The Regent possesses Edinburgh: Arran is proclaimed Traitor.
After our dolorous departure from Edinburgh, the fury and the rage of the French increased; for then neither man nor woman that professed Christ Jesus durst be seen within that town. The houses of the most honest men were given by the Queen to the Frenchmen for a part of their reward. The Earl Bothwell, by sound of trumpet, proclaimed the Earl of Arran traitor, with other despiteful words; and all this was done for the pleasure and at the suggestion of the Queen Regent, who then thought the battle was won, without fear of further resistance. Great practising she made towards obtaining the Castle of Edinburgh. The French made faggots and other preparations for assaulting the Castle, by force or by treason. But God wrought so potently with the Captain, the Lord Erskine, that neither did the Queen prevail by flattery, nor the French by treason.
French Reinforcements meet with Disaster at Sea.
With all diligence, intelligence was sent to the Duke of Guise, who was then virtual King of France, requiring him to use expedition, if he desired the full conquest of Scotland. He delayed no time, and sent away a new army with his brother, Marquis D'Elbœuf, and the Count de Martigues, promising that he himself should follow. But the righteous God, who in mercy looketh upon the affliction of those that unfeignedly sob unto Him, fought for us by His own outstretched arm. One night, upon the coast of Holland, eighteen ensigns of them were drowned, so that there only remained the ship in which were the two leaders with their ladies. These, violently drivenback again to Dieppe, were compelled to confess that God fought for the defence of Scotland.
News from England: a waiting Game is played.
Robert Melvin, who had gone to London in company with the Secretary, a little before Christmas, now returned from England and brought certain Articles to be answered by us. Thereupon the Nobility convened at Stirling, and returned answer with diligence. The French, informed of this, marched to Linlithgow, spoiled the Duke's house, and wasted his lands of Kinneil; thereafter coming to Stirling, where they remained for some days. The Duke, and the Earls of Argyll and Glencairn, with their friends, moved on to Glasgow, the Earl of Arran and Lord James, to St. Andrews; for charge had been given to all the Protestant Nobility to conserve their forces until God should send them further support.
The French invade Fife.
The French laid their plans for assaulting Fife first; for it had stirred their great indignation. Their purpose was to have taken and fortified the town, the Abbey, and the Castle of St. Andrews. So they came to Culross, after that to Dunfermline, and then to Burntisland, where they began to fortify. But they soon had reason to desist and march to Kinghorn. For, when the Earl of Arran and the Lord James learned that the French had departed from Stirling, they departed also from St. Andrews, and began to assemble their forces at Cupar. They also sent their men of war to Kinghorn; and to them there resorted divers of the coast side, who were of mind to resist at the beginning, rather than when the French had destroyed a part of their towns. As the Lords had given express command that nothing should be hazarded until they themselves were present, the Lord Ruthven, a man of great experience, and inferior to few in stoutness, was dispatched to Kinghorn.
An Affair at Pettycur.
The men of war, and the rascal multitude, perceiving Frenchmen landing from certain boats which had come from Leith, determined to stop their coming ashore. Not considering the enemies that approached from Burntisland, they unadvisedly rushed down to the Pettycur, as the brae be-west Kinghorn is called, and at the sea-coastbegan skirmishing. They never took heed to the enemy that approached by land, until the horsemen charged down upon their backs, and the whole bands met them in the face. They were thus compelled to give back, with the loss of six or seven men killed, and some others taken prisoner. The reason why there was so small a loss in so great a danger was, next to the merciful providence of God, the sudden coming of the Lord Ruthven. Immediately after our men had given back, he and his company came to the head of the brae, and stayed the French footmen, while some of ours broke upon their horsemen, and so repulsed them that they did no further hurt to our footmen.
The French occupy Kinghorn.
The French took Kinghorn, and there they lay, wasting the country about, as well Papists as Protestants, yea, even those that were confederate with them, such as Seafield, Wemyss, Balmuto, Balweary, and others, enemies to God and traitors to their country. They spared not the sheep, the oxen, the kine, and horse of these men, and some say that their wives and daughters got favours of the French soldiers. Thus did God recompense the Papists in their own bosoms, for, besides the defiling of their houses, two of them received more damage than did all the gentlemen that professed the Evangel within Fife, the Laird of Grange only excepted. His house of the Grange the French overthrew by gunpowder.
The Queen Regent, proud of this victory, burst forth in blasphemous railing, and said, "Where is now John Knox's God? My God is now stronger than his, yea, even in Fife." To her friends in France she posted news that thousands of the heretics had been slain, and that the rest were fled; and required that some nobleman would come and take the glory of that victory. Upon that information, the Count de Martigues, with two ships, and some captains and horse, were directed to come to Scotland; but little to their own advantage, as we shall hear.
