legislature has repeatedly refused submission of the suffrage amendment to the voters, thereby repudiating the State rights' principle of the Democratic party, the State Equal Suffrage Association hereby urges your support of the Federal Suffrage Amendment to enfranchise the women of our country."

Mrs. Cunningham was literally conscripted president again, with a budget calling for the expenditure of $30,000 and only$66.38 in the treasury! Other offices were filled and then the women hurried home to engage in Red Cross work, Liberty Loan work, anti-vice work; to knit, to sew, to tramp the highways and byways for the various "drives"; to make speeches before all sorts of audiences—women who a year before were too timid to second a motion. Following the instructions of the convention Mrs. Cunningham in June called together in San Antonio the heads of all organizations of women and out of the conference was formed the Woman's Anti-Vice Committee. Living in such close proximity to the training camps, Texas women early learned with sinking hearts of the unspeakable conditions obtaining there and their efforts to remedy matters and to arouse the proper authorities were strenuous and unceasing. Thousands of mothers whose sons were in training in far away Texas will never know how earnestly the mothers of this State labored to do by their sons as they would have wished their own done by.

The Federal Amendment work was not neglected during this time, neither was State work and organizations rapidly multiplied. The year 1918 is one never to be forgotten by Texas suffragists. January was given over to intensive work for the Federal Amendment. Day letters, night letters and telegrams poured into Congress at such a rate that the national president, Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, referred to them as the "heavy artillery down in Texas." The Executive Committee of the State Association in session at Austin, on the 23rd authorized Mrs. Cunningham and Mrs. Hortense Ward to call upon the new Governor, William P. Hobby, and ask that he submit a bill for Primary suffrage for women at the special session of the Legislature soon to convene.

A few weeks later the special session was called to consider a number of important measures asked for by the Secretary of War. On February 24 the suffrage leaders came to Austin and established headquarters at the Driskill Hotel, determined to secure the Primary law in time for women to vote in the July elections. While the women were interviewing the legislators Mrs. Nonie B. Mahoney, prominent in Dallas suffrage work, called on Judge Barry of that city, who seemed unfavorable and finally said it would take 5,000 names of Dallas women on a petition to change him. He dismissed the subject from his mind and returned tohis legislative duties. Four days later Mrs. Mahoney arrived in Austin with a heavy suit case, opened it and unfolded before the Judge's astonished gaze a petition containing the names, not alone of the required 5,000 but of 10,000 of his townswomen!

Mrs. Cunningham and her committee again asked the Governor to submit Primary suffrage for women to the Legislature but he delayed. So great pressure was brought to bear on him that he finally consented if they should present a petition to him signed by a majority of the members of both House and Senate. After many hours of labor they were able to comply with this condition and to furnish additional data to prove that the bill would pass both Houses with large majorities. The Governor did not submit it but he did submit the Primary Election bill, and the Primary Suffrage bill was immediately introduced by C. B. Metcalfe of San Angelo as an amendment to it. It passed the House March 16 by a vote of 84 to 34 and the Senate March 21 by 17 to 4, and was signed by Governor Hobby on March 26 in the presence of Mr. Metcalfe, Captain Sackett, who also labored untiringly in its behalf, Mrs. Cunningham, Mrs. Doom, Mrs. Elizabeth Speer and Mrs. McCallum, members of the Legislative Committee. The handsome fountain pen was purchased for the occasion by Mr. Metcalfe and after the signing presented by him to Mrs. Cunningham. Judge A. S. Lattimore drafted the bill in 1917 and Judge Ocie Speer of Fort Worth the one carried in 1918.[179]

This law gave women the right to vote at all primary elections and in all nominating conventions and nominations are equivalent to an election, as there is practically but one party. As Texas has two U. S. Senators and 18 Representatives it gave the women votes for more members of Congress than those of any other State possessed, and consequently for more presidential electors.[180]

The remaining days in March, all of April and a part of May were devoted by the suffragists to the Liberty Loan. The annual convention was held in Austin May 29-31. In order to concentratethe entire strength of the organization on war work the delegates agreed not to ask the Legislature of 1919 to submit a constitutional amendment for full suffrage but the women would give whatever time they could spare to the Federal Amendment. The convention enthusiastically endorsed Governor Hobby for re-election and he addressed the delegates. It was resolved to vote only for candidates for the Legislature who favored ratification and to send greetings and letters of appreciation to the "immortal six" Texas Representatives in Congress who voted for the amendment the preceding January.[181]Decisions of importance were to work out a plan whereby women could be educated as to candidates and issues and the machinery of voting; to endeavor to bring out a heavy vote of women in the coming primaries and to organize non-partisan Women Voters' Leagues. Mrs. Cunningham against her determined protest was re-elected president.

