RATIFICATION.

YesNoDemocrats3022Republicans3212Total6234

President Wilson on the eve of sailing for Europe to the Peace Conference included in his address to a joint session of Congress December 2 another eloquent appeal for the passage of the Federal Suffrage Amendment.

It had become evident by the action of the 65th Congress that something more efficacious than public opinion or pressure from high sources was required to secure the needed two votes in the Senate. The official board of the National Suffrage Association, therefore, for the first time in its history decided to enter the political campaigns. Those of New Hampshire, New Jersey, Massachusetts and Delaware were selected in the hope of defeating the Senatorial candidates for re-election who had opposed the amendment and electing those who would support it. It was necessary to use influence against Republican candidates in three States and a Democratic candidate in Delaware. Two of these efforts were successful and a Republican, J. Heisler Ball, defeated the Democratic Senator Saulsbury of Delaware, and a Democrat, David I. Walsh, defeated the Republican Senator Weeks of Massachusetts. Both of the new members voted for the amendment in the 66th Congress.

The election returns on November 6 indicated that the necessary two-thirds majority in the 66th Congress had been secured. This belief was shared by prominent Democrats, who from that time spared no effort to make unfriendly Democratic Senators realize the folly of their position in leaving the victory for the Republican Congress which had been elected. At this election the voters of Michigan, South Dakota and Oklahoma by large majorities fully enfranchised their women, adding six Senators and twenty-four Representatives to the number partly elected by the votes of women. Texas this year had given women a vote at Primary elections, almost equal to the complete suffrage. Resolutions were passed by twenty-five State Legislatures in January and early February, 1919, calling upon the Senate to submit the Federal Amendment. William P. Pollock of South Carolina, who had been elected to succeed Senator Benet, was not only in favor of it but was working to secure the one vote among the southern Senators which, added to his own, would complete the two-thirds. A conference of friendly Democratic Senators onFebruary 2 decided that a vote must be taken the following week if this party was to have the credit. The next day the Senate Woman Suffrage Committee met and unanimously voted to bring up the amendment on February 10. The reasons for the decision were, first, that there was a chance to win and nothing to be lost by recording the friends and enemies; second, that one man had been gained since the last vote and there was a possibility that another could be won. President Wilson cabled from Paris urging doubtful Senators to vote in favor. William Jennings Bryan came to Washington to intercede for it.

On petition of twenty-two Democratic Senators, a party caucus on suffrage was held on February 5, but the enemies died hard. They immediately made a motion to adjourn but the suffragists without proxies defeated the "antis," who voted proxies, by 22 to 16. On a resolution that the Democratic Senators support the Federal Suffrage Amendment, twenty-two voted in the affirmative but when ten had voted in the negative those ten were allowed by Senator Thomas S. Martin (Va.), Democratic floor leader, to withdraw their votes in order that he might declare that, as the vote stood 22 to 0, a quorum had not voted!

After the close of the morning business on Feb. 10, 1919, Chairman Jones moved to take up the amendment. An extremely strong speech in its favor was made by Senator Pollock. The only other speeches were by Senator Frelinghuysen on points of naturalization and by Edward J. Gay, the new Senator from Louisiana, in opposition. The vote taken early in the afternoon showed 55 in favor and 29 opposed. As on October 1, all the members who were not present to vote were accounted for by pairs, so that it stood practically 63 to 33. In other words the amendment was lost in the 65th Congress by only one vote and the individual responsibility for the defeat lay at the door of every Senator who voted against it.

From the States west of the Mississippi River only three Senators voted "no"—Borah of Idaho, Reed of Missouri and Hitchcock of Nebraska.

Only three States—Alabama, Delaware and Georgia—cast all their votes in both Senate and House against the amendment.

Twenty States cast all their votes in Senate and House in favor—Arizona,Arkansas, California, Colorado, Idaho, Illinois, Indiana, Kansas, Minnesota, Montana, Nevada, North Dakota, New Mexico, Oklahoma, Oregon, Rhode Island, South Dakota, Utah, Washington and Wyoming. In all of these women already had full or partial suffrage.

On February 17 Senator Wesley L. Jones of Washington re-introduced the amendment in its old form, stating that he expected no action during the present Congress. On the following day Senator Gay introduced an amendment in which the right of enforcement was given to the various States and Congress was excluded. On the 20th Senator Kenneth McKellar of Tennessee introduced one requiring personal naturalization of alien women. Senator Gay agreed to support an amendment introduced February 28 by Chairman Jones, giving the States the right to enforce the amendment, but, in case of their failure to do so, permitting Congress to enact appropriate legislation. Just before the close of the session on March 3, a southern Democrat, in response to a cablegram from President Wilson, consented to give the measure the lacking vote if it could be brought up again but this the Republicans declined to permit.

During this winter of 1919 the National American Association continued the work of obtaining from the Legislatures Presidential suffrage for women and to the list were added Maine, Vermont, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa, Missouri and Tennessee, fourteen altogether. By May 1, adding the States with this Presidential suffrage to the fifteen where women had the complete franchise, it was estimated that about 15,500,000 would be able to "vote for the President" in the general election of 1920. They could vote for 306 of the 531 members of the Electoral College, 40 more than half. About half of the above number would exercise the full suffrage. Thirty-four Senators and 130 Representatives were now elected partly by women, including those from Arkansas and Texas.