John Knox preaches at Cupar.
The Lords of the Congregation, offended at the foolishness of the rascal multitude, recalled the men of war, and remained certain days at Cupar. To them repaired John Knox, and, in our greatest desperation, preached a most comfortable sermon. His subject was, "The danger inwhich the disciples of Christ Jesus stood when they were in the midst of the sea, and Jesus was upon the mountain." He exhorted us not to faint, but still to row against these contrary blasts, until Jesus Christ should come; "for," said he, "I am as assuredly persuaded that God shall deliver us from the extreme trouble, as I am assured that this is the Evangel of Jesus Christ which I preach unto you this day. I am assured, albeit I cannot assure you, by reason of this present rage; God grant that ye may acknowledge His hand, after your eyes have seen His deliverance." In that sermon he comforted many. And yet he offended the Earl of Arran, who apprehended that certain words were spoken in reproach of him, because he kept himself more close and solitary than many men would have wished.
The Campaign in Fife.
After these things, determination was taken that the Earl of Arran and Lord James, with the men of war and some company of horsemen, should go to Dysart, and there lie in wait upon the French, so that they should not utterly destroy the sea-coast, as they had intended to have done. The said Earl and Lord James did as they were appointed, albeit their company was very small; and yet they did so valiantly, that it passed all credibility. For twenty-one days they lay in their clothes; their boots never came off: they had skirmishing almost every day; yea, some days, from morn to even. The French had four thousand soldiers, beside their favourers and faction of the country. The Lords had never altogether five hundred horsemen, with a hundred soldiers; and yet they held the French so busy, that for every horse they slew to the Congregation, they lost four French soldiers.
William Kirkaldy of Grange, on the day after his house was cast down, sent in his defiance to Monsieur D'Oysel and the rest, declaring that to that hour had he used the French favourably. He had saved their lives, when he might have suffered their throats to be cut; but, seeing that they had used him with that rigour, let them not look for that favour in times to come. The said William Kirkaldy, and the Master of Lyndsay, escaped many dangers. The Master had his horse slain under him: the said William was almost betrayed in hishouse at Hallyards. Yet they never ceased; night and day they waited upon the French.
On one occasion, they with some gentlemen laid themselves in a secret place, before day, to await the French, who were wont to ish in companies, to seek their prey. Forth came a Captain Battu, with his hundred men, and began to spoil. The said Master, now Lord of Lyndsay, and the said William, suffered this without showing themselves or their company, until they had them more than a mile from Kinghorn. Then the horsemen began to break. Perceiving this, the French drew together to a place called Glennis House, and made for debate; some took the house, and others defended the close and yard. The hazard appeared very unlikely, for our men had nothing but spears, and were compelled to light upon their feet. The others were within dykes; and all had culverins: the shot was fearful to many, and divers were hurt. Kirkaldy, perceiving men to faint and begin to recoil, cried, "Fie, let us never live after this day, if we shall recoil for French schybalds[152];" and so the Master of Lyndsay and he burst in at the yett, and others followed. The Master struck with his spear at La Battu, and glancing upon his harness, for fierceness stammered[153]almost upon his knees. But, recovering suddenly, he fastened his spear, and bare the Captain backward, who, because he would not be taken, was slain, and fifty of his company with him. Those that were in the house, with some others, were saved, and sent to Dundee to be kept. This mischance to the Frenchmen made them more circumspect in scattering abroad in the country; and so the poor folk got some relief.
To furnish the French with victuals, Captain Cullen, with two ships, travelled betwixt the south shore and Kinghorn. For his wages, he spoiled Kinghorn, Kirkcaldy, and as much of Dysart as he might. For remedy, two ships were sent from Dundee, Andrew Sands, a stout and fervent man in the cause of religion, being in command. At the same time Count de Martigues arrived. Without delay he landed himself, his coffers, and the principal gentlemen that were with him atLeith, leaving the rest in his two ships until more convenient opportunity. But the said Andrew, and his companion, striking sail and making as if they would cast anchor hard beside them, boarded them both, and carried them to Dundee. In them were gotten some horse and much harness, with some other trifles; but of money we heard not.
An English Fleet arrives in the Forth.
The French were incensed, and vowed the destruction of St. Andrews and Dundee. Upon Monday morning, the twenty-third day of January 1560, they marched from Dysart, and crossed the water of Leven; ever keeping the sea-coast, for the sake of their ships and victuals. About twelve o'clock they espied ships. These had been seen that morning by us that were upon the land, but they were not known. Monsieur D'Oysel affirmed them to be French ships, and so the soldiers triumphed, shot their volley for salutation, and marched forward to Kincraig, fearing no resistance. But shortly after, the English ships, meeting with Captain Cullen, seized him and his ships, and this made them muse a little.