The suffrage law did not go into effect until June 26, and, as the primary election was scheduled for July 27 and registration had to cease fifteen days before, the women had only seventeen days in which to register. There was not time to assess and collect the poll tax requisite for voting and the Legislature added to its good work by remitting it for the election in case of women. The suffrage association set to work to assist the new citizens. Omitting only the words "official ballot," nearly half a million reproductions of the long, complicated ballot to be used in the July primaries were circulated; candidates' records were scrutinized; issues were studied; "schools of instruction" were conducted all over the State. Women attending the first "schools" held others until practically the city women in every precinct, ward and block had been given the chance to vote intelligently if they so desired and the country women had similar opportunities. All the candidates for Governor who stood for civic righteousness withdrew in favor of Governor Hobby when it became certain that Ferguson would again be a candidate and the women organized Hobby clubs and advertised Ferguson's record. A strong campaign was also waged in behalf of the suffrage candidate for Superintendent of Public Instruction, Miss Annie Webb Blanton.Congressional candidates and those for the Legislature came in for especial attention. Thousands of women remained in the heat and dust all summer to help in the campaign. As a result approximately 386,000 women registered in the seventeen days—surely a convincing answer to the statement that "Southern women do not want to vote." Governor Hobby was elected by an immense majority, as were Miss Blanton and all of the candidates who had been espoused by the new voters.

In August women were heartily welcomed into the political conventions, the men urging their appointment on all committees and even passing resolutions of pleasure at having them participate! It was reported that 233 out of 253 county conventions endorsed woman suffrage in some form. In September, 1918, at the State Democratic convention in Waco the women carried their demand for an endorsement of the Federal Suffrage Amendment but not without strenuous opposition. In November the Executive Board of the State Suffrage Association unanimously passed a resolution emphasizing the one of its annual convention, that the Legislature be requested to postpone a State referendum on woman suffrage until after the war. The thought of one under present conditions was appalling. A Ratification Committee which included the heads of practically all of the women's organizations of state-wide importance was formed. Mrs. Cunningham went to Washington for the fourth time to assist the National Congressional Committee in the effort for a Federal Amendment.

In January, 1919, the State Legislature met in regular session and the poll in both Houses was entirely satisfactory in regard to ratifying the Federal Amendment. The lawmakers were so gratified at the part played by the women during the war and the "impeachment" that they were ready and anxious to grant anything wanted of them, in fact were disappointed that so little was asked. It was not deemed necessary to have a large lobby and only Mrs. Jessie Daniel Ames of Georgetown came to Austin to assist the chairman. A resolution offered by Judge W. H. Bledsoe of Lubbock county and Senator R. M. Dudley of El Paso county, which was enthusiastically adopted by both Houses the second day of the session, after complimenting highly the voting of the women at the primaries, said: "Resolved, That theUnited States Senate is hereby respectfully but urgently requested to act immediately and favorably upon the woman suffrage amendment, which has already received proper recognition by the House of Representatives; that such action is in full accordance with enlightened sentiment which sees no reason for further delay."

Unfortunately many friends, both men and women, were misled into believing that it would now be possible to win a complete suffrage victory in Texas, although 260,000 real American voters were away on account of the war and thousands of aliens remained at home to vote. Because of the delay in Congress on the Federal Amendment both Houses submitted by unanimous vote an amendment to the State constitution. It was handicapped by a "rider" which required full naturalization by every foreign-born man before he could vote, instead of merely his first papers as now. This ensured a negative vote from every alien. A telegram to Washington summoned Mrs. Cunningham to return immediately and take command of the campaign, for it would be a Herculean task to manage one successfully in less than three months' time in a State consisting of 253 counties and the vote to be taken May 24. It was impossible for the State association to finance such a campaign and the National Association, although disapproving of the referendum, contributed about $17,000.

President Wilson sent a cablegram from Paris urging the voters to give the amendment their support and the members of his administration used their influence in its favor. The State officials championed it and the party organization of the State and many in the counties put themselves behind it. All of the daily newspapers but one in the four largest cities advocated it. Almost every minister labored earnestly for it, many of them preaching in favor of it. Many excellent women engaged in the campaign, some of them even speaking on the street corners. The district, city and county chairmen of the State suffrage association totaled 400 earnest, active women with whom the headquarters kept in close touch through letters, press bulletins, telephone and telegraph. These chairmen were the medium through which 3,000,000 fliers and 200,000 copies of theTexas Democrat, an excellent paper edited for the occasion by Dr. A. Caswell Ellis ofthe State University faculty, reached the voters. More than ninety small papers issued a four page suffrage supplement furnished them. The list of speakers included 1,495 names and almost no meeting or convention of any importance was held during the latter part of the three months that did not make room on its program for a talk on woman suffrage.