One-third of the Senate and all of the House of Representatives were elected in November, 1918. Many of the old members were re-elected, some friends and some enemies of the Federal Suffrage Amendment. The Republicans had a large majority andboth parties wanted an early vote on it. President Wilson made this possible by calling a special session to meet May 19, 1919. Representative Frank W. Mondell (Wyo.) was elected majority leader of the House and Representative James R. Mann (Ills.) appointed chairman of the Committee on Woman Suffrage, both Republicans. The resolution for the Federal Amendment was introduced by six members on the opening day and on the 20th was favorably reported by the committee and placed on the calendar for the next day, even before the President's message was read, in which it was recommended. On May 21, after two hours' discussion, it was passed by 42 more than the needed two-thirds. The vote stood as follows:

In FavorOpposedRepublicans20019Democrats10270Miscellaneous2030489

Members from southern States cast 71 of the affirmative votes and four from the North were born in the South. The Democrats polled 54 per cent. of their voting strength for the amendment and the Republicans polled 84 per cent. of theirs.

In all the great area west of the Mississippi River, excluding Texas and Louisiana, only one vote in the lower house was cast against the amendment—that of Representative H. E. Hull (Rep.), Iowa. In the group of Middle States only five opposing votes were cast—two from Wisconsin, one from Michigan, two from Ohio. The opposition centered in the coast States from Louisiana to Maryland; aside from these the largest opposing majorities were from Pennsylvania and Massachusetts. Twenty-six States—over half of the whole number—gave unanimous support; thirteen had large favorable majorities; one was tied—Maryland; five gave opposing majorities—Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, North Carolina, Virginia; only two cast a solid vote in opposition—Mississippi and South Carolina.

These statistics did not indicate that "a few States were trying to force this amendment on a vast unwilling majority of States," as the opponents asserted. The increase from the majority ofone in 1918 to 42 in 1919 is accounted for by the fact that at the congressional election during the interim 117 new members were elected, of whom 103 voted for the amendment. As it had been an issue in the campaign they represented the sentiment of their constituencies. Fifteen of the former members who were re-elected changed from negative to affirmative. From January, 1918, to June, 1919, not one member of either House broke his promise to vote for the amendment except Representative Daniel J. Riordan (Dem.) of New York, although many of them were subjected to extreme pressure by the interests opposed to it.

The resolution for the Amendment was introduced in the Senate May 23, 1919, by four members and half a dozen others expressed a wish to present it. The new Committee on Woman Suffrage had not been appointed and it was referred to the old one, whose chairman, Senator Jones, asked unanimous consent to have it placed on the calendar at once. Senators Underwood of Alabama; Hoke Smith of Georgia; Swanson of Virginia; Reed of Missouri, Democrats; Borah of Idaho; Wadsworth of New York, Republicans, and other opponents objected and it was delayed several days. Meanwhile a new committee was appointed with Senator James E. Watson (Rep.) of Indiana, as chairman. Finally on May 28 he was able to report the resolution favorably, by unanimous vote of the committee, and have it placed on the calendar for June 3.

The discussion was continued for two days, principally by the opposition, the friends of the amendment having agreed to consume no time except when necessary to correct misstatements. For this purpose Senators Lenroot of Wisconsin and Walsh of Montana, Republicans, and Thomas of Colorado, King of Utah, Kirby of Arkansas and Ashurst of Arizona, Democrats, made brief speeches. Senators Wadsworth, Brandegee (Rep.) of Connecticut and Borah; Underwood, Smith (Dem.) of South Carolina and Reed, consumed the rest of the time, Reed speaking several hours. Senator Underwood offered an amendment to have the ratifications by conventions instead of Legislatures, and Senator Phelan (Dem.) of California wanted to amend this by requiring them to be called the first week in December. Senator Harrison (Dem.) of Mississippi tried to have the word "white" insertedin the original amendment. Senator Gay (Dem.) of Louisiana wished to amend by providing that the States instead of the Congress should have power to enforce it. All these amendments were defeated by large majorities.

The Senators knew that all this debate was a waste of time, as enough votes were pledged to pass the amendment. Senator Watson opened and closed it in a dozen sentences. The roll was called at 5 p. m. June 4, and the vote was announced, 56 ayes, 25 noes. With the "pairs" that had been arranged the entire 96 members of the Senate were recorded and they stood as follows:

AyesNoesRepublicans409Democrats2621Total6630

The certificate to be sent to the Legislatures for ratification was signed by President of the Senate Thomas R. Marshall (Ind.) and Speaker of the House Frederick H. Gillett (Mass.) both unyielding opponents of the amendment.

Thus ended the struggle for the submission to the Legislatures of an amendment to the National Constitution to give complete universal suffrage to women, which had been carried on without cessation for almost exactly fifty years—a struggle which has no parallel in history.

It is not possible to give in this limited space due recognition to all the Senators and Representatives who during this long period stood faithfully by this Federal Amendment, many of them at serious political risk. This was especially true of those from the South. The speech of Senator Morris Sheppard of Texas, Aug. 5, 1918, was as strong an argument as ever was made for the Federal Amendment. The great corporate interests of the country, including the liquor interests, which were the dominating force in politics, were implacably opposed to woman suffrage and the women had no material influence to counteract them. All the more honor is due, therefore, to those members who loyally supported it in this long contest founded upon abstract right, justice and democracy.

Vote on Federal Woman Suffrage Amendment in the U. S. Senate, June 4, 1919.