Suddenly came Master Alexander Wood, and assured Monsieur D'Oysel, that they were Englishmen, and that they were the fore-riders of a greater number that followed for the support of the Congregation. Then might have been seen the riving of beards, and might have been heard such despite as cruel men are wont to spue forth when God bridleth their fury. Weariness and the night constrained them to lodge where they were. They supped scarcely, because their ships were taken. In these were their victuals, and also the ordnance which they intended to have placed in St. Andrews. They themselves durst not stray abroad to forage; and the Laird of Wemyss's carriage, which likewise was coming with provisions for them, was stayed. Betimes in the morning, they retired towards Kinghorn, and made more expedition in one day in retiring, than they had done in two in advancing.
The French retire on Edinburgh.
The storm, which had continued for the space of nearly a month, broke at the very time of the retreat of the French. Many thought they would have been stayed by this until a reasonable company might have been assembled to have fought them; and with that purpose WilliamKirkaldy cut the bridge of Tullibody. But the French, expert enough in such work, took down the roof of a parish kirk, and made a bridge over the water called the Devon. So they escaped, and came to Stirling, and syne to Leith.
A greedy Frenchman dies in a Beef-tub.
In their retreat, the French spoiled the country and lost divers men; amongst whom there was one whose miserable end we must rehearse. A Frenchman—captain or soldier, we cannot tell, but he had a red cloak and a gilt morion—entered upon a poor woman, that dwelt in the Whyteside, and began to spoil. The poor woman offered him such bread as she had ready prepared. But he, in no ways content therewith, demanded the meal and a little salt beef with which she had to sustain her own life, and the lives of her poor children. Neither could tears nor pitiful words mitigate the merciless man; he would have whatsoever he could carry. The poor woman perceiving him so bent, and that he stooped down into her tub to take forth such stuff as was within it, cowped up his heels, so that his head went down; and there he ended his unhappy life.
The Negotiations between the Congregation and the English Court.
From this time forward, frequent mention will be made of the comfortable support that we, by God's providence, received in our greatest extremity from our neighbours of England. We therefore think it expedient simply to declare how that matter was first moved, and by what means it came to pass that the Queen and Council of England showed themselves so favourable to us.
John Knox had forewarned us, by his letters from Geneva, of all dangers that he foresaw to ensue from our enterprise; and, when he came to Dieppe, mindful of these, and revolving with himself what remedy God would please to offer, he had the boldness to write to Sir William Cecil, Secretary of England. With him the said John had formerly been familiarly acquainted, and he intended thereby to renew acquaintance, and so to open his mind further....
To this letter no answer was made; for, shortly thereafter, the said John made forward to Scotland by sea, where helanded on the third day of May; and had such success as has been declared in the Second Book. The said John, being in St. Andrews after Cupar Moor, entered into deep discourse with the Laird of Grange: the dangers were evident, but the support was not easy to be seen. After many words, John Knox burst forth as follows: "If England would foresee their own commodity, yea, if they did consider the danger wherein they themselves stand, they would not suffer us to perish in this quarrel; for France hath decreed no less the conquest of England than of Scotland." After long reasoning, it was concluded betwixt them two that support should be craved of England. For that purpose, the said Laird of Grange first wrote to Sir Harry Percy, and afterwards rode from Edinburgh and spake with him. To him he made so plain demonstration of the apparent danger to England, that he took upon him to write to the Secretary Cecil; who with expedition returned answer back again. Sir Harry was given to understand that our enterprise was not altogether misliked by the Council, albeit they desired further resolution on the part of the principal Lords. When this was understood, it was concluded by some to write unto him plainly our whole purpose.... With this our letter, John Knox wrote two, one to the Secretary, and another to the Queen's Majesty herself.... These letters were directed by Alexander Whitelaw, a man that hath oft hazarded himself, and his all, for the cause of God, and for his friends when in danger for the same cause.
Within a day or two after the departure of the said Alexander, there came a letter from Sir Harry Percy to John Knox, requiring him to meet him at Alnwick, on the third of August, upon such affairs as he would not write of, nor yet communicate to any but the said John himself. While he was preparing himself for the journey, for Secretary Cecil had appointed to meet him at Stamford, the Frenchmen came forth furiously from Dunbar, intending to have surprised the Lords in Edinburgh, as in the Second Book has been declared. This stayed the journey of the said John, until God had delivered the innocent from that great danger; and then was he (having Master Robert Hamilton, minister of the Evangel of JesusChrist, in his company) directed from the Lords, with full commission and instructions to set forth their whole cause and estate.