On the other hand every nook and corner of the State was flooded with anti-suffrage literature, a great deal of it emanating from U. S. Senator Reed of Missouri, of such a vile, insinuating character that when placed by the "antis" upon the desks of the legislators they quickly passed protesting resolutions with only five dissenting votes. These called attention to the splendid work of Texas women during the war and their suffering at the absence and loss of their loved ones; declared that this literature was "nothing short of a slap in the face of these good women and of the members who passed, by a unanimous vote, the woman suffrage amendment," and said: "Resolved that we go upon record as condemning the circulation of this character of literature and opposed to the sentiments expressed therein. We re-affirm our allegiance to the woman suffrage amendment ... and when we return to our homes we will do all in our power to secure the passage of this amendment."

Some of the most vicious literature was from a so-called "Man's Organization Opposed to Woman Suffrage," with headquarters in Selma, Ala. Former U. S. Senator Bailey, who had been residing in New York for some years, made a speaking tour of the State, assailing the amendment in the most vindictive manner.[182]

The Women's National Anti-Suffrage Association sent Miss Charlotte Rowe of New York, who spoke and worked against the amendment. Mrs. James W. Wadsworth, Jr., president of this association, accompanied by her husband, the U. S. Senator, came into the State during the campaign and held some parlor meetings. She appointed Mrs. James B. Wells, wife of the political "boss of the borderland" at Brownsville, to send out literature, speak where possible, etc. Mrs. Wells had headquarters in Austin with Mrs.Darden and their work was done from there. The amendment failed but not because of their feeble efforts. It was opposed by the strongest political forces in Texas, including the liquor interests. The vote was 141,773 ayes, 166,893 noes; defeated by a majority of 25,120.

In eleven days after this defeat—on June 4—the Federal Woman Suffrage Amendment was submitted by Congress to the Legislatures for ratification. Both of the Texas Senators—Charles A. Culberson and Morris Sheppard—and nine Representatives voted for it.

Ratification.Governor Hobby issued a call for a second special session of the Legislature to convene June 23 to consider other matters but the opening day found the suffragists on hand ready to ask for ratification. The "antis" were on hand also and while they were holding a conference in the Driskill Hotel to devise ways and means of obtaining a hearing before the House committee, Resolution No. 1 to ratify the amendment was read the first time in the House and referred to this committee. The "antis" came in just in time to learn that the committee had held its meeting, favorably reported the resolution and it had been made the special order of business for 11 o'clock the next morning. All of this occurred before noon of the first day.

Speaker R. E. Thomason was one of the most ardent supporters of the resolution and promptly on the hour it was brought up. As a poll of the House had shown that it was safe, the leaders decided not to choose between the dozens who wanted to speak in its behalf but to let the "antis" do the talking since the "pros" had the votes. The "father of the House," Representative King of Erath, alone spoke for it but the opponents talked until 3:55 p. m., when some one moved the previous question. The vote stood 96 ayes, 20 noes. As the Senate committee hearing was set for 4 o'clock there could be no thought of lunch but only to hurry to its room in the far removed wing of the Capitol. That hearing can never be adequately described. Ex-Congressman Robert W. Henry and State Senator J. C. McNealus, fire-eating "antis," almost came to blows over the name of former Governor Ferguson, and Miss Rowe, the New York crusader, had a difficulttime with questions. The chairman was instructed to report favorably and in the Senate the real fight was on.

The opposition tried every conceivable method to defer or defeat. Heckling, threats, fervid oratory had no effect on the favoring Senators. Filibustering continued all through Wednesday and Thursday, except when the Senate recessed to listen to Governor Brough of Arkansas, who touched on the justice of suffrage for women in an effective manner. Finally their swan song was due and came from Senator W. A. Johnston of Houston, intimate friend of ex-Senator Bailey. Senator Paul Page of Bastrop ably led the fight in behalf of the resolution. On June 27, at 7 p. m., it passed to third reading by a vote of 18 to 9, with one pair and one absentee. That night the opposition tried to get enough Senators out of town to break the quorum but the friendly members and the women "shadowed" the passengers on all out-going trains. On June 28 by a viva voce vote the Senate went on record as the ninth State to ratify the Federal Suffrage Amendment, the actual strength being 19 to 10, with one absent. Lieutenant Governor W. A. Johnson proved his friendship and loyalty to the cause of woman suffrage by remaining in the chair constantly during the four days' contest.

With the women of Texas soon to be fully enfranchised the State Equal Suffrage Association in October, 1919, merged into the State League of Women Voters, with Mrs. Jessie Daniel Ames chairman.[183]

[Laws.An excellent digest of the laws for women and children accompanied this chapter, showing considerable advance since a résumé was given in Volume IV of the History of Woman Suffrage. The writer of the present chapter insists that they never were so unjust as there represented. The omission of the laws from this, as from the other State chapters for lack of space is a loss to the History.]

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