Republicans, AyeDemocrats, AyeCal.JohnsonAriz.{AshurstCol.PhippsSmithDel.BallArk.{KirbyIlls.{McCormickRobinsonShermanCal.PhelanInd.{NewCol.ThomasWatsonGa.HarrisIowa{CumminsIda.NugentKenyonKy.StanleyKans.{CapperLa.RansdellCurtisMass.WalshMe.{FernaldMont.{MyersHaleWalshMd.FranceNev.{HendersonMich.{NewberryPittmanTownsendN. M.JonesMinn.{KelloggOkla.{GoreNelsonOwenMo.SpencerOre.ChamberlainNeb.NorrisR. I.GerryN. H.KeyesS. D.JohnsonN. J.{EdgeTenn.McKellarFrelinghuysenTex.{CulbersonN. M.FallSheppardN. Y.CalderUtahKingN. D.{GronnaWyo.KendrickMcCumberOhioHardingOre.McNaryR. I.ColtS. D.SterlingUtahSmootVt.PageWash.{JonesPoindexterW. Va.{ElkinsSutherlandWis.{LaFolletteLenrootWyo.WarrenTotal40Total26

Republicans, NoDemocrats, NoConn.{BrandegeeAla.{BankheadMcLeanUnderwoodIda.BorahDel.WolcottMass.LodgeFla.{FletcherN. H.MosesTrammellN. Y.WadsworthGa.SmithPenn.{KnoxKy.BeckhamPenroseLa.GayVt.DillinghamMd.SmithMiss.{HarrisonWilliamsMo.ReedNeb.HitchcockN. C.{OvermanSimmonsOhioPomereneS. C.{DialSmithTenn.ShieldsVa.{MartinSwansonTotal9Total21

Benet was appointed for a few months to succeed Senator Tillman and voted against the amendment October 1. Pollock was elected to serve until March and voted for it February 10. Dialwas elected for the full term beginning March 4. Senator Hale of Maine was the only hold-over Senator who changed his position, voting "no" in October and "aye" in June. The suffragists deeply regretted that Senator John F. Shafroth of Colorado, an able and valued friend for the past twenty-five years, was no longer a member of the Senate.

After the woman suffrage amendment had become a part of the Constitution of the United States Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, the national president, prepared a complete summary of the several votes on it in the two Houses of Congress according to the political parties and sent it to Chairman Will H. Hays of the Republican National Committee and Chairman George White of the Democratic. To the former she said in part: "I take the occasion to express to you personally on behalf of the National American Woman Suffrage Association, our grateful appreciation of your own faithful, consistent and always sincere efforts to carry out the platforms of your party wherein they referred to the enfranchisement of women. Ratification at this date would not have been achieved without your conscientious and understanding help. I wish also to express our gratitude to the Republican party for its share in the final enfranchisement of the women of the United States...."

To Mr. White Mrs. Catt said: "There is one important Democratic factor which should be included in the record and that is the fearless and able sponsorship of the amendment by the leader of your party, the President of the United States.... He has never hesitated to let members of his party know in every State that he favored ratification.... His championship furnishes cause for pride to all forward-looking Democrats, since his vision foresaw this now achieved fact of the enfranchisement of the women of this country. On behalf of the National American Woman Suffrage Association, I wish to thank you and your party for its share in the completion of the task to which our association set itself more than fifty years ago."

Mrs. Catt said in the course of her summing up: "Women owe much to both political parties but to neither do they owe so much that they need feel themselves obligated to support that party if conscience and judgment dictate otherwise. Their politicalfreedom at this time is due to the tremendous sentiment and pressure produced by their own unceasing activities over a period of three generations. Had either party lived up to the high ideals of our nation and courageously taken the stand for right and justice as against time-serving, vote-winning policies of delay, women would have been enfranchised long ago.... If, however, neither of the dominant parties has made as clean and progressive a record as its admirers could have wished, there is no question but that individual men of both parties have given heroic service to the cause of woman suffrage and this has been true in every State, those which ratified and those which rejected. Women should not forget these men who have stepped in advance of the more slow moving of their own constituents to help this great cause of political freedom."

Before this Federal Amendment could become effective it had to be ratified by the Legislatures of thirty-six States, three-fourths of the whole number. The plan by which Mrs. Catt, president of the National American Suffrage Association, had expected ratification to follow the submission immediately was that all of the western equal suffrage States would ratify at once. To make certain that this would be done a representative of the association was sent on a circuit of these States while the amendment was still pending. She called on the Governors and instructed the women as to the procedure when it was submitted. If there had been the expected early vote this plan would have succeeded but it was thwarted by the late submission. Had the vote taken place even as late as February, 1919, the Legislatures could have considered it, which was the principal reason why the opponents prevented it. By June 4 most of them had adjourned not to meet again for two years. A few, however, were still in session and of these Illinois, Wisconsin and Michigan ratified it within six days of its submission and Pennsylvania and Massachusetts a little later. That of Ohio had taken a recess until June 16 and ratified it on this date.

To obtain enough extra sessions, with all the expense, time and trouble entailed, seemed a hopeless undertaking. Nevertheless,scarcely had the Senate vote been announced when Mrs. Catt began telegraphing to the Governors of many States a request that they would call special sessions for the purpose of ratification. This was favored by leaders in both political parties in order that it might be completed in time for the women of the entire country to vote in the general election of 1920.