The passage was from Pittenweem, by sea. Arriving at Holy Island, and being informed that Sir Harry Percy was absent from the North, they addressed themselves to Sir James Crofts, then Captain of Berwick and Warden of the East Marches of England. They showed to him their credit and commission. He received them gently, and comforted them with his faithful counsel, which was that they should travel no farther, nor yet should they be seen in public, and that for divers considerations. First, the Queen Regent had her spies in England. Secondarily, the Queen and the Council favoured our action, but would that all things should remain secret as long as possible. And last, said he, "I do not think it expedient that, when preachers are so scarce, ye two should be any long time absent from the Lords. Therefore," said he, "ye shall do best to commit to writing your whole mind and credit, and I shall promise to you, upon my honour, to have answer delivered to you and the Lords, before ye yourselves could reach London. And where your letters cannot express all things so fully as your presence could, I, not only by my pen, but also by my own presence, shall supply the same, to such as will inform the Council sufficiently of all things."
The said John and Master Robert followed this counsel, for it was faithful and proceeded of love at that time. They tarried with Sir James Crofts very secretly, within the Castle of Berwick, for two days, when Alexander Whitelaw returned with answer to the Lords, and to John Knox, the tenor of whose letter was this:—
Master Cecil's Letter to John Knox.
"Master Knox,—Non est masculus neque foemina, omnes enim, ut ait Paulus, unum sumus in Christo Jesu. Benedictus vir qui confidit in Domino; et erit Dominus fiducia ejus.[154]"I have received your letters, at the time that I had thoughtto have seen yourself about Stamford. What is the cause of your let, I know not. I forbear to descend to the bottom of things, until I may confer with such an one as ye are; and, therefore, if your chance shall be hereafter to come hither, I wish you to be furnished with good credit, and power to make good resolution. Although my answer to the Lords of Congregation be somewhat obscure, upon further understanding ye shall find the matter plain. I need wish to you no more prudence than God's grace, whereof God send you plenty. And so I end. From Oxford, the twenty-eighth of July 1559.—Yours as a member of the same body in Christ,—W. Cecil."
"Master Knox,—Non est masculus neque foemina, omnes enim, ut ait Paulus, unum sumus in Christo Jesu. Benedictus vir qui confidit in Domino; et erit Dominus fiducia ejus.[154]
"I have received your letters, at the time that I had thoughtto have seen yourself about Stamford. What is the cause of your let, I know not. I forbear to descend to the bottom of things, until I may confer with such an one as ye are; and, therefore, if your chance shall be hereafter to come hither, I wish you to be furnished with good credit, and power to make good resolution. Although my answer to the Lords of Congregation be somewhat obscure, upon further understanding ye shall find the matter plain. I need wish to you no more prudence than God's grace, whereof God send you plenty. And so I end. From Oxford, the twenty-eighth of July 1559.—Yours as a member of the same body in Christ,—W. Cecil."
Albeit the said John received this letter at Berwick, yet would he answer nothing until he had spoken with the Lords. Them he found in Stirling, and unto them he delivered the answer sent from the Council of England.... The answer sent by Master Cecil was so general that many amongst us were despaired of any comfort to come from that country; and therefore were determined that they would request nothing further. John Knox laboured for the contrary purpose; but he could prevail no further than that he should have licence and liberty to write as he thought best. And so took he upon him to answer for all, in form as follows:—
The Reply of John Knox to Secretary Cecil.
"... Albeit Master Whitelaw, by his credit, Master Kirkaldy, by his letter, and I, both by letters and by that which I had learned from Sir James Crofts, did declare and affirm your good minds towards them and their support; yet could not some of the Council—those, I mean, of greatest experience—be otherwise persuaded, but that this alteration in France had altered your former purpose."It is not unknown to your countrymen what goodwill we three do bear to England. Therefore we heartily desire of you that your favours and good minds may appear to the Council by your own writings, rather than by any credit committed to any of us. The case of those gentlemen standeth thus:—Unless money be furnished without delay to pay their soldiers, who in number now exceed five hundred, for their service by-past, and to retain another thousand footmen, with threehundred horsemen for a time, they will be compelled every man to seek the next way for his own safety. I am assured, as flesh may be of flesh, that some of them will take a very hard life before they compone[155]either with the Queen Regent, or with France. But this I dare not promise at all, unless in you they see a greater forwardness to their support."To support us may appear excessive, and to break promise with France may appear dangerous. But, Sir, I hope ye consider that our destruction were your greatest loss; and that when France shall be our full master—which God avert!—they will be but slender friends to you. I heard Béthencourt brag in his credit, after he had delivered his menacing letters to Lord James Stewart, that the King and his Council would spend the Crown of France, unless they had our full obedience. But most assuredly I know that unless by us they thought to make an entrance to you, they would not buy our poverty at that price. They labour to corrupt some of our great men by money, and some of our number are poor, as before I wrote, and cannot serve without support; some they threaten; and against others they have raised up a party in their own country. In the meantime, if ye lie by as neutrals, ye may easily conjecture what will be the end! Some of the Council, immediately after the sight of your letters, departed, not well appeased. The Earl of Argyll is gone to his country for putting order to the same,[156]and is minded to return shortly with his forces, if assurance of your support be had."Therefore, Sir, in the bowels of Jesus Christ, I require you to make plain answer, that the Gentlemen here may know what to lippen to,[157]and at what time their support should be in readiness. How dangerous is the drift of time in such matters, ye are not ignorant...."