Governors Alfred E. Smith (Dem.) of New York and Henry J. Allen (Rep.) of Kansas were the first to call special sessions. They were followed by a few others, some willingly, others under great pressure from the women of their States. Even the Governors of some of the equal suffrage States were hesitating for various reasons and vigorous action seemed to be necessary. Under the auspices of the National Association four women, Mrs. Minnie Fisher Cunningham of Texas, Mrs. John G. South of Kentucky, Mrs. Ben Hooper of Wisconsin and Miss Marjorie Shuler of New York, were sent to these States in July. The two Republican women visited Republican States and the two Democratic women visited Democratic States, the four reaching Salt Lake City to attend the National Conference of Governors. Despite their pledges of extra sessions some of them still demurred, as special sessions were not approved by the taxpayers. Two of these Governors, one Republican and one Democratic, were threatened with impeachment proceedings whenever the Legislature should meet. Others feared that matters besides the ratification might come up.

The summer waned and the required number of special sessions were not called, although letters and telegrams and every kind of influence were being used. Finally Mrs. Catt herself headed a deputation consisting of Miss Julia Lathrop, chief of the U. S. Children's Bureau; Mrs. Jean Nelson Penfield of New York; Dr. Valeria H. Parker of Connecticut; Mrs. Catharine Waugh McCulloch of Illinois, Mrs. Edward P. Costigan of Colorado and Miss Shuler, who had continued working in those western States. The Governors were again interviewed; the situation was presented to the States through public meetings and at last the desired pledges were secured. In Oregon the women agreed to raise the money to pay for a special session. In Nevada, Wyoming and South Dakota campaigns to persuade themembers to attend at their own expense were started and carried through. Altogether sixteen conferences were held in twelve western States. While this campaign in the West was under way the women of other States were hard at work to obtain legislative action. Those of Indiana had the Herculean task of collecting a petition of 86,000 names asking for a special session and securing pledges from two-thirds of the Legislature to consider no other business, before the Governor would call the session.

While this strenuous work was in progress, which continued into 1920, the National Republican and Democratic Committees, Will H. Hays and Homer S. Cummings, chairmen, used all of their great influence for special sessions and for favorable action. Prominent politicians of both parties lent their assistance. The successful efforts to secure ratification planks in the national platforms of all the political parties are described inChapter XXIII. Every candidate for President and Vice-president gave his full endorsement.

It was only necessary for thirteen Legislatures to hold out against ratification to prevent the adoption of the amendment and those of the nine southeastern States from Maryland to Louisiana were certain to do this. All of them defeated it except that of Florida, which did not vote on it. By March 22, 1920, thirty-five Legislatures had ratified, leaving but four States from which to obtain the thirty-sixth and final ratification. Delaware defeated it in June, leaving only Tennessee, Connecticut and Vermont. A provision in the State constitution of Tennessee prevented action by its Legislature. The Republican Governors of Connecticut and Vermont refused absolutely to call a special session. The former declared that there was no emergency requiring it and was adamant to every argument. Mrs. Catt and her Board then undertook another Herculean task of bringing to Connecticut an influential woman from every State, and, cooperating with those of Connecticut, a mass meeting was held in Hartford. After this they divided into groups and held meetings in every city and large town, ending the campaign with a visit to the Governor, at which earnest pleas were made that he would call the Legislature to give the final vote for ratification, as the women of the nation were waiting for it. In Vermont, underthe auspices of the National Board, 400 women of the State under most trying weather conditions met in Montpelier and called on the Governor with pleadings and arguments for a special session, through whose action the women of the whole country would be enfranchised. Both Governors remained obdurate.

In the meantime the opponents had succeeded in Maine under its Initiative and Referendum law in having the ratification submitted to the voters and they threatened to take this action in all States having this law. The Ohio Supreme Court sustained the legality of a petition for a referendum and it was carried to the Supreme Court of the United States—Hawk vs. the Secretary of the State of Ohio. Here it was argued April 23, 1920. On June 1 the Court announced its decision that the ratification of a Federal Amendment was not subject to action by the voters.

This decision removed the obstacle that existed in Tennessee and its Governor called a special session for August 9. Mrs. Catt took charge of the campaign in person and the ratification was obtained in the Senate on the 13th and the House on the 18th, in the latter with the greatest difficulty. It called for assistance from President Wilson, from both of the Presidential candidates, the National Committees of both parties and many prominent men and women within and without the State. A full account will be found in the Tennessee chapter. A vote for reconsideration followed; enough members left the State to prevent a quorum and it was not until the 24th that Governor Roberts could forward the certificate of ratification to Secretary of State Bainbridge Colby in Washington.[140]Here on August 26 he proclaimed the19th Amendment a part of the Federal Constitution. A body of the Tennessee legislators, headed by Speaker of the House Seth Walker, went immediately to Washington and undertook to obtain an injunction on this action but it was refused by the court.

Although the ratification by the Tennessee Legislature was due to the votes of both Democrats and Republicans the former claimed the credit. The general election was close at hand in which all women could take part and Republican leaders felt that some action was necessary. Governor Marcus H. Holcomb of Connecticut called a special session of the Legislature for September 14 and its first act was to ratify the Federal Amendment by unanimous vote of the Senate and 216 to 11 in the House. Owing to a technical question the ratification was repeated September 21.[141]

The stories of these 37 ratifications are interesting—in some States occasions of much pleasure accompanied by music and feasting; in others strenuous contests which left some unpleasant memories. They are described in each State chapter and the failures as well. Especial reference should be made to those of States mentioned here and of Delaware, Virginia, West Virginia, North Carolina, Georgia, Mississippi and Louisiana.

When the opponents could not prevent ratification they had recourse to the law. The attempt to have a referendum to the voters has been referred to. Efforts were made in many States to have the Attorney Generals declare that the ratification was unconstitutional or that further legislation by the States would be necessary, but they were unavailing. In May, 1920, the official board of the National Woman Suffrage Association retained former U. S. Supreme Court Justice Charles Evans Hughes as counsel and his advice and his opinions widely published proved to be of the greatest benefit. Although one of the most eminent of lawyers his interest in woman suffrage was so great that he never refused any appeal for assistance.

On July 7, 1920, before the 36th State had ratified, Charles S. Fairchild, president of the American Constitutional League, formerlythe Men's Anti-Suffrage Association of New York, instituted injunction proceedings in the Supreme Court of the District of Columbia against Secretary of State Bainbridge Colby and Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer. They sought to restrain the Secretary from proclaiming the Federal Suffrage Amendment when it should receive the final ratification and the Attorney General from doing anything to enforce it. On July 13 the case for the Government was argued by Solicitor General William L. Frierson and Assistant U. S. District Attorney James B. Archer. Mr. Fairchild and the league were represented by Everett P. Wheeler, a New York attorney and officer of the league. He contended that under the U. S. Constitution Congress had no power to submit the amendment and that various ratifications were illegal. Justice Thomas J. Bailey dismissed the injunction proceedings on the ground that neither Mr. Fairchild nor the league had sufficient interest to entitle them to ask for an injunction and that the court had no authority to go behind the action of the Legislatures in voting for ratification. The case was taken to the District Court of Appeals. On October 4 this court denied the injunction and dismissed the case as "frivolous and brought for delay." It was then carried to the Supreme Court of the United States.

Litigation was threatened in Tennessee. In Maryland a League for State Defense was formed to defeat ratification. It succeeded in the Maryland Legislature and had delegations of legislators sent to Tennessee and West Virginia for the purpose, who were not successful. On Oct. 30, 1920, this league brought a test case in the Court of Common Pleas in Baltimore through Attorney William L. Marbury against J. Mercer Garnett et al., constituting the Board of Registry, to compel them to strike the names of two women from the registration books. The suit was filed in the name of Oscar Leser, a former Judge, who had long fought woman suffrage, and twenty members of the league, on the following grounds: The alleged 19th Amendment is not authorized by Article V of the U. S. Constitution; it was never legally ratified by the Legislatures of three-fourths of the States; (those of West Virginia, Tennessee and Missouri were cited); it was rejected by the Maryland Legislature. Everett P. Wheelerassisted in the trial just before Christmas. The case was conducted for the State by Attorney General J. Lindsay Spencer. Judge Heuisler gave an adverse decision on Jan. 29, 1921. The case was taken to the Court of Appeals and set for April 7. The decision of the lower court was sustained—that "the power to amend the Constitution of the United States granted by Article V is without limit except as to the words 'equal suffrage in the Senate.' ... From all the exhibits and other evidence submitted the court is of the opinion that there was due, legal and proper ratification of the amendment by the required number of State Legislatures."

This case also went to the U. S. Supreme Court and there both of them rested. Meanwhile millions of women voted in the general election on Nov. 2, 1920, and in the State and local elections which followed through 1921, and the cases were almost forgotten. Finally in February, 1922, the court heard the arguments, the Government represented by Solicitor General James M. Beck. On the 27th it handed down its decision on the two cases. It upheld the authority of Congress under the Constitution of the United States to submit the amendment; declared that "the validity of the 15th Amendment had been recognized for half a century"; that "the Federal Constitution transcends any limitations sought to be imposed by the State"; that "the Secretary of State having issued the proclamation the amendment had become a part of the National Constitution."

This was the decision of the highest legal authority, from which there was no appeal.

FOOTNOTES:[131]The History is indebted for this chapter to Mrs. Ida Husted Harper, author of the Life and Work of Susan B. Anthony, and with Miss Anthony of Volume IV of the History of Woman Suffrage, which ended with 1900.[132]For full account seeHistory of Woman Suffrage, Volume I, page 67.[133]Life and Work of Susan B. Anthony, Chapter XVI.[134]The American Woman Suffrage Association was organized in Cleveland, O., Nov. 25, 1869, with the Rev. Henry Ward Beecher, president; Lucy Stone, chairman of the executive committee, to work especially for amending State constitutions. The two bodies united in February, 1890, under the name National American and the association thenceforth worked vigorously by both methods.[135]History of Woman Suffrage, Volume II, page 734.[136]For full account seeHistory of Woman Suffrage, Volume IV, Chapter VI.[137]In 1913 and the years following strenuous work with members of Congress was done by the Congressional Union, afterwards called the National Woman's Party.[138]For full report of this hearing seeChapter XVIII.[139]For speech in full seeAppendix for this chapter.[140]As soon as the certificate was despatched Mrs. Catt left Nashville, where she had been for six weeks, accompanied by Mrs. Harriet Taylor Upton, vice-chairman of the National Republican Executive Committee; Miss Charl Williams, vice-chairman of the Democratic National Committee, and Miss Marjorie Shuler, the National Association's chairman of publicity, who had been working with her during this time. They went to Washington, called on the President and Secretary of State and in the evening addressed an enthusiastic mass meeting that filled the largest theater to overflowing. Secretary Colby represented President Wilson, from whom he brought this message:"Will you take the opportunity to say to my fellow citizens that I deem it one of the greatest honors of my life that this great event, the ratification of this amendment, should have occurred during the period of my administration. Nothing has given me more pleasure than the privilege that has been mine to do what I could to advance the cause of ratification and to hasten the day when the womanhood of America would be recognized by the nation on the equal footing of citizenship that it deserves."From Washington the women, joined by others, went to New York, where Governor Alfred E. Smith was waiting at the station and said in greeting Mrs. Catt: "I am here on behalf of the people of the State of New York to convey congratulations to you on your great victory for the motherhood of America." [See frontispiece Volume VI.][141]Vermont was thus left the only State, except those in the so-called "black belt," which did not ratify the Federal Amendment and its Legislature was ready to do so any day when Governor Percival W. Clement would permit it to meet. It ratified unanimously in the Senate and with three negative votes in the House when it met in regular session in 1921.