"... Albeit Master Whitelaw, by his credit, Master Kirkaldy, by his letter, and I, both by letters and by that which I had learned from Sir James Crofts, did declare and affirm your good minds towards them and their support; yet could not some of the Council—those, I mean, of greatest experience—be otherwise persuaded, but that this alteration in France had altered your former purpose.
"It is not unknown to your countrymen what goodwill we three do bear to England. Therefore we heartily desire of you that your favours and good minds may appear to the Council by your own writings, rather than by any credit committed to any of us. The case of those gentlemen standeth thus:—Unless money be furnished without delay to pay their soldiers, who in number now exceed five hundred, for their service by-past, and to retain another thousand footmen, with threehundred horsemen for a time, they will be compelled every man to seek the next way for his own safety. I am assured, as flesh may be of flesh, that some of them will take a very hard life before they compone[155]either with the Queen Regent, or with France. But this I dare not promise at all, unless in you they see a greater forwardness to their support.
"To support us may appear excessive, and to break promise with France may appear dangerous. But, Sir, I hope ye consider that our destruction were your greatest loss; and that when France shall be our full master—which God avert!—they will be but slender friends to you. I heard Béthencourt brag in his credit, after he had delivered his menacing letters to Lord James Stewart, that the King and his Council would spend the Crown of France, unless they had our full obedience. But most assuredly I know that unless by us they thought to make an entrance to you, they would not buy our poverty at that price. They labour to corrupt some of our great men by money, and some of our number are poor, as before I wrote, and cannot serve without support; some they threaten; and against others they have raised up a party in their own country. In the meantime, if ye lie by as neutrals, ye may easily conjecture what will be the end! Some of the Council, immediately after the sight of your letters, departed, not well appeased. The Earl of Argyll is gone to his country for putting order to the same,[156]and is minded to return shortly with his forces, if assurance of your support be had.
"Therefore, Sir, in the bowels of Jesus Christ, I require you to make plain answer, that the Gentlemen here may know what to lippen to,[157]and at what time their support should be in readiness. How dangerous is the drift of time in such matters, ye are not ignorant...."
A practical Answer.
With great expedition, answer was returned to this letter. It was requested that some men of credit should be sent from the Lords to Berwick, to receive money for immediate support; and promise was made that, if the Lords of the Congregation meant no otherwise than they had written, and if they would enter into league with honestconditions, they should neither lack men nor money to aid their just cause. Upon receipt of this answer, Master Henry Balnaves, a man of good credit in both the realms, was sent by the Lords to Berwick. He immediately returned with such a sum of money as served all the public affairs until the next November; John Cockburn of Ormiston was then sent for the second support, and receiving the same, unhappily fell into the hands of the Earl Bothwell, and was wounded, taken, and spoiled of a great sum. Upon this mischance followed all the rest of our troubles before rehearsed....
In the negotiation of the Secretary Lethington with the Queen and Council of England, in which he travailed with no less wisdom and faithfulness than happy success, many things occurred that required the resolution of the whole Lords. Amongst these there was one of which we have made no previous mention.
After the Queen and Council of England had concluded to send their army into Scotland to expel the French, the Duke of Norfolk was sent to Berwick, with full instructions, power, and commission, to do in all things, concerning the present affairs of Scotland, as the Queen and Councillors in their own persons might do. Hereupon, the said Duke required such a part of the Lords of Scotland as had power and commission from the whole to meet him at such day and place as it might please them to appoint. The intimation came first to Glasgow, by means of the Master of Maxwell. When this had been read and considered by the Lords, it was agreed that they should meet at Carlisle. This arrangement was made on the procurement of the said Master of Maxwell, for his own ease.
John Knox reproaches the Lords for Slackness and Thoughtlessness.