[131]The History is indebted for this chapter to Mrs. Ida Husted Harper, author of the Life and Work of Susan B. Anthony, and with Miss Anthony of Volume IV of the History of Woman Suffrage, which ended with 1900.

[132]For full account seeHistory of Woman Suffrage, Volume I, page 67.

[133]Life and Work of Susan B. Anthony, Chapter XVI.

[134]The American Woman Suffrage Association was organized in Cleveland, O., Nov. 25, 1869, with the Rev. Henry Ward Beecher, president; Lucy Stone, chairman of the executive committee, to work especially for amending State constitutions. The two bodies united in February, 1890, under the name National American and the association thenceforth worked vigorously by both methods.

[135]History of Woman Suffrage, Volume II, page 734.

[136]For full account seeHistory of Woman Suffrage, Volume IV, Chapter VI.

[137]In 1913 and the years following strenuous work with members of Congress was done by the Congressional Union, afterwards called the National Woman's Party.

[138]For full report of this hearing seeChapter XVIII.

[139]For speech in full seeAppendix for this chapter.

[140]As soon as the certificate was despatched Mrs. Catt left Nashville, where she had been for six weeks, accompanied by Mrs. Harriet Taylor Upton, vice-chairman of the National Republican Executive Committee; Miss Charl Williams, vice-chairman of the Democratic National Committee, and Miss Marjorie Shuler, the National Association's chairman of publicity, who had been working with her during this time. They went to Washington, called on the President and Secretary of State and in the evening addressed an enthusiastic mass meeting that filled the largest theater to overflowing. Secretary Colby represented President Wilson, from whom he brought this message:"Will you take the opportunity to say to my fellow citizens that I deem it one of the greatest honors of my life that this great event, the ratification of this amendment, should have occurred during the period of my administration. Nothing has given me more pleasure than the privilege that has been mine to do what I could to advance the cause of ratification and to hasten the day when the womanhood of America would be recognized by the nation on the equal footing of citizenship that it deserves."From Washington the women, joined by others, went to New York, where Governor Alfred E. Smith was waiting at the station and said in greeting Mrs. Catt: "I am here on behalf of the people of the State of New York to convey congratulations to you on your great victory for the motherhood of America." [See frontispiece Volume VI.]

"Will you take the opportunity to say to my fellow citizens that I deem it one of the greatest honors of my life that this great event, the ratification of this amendment, should have occurred during the period of my administration. Nothing has given me more pleasure than the privilege that has been mine to do what I could to advance the cause of ratification and to hasten the day when the womanhood of America would be recognized by the nation on the equal footing of citizenship that it deserves."

From Washington the women, joined by others, went to New York, where Governor Alfred E. Smith was waiting at the station and said in greeting Mrs. Catt: "I am here on behalf of the people of the State of New York to convey congratulations to you on your great victory for the motherhood of America." [See frontispiece Volume VI.]

[141]Vermont was thus left the only State, except those in the so-called "black belt," which did not ratify the Federal Amendment and its Legislature was ready to do so any day when Governor Percival W. Clement would permit it to meet. It ratified unanimously in the Senate and with three negative votes in the House when it met in regular session in 1921.

The National Woman Suffrage Association formed in New York City May 15, 1869, by pioneers in the movement from nineteen States was the first of the kind in the world. [History of Woman Suffrage, Volume II, page 400.] This was followed by the forming on November 24 at Cleveland, O., of the American Woman Suffrage Association. [Same, page 576.] In 1890 these two were combined under the name National American. [Volume IV, pages 164,174.] For various reasons other organizations came into existence, as the years passed, which had some claim to being considered national, but this great united association was the bulwark of the movement for woman suffrage from its beginning to its end in 1920. It was always the official authority recognized by Congress, State Legislatures, the press and the public, but all of the others assisted, each in its own way and degree, and, except in the case of one, the National Woman's Party, there was no antagonism among them, as all were consecrated to a common cause, and followed similar methods.

This association was organized on March 3rd and 10th, 1892, in the lecture room of the Sherman House, Chicago, with the following officers: President, the Hon. M. B. Castle, Sandwich, Ills.; vice-president, the Rev. Olympia Brown, Racine, Wis.; secretary, Mrs. A. J. Loomis, Chicago; treasurer, Mrs. S. M. C. Perkins, Cleveland, O. Judge Charles B. Waite of Chicago; Mrs. Isabella Beecher Hooker of Hartford, Conn.; Mrs. Lucinda H. Stone of Kalamazoo, Mich., and Mrs. Lucia E. Blount of Washington, D. C., with many other prominent people assisted. The object was to secure the passage of a Law by Congress authorizing women to vote for members of the House of Representatives,according to Sections 2 and 4, Article I of the Federal Constitution, which gives Congress authority to change the regulations made by the States for the election of these members. The way for this organization had been prepared by articles in theForumand theArenaby Judge Francis Minor of St. Louis, presenting the arguments for this law. He quoted James Madison, who said at the time Virginia adopted the National Constitution that "the power was given to Congress to change the regulations made by the States in order to protect the people. Should the people at any time be deprived of the right of suffrage for any cause it was deemed proper that it should be remedied by the general government." At the first meeting a memorial was adopted asking Congress to enact this law, which later was presented by Representative Clarence D. Clark of Wyoming. The officers of the association were instructed to present a memorial to the Republican national convention in Minneapolis that summer asking that a plank approving this Federal suffrage be inserted in the platform. The Rev. Mrs. Brown and Mrs. Perkins attended the convention, where they were treated with marked courtesy and given prominent seats. They secured a hearing and the presentation of the memorial in the Committee on Resolutions. The papers of Minneapolis printed it in full, which was something unusual at that time when woman suffrage was scarcely recognized by the press. At the Columbian Exposition in 1893 a section in the Political Congress was assigned to the Federal Association and a day appointed for its meetings. Two sessions were held, addressed by prominent speakers and attended by large audiences.

Much propaganda work was done and efforts were made to form local organizations. The subject was kept before the Republican and Democratic parties by memorials presented to their national conventions. In 1902 the society was reorganized as the Woman's Federal Equality Association in order to include other interests of women besides suffrage. It was hoped thus to enlist the cooperation of those employed by the Government but this hope not being realized the name was changed to the original. Mrs. Belva A. Lockwood had been chosen president in 1902 and was followed in 1903 by the Rev. Olympia Brown, who held the office until the end in 1920, Mrs. Lockwood continuing as honorarypresident until her death. Mrs. Clara Bewick Colby was chosen corresponding secretary in 1902 and devoted herself to the interests of the association unceasingly until her death Sept. 7, 1916. No session of Congress was allowed to pass without the presenting of a bill demanding the right of women to vote for federal officers. These bills were referred to the Committee on Election of President, Vice-President and Representatives in Congress. Usually hearings were granted and arranged for with much care by Mrs. Colby, who resided in Washington. They were very effective. Among the most important was that of 1904, which attracted so much attention that the committee appointed a second day to continue it and invited Mrs. Colby to explain more fully the demand of the association. Another important hearing was that of 1913, when the largest committee room was filled, many standing outside. It began in the morning and was continued in the evening, with the speakers nearly all members of Congress, a remarkable circumstance at that time.

At the hearings of 1914, 1915 and 1916 Representative Burton L. French of Idaho was a valuable speaker, as was Representative John E. Raker of California. Mrs. Lockwood and other women took part at different times, Mrs. Colby in all the hearings and the Rev. Mrs. Brown in most of them. Dr. Clara McNaughton, the treasurer, rendered important service in raising money and in other ways. At the great Gettysburg celebration in 1913 she and Mrs. Anna Harmon represented the association, obtaining signatures to petitions, circulating literature and finding a wide sentiment for woman suffrage among the old soldiers.

On July 11-13, 1915, the Federal Suffrage Association held a Congress at the Panama Pacific Exposition in San Francisco, over which the Rev. Olympia Brown presided. Mrs. Colby went out some time before the meeting and made the arrangements. Among the distinguished people who took part were Mrs. May Wright Sewall, founder of the International Council of Women, Mrs. Ida Husted Harper, historian of woman suffrage and biographer of Susan B. Anthony; Mrs. Adelaide Johnson, the noted sculptor; the eminent Mrs. Elizabeth Lowe Watson of California; Mrs. Emma Smith DeVoe of Tacoma, president of the National Council of Women Voters, and Mrs. Mary G. Bellamy,former member of the Wyoming Legislature. The most notable of the exercises was the fine pageant in the Court of Abundance on the closing night. This court was a most beautiful place for scenic display, the arrangement of the platform, lights and decorations all contributing to make any function there an enchanting scene. Mrs. Colby had prepared a comprehensive lecture on Woman's Part in the Building of America, and, with the assistance of a skilful specialist, Mrs. Andrea Hofer, had arranged a memorable entertainment. She stood on the pedestal of a massive column while she gave her lecture, which was illustrated by tableaus on the platform in the presence of a large audience. The congress was continued at San Diego with largely attended meetings.

The history of Federal Suffrage would not be complete without some mention of the work of Miss Laura Clay and her sister, Mrs. Sarah Clay Bennett, of Kentucky, who advocated the idea of Federal Suffrage even before the forming of the association and long worked for a U. S. Elections Bill. Miss Clay's maintenance of the Federal suffrage principles, her writings and her strong personality were a guarantee to many of the southern women that no infringement of the State's rights idea was intended. By Aug. 26, 1920, the Federal Amendment had been submitted by Congress and ratified. All the women of the United States were fully enfranchised and the association had no longer any reason for being.

[Prepared by the Rev. Olympia Brown.]