Letters were directed from the Lords, lying at Glasgow, to Lord James, requiring him to repair towards them for the purpose named, with all possible expedition. When these letters had been read and advised upon, commandment was given to John Knox to make the answer.... And he wrote as follows:—"I have written oftener than once to Mr. Henry Balnaves concerning things that have misliked me in yourslow proceedings in supporting your brethren, who many days have sustained extreme danger in these parts, as well as in making provision how the enemy might have been annoyed, when they lay in few numbers nigh to your quarters in Stirling; and in making provision how the expectation of your friends, who long have awaited for your answer, might have been satisfied. But although I have complained of those things, of very conscience, I am yet compelled to signify unto your honours that, unless I shall espy some redress of these and other enormities, I am assured that the end shall be such as godly men shall mourn, and that a good cause shall perish for lack of wisdom and diligence.
"In my last letters to Mr. Henry Balnaves, I declared that your especial friends in England wonder that no greater expedition is made, the weight of the matter being considered. I wrote also that, if the fault were with the Lord Duke and his friends, the greatest loss should be his and theirs in the end. And now, I cannot cease both to wonder and lament that your whole Council was so destitute of wisdom and discretion as to charge this poor man, the Prior, to come to you to Glasgow, and thereafter to go to Carlisle, for such affairs as are to be entreated. Was there none amongst you who did foresee what inconveniences might ensue his absence from these parts?
"I cease to speak of the dangers from the enemy. Your friends have lain in the Firth now for fifteen days bypast, and what was their former travail is not unknown; yet they have never received comfort from any man, him only excepted, more than if they had lain upon the coast of their mortal enemy. Do ye not consider that such a company needs comfort and provision from time to time? Remove him, and who abideth that carefully will travail in that or any other weighty matter in these parts? Did ye not further consider that he had begun to meddle with the gentlemen who had declared themselves unfriends heretofore; and also that order would have been taken for such as have been neutral? Now, by reason of his absence, the former will escape withoutadmonition, and the latter will retain their former liberty. I am assured that the enemy will not sleep, either in that or in other affairs. They will undermine you and your whole cause; and, especially, they will hurt this part of the country in revenge for their former folly.
"If none of these causes should have moved you to have considered that such a journey, at such a time, was not meet for the Lord James, or for them that must accompany him, discreet men would yet have considered that the men that have lien in their jacks, and travailed their horses continually the space of a month, require some longer rest than yet they have had, both for themselves and, especially, for their horses, before they should have been charged to take such a journey. The Prior may, for satisfaction of your unreasonable minds, make the enterprise; but I am assured that he shall not be able to procure in all Fife six honest men to accompany him. How that stands either with your honour or his safety, judge ye yourselves.
"Again, it is a wonder that ye did not consider to what pain and fashery[158]ye put your friends of England; especially the Duke of Norfolk and his Council, whom ye would cause to travel the most wearisome and fashous gait[159]that is in England. In my opinion, whoever gave you that counsel either lacked right judgment in things to be done, or else had too much respect to his own ease, and too small regard to the travail and danger of his brethren. A common cause requireth a common concurrence, and that every man bear his burden proportionably. Prudent and indifferent men espy the contrary in this cause, especially of late days; for the weakest are most grievously charged, and those to whom the matter most belongeth, and to whom justly the greatest burden is due, are in a manner exempted both from travail and expenses.
"To speak the matter plainly, wise men do wonder what my Lord Duke's friends do mean; they are so slack and backward in this cause. In other actions, they have been judged stout and forward; and in this, which is the greatest that ever he or they had in hand, they appear destitute both of graceand of courage. I am not ignorant that they that are most inward in his counsels are enemies to God, and therefore cannot but be enemies to His cause. But the wonder is that he and his other friends do not consider that the tinsel of this godly enterprise will mean the rooting of them and their posterity from this realm. Considering, my Lords, that by God's providence ye are joined with the Duke's Grace in this common cause, do ye admonish him plainly of the danger to come. Will him to beware of the counsel of those that are plainly infected with superstition, with pride, and with venom of particular profits. If he do not this at your admonition, he shall smart, before he be aware; if ye cease to put him in mind of his duty, it may be that, for your silence, ye shall drink some portion of the plague with him...."
Upon the receipt of this letter, and consultation thereupon, a fresh decision was made; to wit, that the Lords would visit the Duke of Norfolk at Berwick, where he was.
Thus far have we digressed from the style of the history, to let the posterity that shall follow understand by what instruments God wrought the familiarity and friendship that afterwards we found in England. Now we return to our former history.
After the French Retreat from Fife.