From the time the National Woman Suffrage Association was organized to secure the enfranchisement of women by amending the Federal Constitution there were among its members those who did not favor this method because it was contrary to the doctrine of State's rights. They did, however, want Congress to provide that woman should vote for its own Representatives, which could be done simply by a Law requiring only a majority vote of each House. From the early 80's this group was led by Miss Laura Clay and Mrs. Sarah Clay Bennett of Kentucky. There was no doubt that Congress had authority over the election of itsRepresentatives, as was clearly shown in Article I, Section 2, which prescribes the manner of their election and the qualifications of the electors in the different States. Later it fixed a time for these elections. This authority was conferred when, after the amendment was adopted for the election of U. S. Senators by the voters, Congress enacted that all who were qualified to vote for Representatives should be eligible to vote for Senators. The leaders of the National American Suffrage Association recognized the constitutionality of the bill and for many years kept a standing committee on it but they did not believe Congress ever would accept it. Its advocates claimed that if members of Congress had women for their constituents they would soon see that the States enfranchised them. The national leaders held that if women could elect members of Congress it would not take them long to compel the submission of a Federal Amendment and that the members would not put this power into their hands. They held also that it would be just as much a violation of the State's right to determine its own voters as would the Federal Amendment itself. The Southern Woman Suffrage Conference, or Association, however, had a committee to further this U. S. Elections Bill.

At the annual convention of the National American Association in 1914 its Congressional Committee was instructed to include this bill in the measures which it promoted. It was re-endorsed at the conventions of 1915 and 1916. Miss Clay went to Washington and lobbied for it with all the prestige of her family back of her and with all her commanding ability, supporting it by unanswerable argument. Members often presented it in both Houses but it never was reported by a committee.

While Miss Maud Wood of Boston was a senior in Radcliffe College her attention was directed to woman suffrage by the efforts of its women opponents in Cambridge to enlist the college girls on their side. Later, hearing a speech in favor of it by Miss Alice Stone Blackwell, she associated herself with the Massachusetts Suffrage Association, spoke at its next annual convention and was drawn into its work. After hearing andmeeting Miss Susan B. Anthony she felt a deeper obligation of service to the cause for which Miss Anthony and her associates had sacrificed so much and she thought that college women especially should pay their debt to those who had made their education possible by helping them fight the battle for woman suffrage. In 1900, with the help of Mrs. Inez Haynes Gillmore, also a Radcliffe student, Miss Wood, now Mrs. Park, founded the Massachusetts College Equal Suffrage League and steps were at once taken to form leagues in other States. In 1906 the National American Woman Suffrage Association held its annual convention in Baltimore and under the auspices of Dr. M. Carey Thomas, president of Bryn Mawr, there occurred that remarkable "college women's evening," when before an audience that filled the theater women professors from the largest Colleges for Women in the United States paid their tributes to Miss Anthony and announced their allegiance to her cause.

It was decided at this meeting that there ought to be a national association of college women, the first steps toward it were taken, and Mrs. Park was appointed to organize leagues in the States. In 1908 a Call was sent out signed by Dr. Thomas, President Mary E. Woolley of Mt. Holyoke College: Miss Mary E. Garrett, a founder of the Johns Hopkins Medical School; Mrs. Elsie Clews Parsons, Ph.D. of Barnard College; Miss Caroline E. Lexow (Barnard), president of the New York College Equal Suffrage League, and Miss Florence Garvin of the Rhode Island League, to meet for organization. The time and place selected were during the annual convention of the National American Woman Suffrage Association in Buffalo, N. Y., October 15-21. By this time College Leagues had been formed in fifteen States extending across the country to California. On October 17, in the beautiful club house of the Woman's Twentieth Century Club, with delegates present from most of these States, the National College League was organized with the following officers: President, Dr. Thomas; Professor Sophonisba Breckinridge of Chicago University at the head of a list of five vice-presidents; secretary, Miss Lexow; treasurer, Dr. Margaret Long (Smith) of Denver; Mrs. Park was made chairman of the organization committee. The purpose of the league was announced to be "to promote equalsuffrage sentiment among college women and men both before and after graduation." It became auxiliary to the National Association and its annual conventions were to be held at the same time and place as those of the association. In its early existence office space was given in the national suffrage headquarters in New York City.

For the next nine years this National College League was a vital force in the movement for woman suffrage. It soon had the largest voting delegation at the national suffrage conventions except that of New York. Dr. Thomas remained its president and Dr. Anna Howard Shaw its honorary vice-president. Miss Martha Gruening and Miss Florence Allen (now Judge of the Court of Common Pleas in Cleveland, O.), were secretaries, and from 1914 Mrs. Ethel Puffer Howes (Smith) of New York City. Organizers were sent throughout the States to form new leagues and lecturers of note were engaged to address league meetings. Among the latter were Professor Frances Squire Potter of the University of Minnesota; Dr. B. O. Aylesworth and Mrs. Helen Loring Grenfell, State Superintendent of Public Instruction of Colorado; Mrs. Charlotte Perkins Gilman of New York and Mrs. Philip Snowden of England. Dr. Shaw spoke a number of times. In 1915 a lecture tour among the colleges was arranged for Mrs. Emmeline Pankhurst. Literature and letters were sent to colleges and to graduates. In 1914, for instance, twenty colleges in New York State were supplied and letters were sent to a thousand graduates in New Jersey, campaigns being in progress in those States. During the Iowa campaign in 1916 the colleges of that State received 12,000 leaflets. Travelling libraries of twenty-five volumes relating to suffrage were circulated among the colleges. The most important achievement of an individual league was that in California in 1911. Under the presidency of Miss Charlotte Anita Whitney the work of the league of over a thousand members was a large factor in the success of the campaign for a woman suffrage amendment. In 1917, during the second New York campaign, Miss M. Louise Grant (Columbia), under the auspices of the National and State leagues, made forty-five speeches to arouse the college women,which contributed to the victory for the suffrage amendment in November.

The gaining of the franchise in this influential State made a Federal Amendment a certainty of the not distant future and in December the following official notice was sent to the branches of the National League:

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