The parts of Fife set at freedom from the bondage of those bloody worms, solemn thanks unto God, for His mighty deliverance, were given in St. Andrews. Shortly after, the Earl of Arran and Lord James apprehended the Lairds of Wemyss, Seafield, Balgonie, and Durie, and others that had assisted the French. They were, however, soon set at freedom, upon conditions that they never intended to keep: for such men have neither faith nor honesty. Mr. James Balfour, who was the greatest practiser, escaped. The English ships multiplied daily, until they were able to keep the whole Firth. This enraged the French and the Queen Regent, and they began to execute their tyranny upon the parts of Lothian that lay near to Edinburgh.
At Berwick, the Lords make a Contract with England.
In the middle of February 1560, the Lord James, Lord Ruthven, the Master of Maxwell, the Master of Lyndsay, Master Henry Balnaves, and the Laird of Pittarrow were directed to England, from the Duke's Grace and the Congregation. All these, except the Master of Maxwell, departed with their honest companies and commission by sea to Berwick. There they were met by the Duke of Norfolk, lieutenant to the Queen's Majesty of England, and with him a great company of the gentlemen of the North, and some also of the South, having full power to contract with the nobility of Scotland. This they did, upon such conditions as in the Contract are specified. And because we have heard the malicious tongues of wicked men make false report of our action, we have faithfully and truly inserted in this our history the said Contract, that the memory thereof may bide to our posterity. They may judge with indifference whether we have done anything prejudicial to our commonwealth, or yet contrary to that dutiful obedience which true subjects owe to their superiors—superiors whose authority ought to defend and maintain the liberty and freedom of the realms committed to their charge; and not to oppress and betray these to strangers. The tenor of our Contract follows.
The principal Clauses of the Treaty of Berwick.
"... The Queen's Majesty, having sufficiently understood, as well by information sent from the nobility of Scotland, as by the manifest proceedings of the French, that they intend to conquer the realm of Scotland, suppress the liberties thereof, and unite the same unto the Crown of France perpetually, contrary to the laws of the same realm, and to the pacts, oaths, and promises of France; and being thereto most humbly and earnestly required by the said nobility, for and in name of the whole realm, shall accept the said realm of Scotland, the Duke of Chatelherault, Earl of Arran, being declared by Act of Parliament in Scotland to be heir-apparent to the Crown thereof, and the nobility and subjects thereof, unto Her Majesty's protection and maintenance, only for preservation of the same in their freedoms and liberties, and from conquestduring the time that the marriage shall continue betwixt the Queen of Scots and the French King, and a year after. And, for expelling out of the same realm such as presently and apparently go about to practise the said conquest, Her Majesty shall with all speed send unto Scotland a convenient aid of men of war, on horse and foot, to join with the power[160]of Scotsmen; with artillery, munition, and all other instruments of war meet for the purpose, as well by sea as by land, not only to expel the present power of French within that realm, oppressing the same, but also to stop, as far as conveniently may be, all greater forces of French from entering therein for the like purpose. Her Majesty shall continue her aid to the said realm, nobility, and subjects of the same, unto the time that the French, being enemies to the said realm, are utterly expelled thence. Her Majesty shall never transact, compone, nor agree with the French, nor conclude any league with them, unless the Scots and the French shall be agreed; that the realm of Scotland may be left in due freedom by the French. Nor shall Her Majesty leave off the maintenance of the said nobility and subjects, whereby they might fall as a prey into their enemies' hands, as long as they shall acknowledge their Sovereign Lady and Queen, and shall indure[161]themselves to maintain the liberty of their country, and the estate of the Crown of Scotland. And, if any forts or strengths within the realm be won out of the hands of the French at this present time, or at any time hereafter, by Her Majesty's aid, the same shall be immediately demolished by the said Scotsmen, or delivered to the said Duke and his party foresaid, at their option and choice. Nor shall the power of England fortify within the ground of Scotland, being out of the bounds of England, but by the advice of the said Duke, nobility, and estates of Scotland.
"For which causes, and in respect of Her Majesty's most gentle clemency and liberal support, the said Duke, and all the nobility, as well such as be now joined, as such as shall hereafter join with him for defence of the liberty of that realm, shall, to the uttermost of their power, aid and supportHer Majesty's arm against the French, and their partakers,[162]with horsemen and footmen, and with victuals, by land and by sea, and with all manner of other aid to the best of their power, and so shall continue during the time that Her Majesty's army shall remain in Scotland. They shall be enemy to all such Scotsmen and French as shall in anywise show themselves enemies to the realm of England in respect of the aiding and supporting of the said Duke and nobility in the delivery of the realm of Scotland from conquest. They shall never assent nor permit that the realm of Scotland shall be conquered, or otherwise knit to the Crown of France than it is at this present time only by the marriage of the Queen their Sovereign to the French King, and by the laws and liberties of the realm, as it ought to be....
"And, finally, the said Duke and the nobility joined with him certainly perceiving that the Queen's Majesty of England is thereunto moved only upon respect of princely honour and neighbourhood for the defence of the freedom of Scotland from conquest, and not of any other sinister intent, do by these presents testify and declare that neither they nor any of them mean by this count to withdraw any due obedience to their Sovereign Lady the Queen, or to withstand the French King, her husband and head, in any lawful thing that, during the marriage, shall not tend to the subversion and oppression of the just and ancient liberties of the said kingdom of Scotland; for preservation whereof, both for their Sovereign's honour, and for the continuance of the kingdom in ancient estate, they acknowledge themselves bound to spend their goods, lands, and lives...."
The Regent lays waste the Country.
Shortly after this contract was completed, our pledges were delivered to Master Winter, Admiral of the navy[163]that came to Scotland, a man of great honesty, so far as ever we could espy of him, and these were safely convoyed to Newcastle. Then the English began to assemble near the Border; and the French and Queen Regent, informed of this, began to destroy what theycould in the towns and country about. The whole victuals they carried to Leith; the mills they broke; the sheep, oxen, and kine, yea, the horses of poor labourers, they made all to serve their tyranny. In the end, they left nothing undone which very enemies could have devised, except that they demolished not gentlemen's houses, and burnt not the town of Edinburgh: in this particular, God bridled their fury, to let His afflicted understand that He took care of them.
Before the coming of the land army, the French passed to Glasgow, and destroyed the country thereabout. The tyranny used by the Marquis upon a poor Scottish soldier is fearful to hear, and yet his act may not be omitted. They would give no silver to the poor men, and so they were slow to depart from the town; and, albeit the drum was beaten, the ensign could not be got. A poor craftsman, who had bought for his victuals a grey loaf and was eating a morsel of it, was putting the rest of it in his bosom. The tyrant came to him, and with the poor caitiff's own whinger first struck him in the breast, and afterwards cast it at him. The poor man staggering and falling, the merciless tyrant ran him through with his rapier, and thereafter commanded him to be hung over the stair. Lord, Thou wilt yet look, and recompense such tyranny; however contemptible the person was!
On the second of April, in the year of God 1560, the army by land entered Scotland. Its conduct was committed to the Lord Grey, who had in his company the Lord Scrope, Sir James Crofts, Sir Harry Percy, and Sir Francis Lake; many other captains and gentlemen having charge, some of footmen, some of horsemen. The army by land was estimated at ten thousand men. The Queen Regent and some others of her faction had passed to the Castle of Edinburgh. At Preston the English were met by the Duke's Grace, the Earl of Argyll (Huntly came not until the siege was confirmed), Lord James, the Earls of Glencairn and Monteith, Lords Ruthven, Boyd, and Ochiltree, and all the Protestant gentlemen of West Fife, Angus, and Mearns. For a few days the army was great.
The Siege of Leith: April 1560.
After two days' deliberation at Inveresk, the whole camp marched forward with ordnance and all preparation necessary for the siege, and came to Restalrig upon Palm Sunday evening. The French had put themselves in battle array upon the Links without Leith, and had sent forth their skirmishers. These, beginning before ten o'clock, continued skirmishing until after four o'clock in the afternoon, when some horsemen of Scotland and some of England charged upon them. But, because the principal captain of the horsemen of England was not present, the whole troop durst not charge, and so the overthrow and slaughter of the French was not so great as at one time it appeared to be. The great battle was once at the trot; but when the French perceived that the great force of the horsemen stood still, and charged not, they returned and gave some resource to their fellows that fled. Thus there fell in that defeat only about three hundred Frenchmen. God would not give the victory so suddenly, lest man should glory in his own strength. This small victory put both the English and Scots in too great security, as the issue declared.
The French enclosed within the town, the English army began to plant their pavilions betwixt Leith and Restalrig. The ordnance of the town, and especially that which lay upon St. Anthony's steeple, caused them great annoyance; and eight cannon were bent against this place. These shot so continually, and so accurately, that, within few days, that steeple was condemned, and all the ordnance on it was dismounted. This made the Englishmen somewhat more negligent than it became good men of war to have been; for, perceiving that the French made no pursuit outside their walls, they got the idea that they would never ish more. Some of the captains for pastime, went to the town:[164]the soldiers, for their ease, laid their armour aside, and, as men beyond danger, fell to the dice and cards. So, upon Easter Monday, at the very hour of noon, when the French ished, both on horse and foot, and entered into the English trenches with great violence, they slew or put to flight all that were found there.
The watch was negligently kept, and succour was slow, and long in coming; the French, before any resistance was made, approached almost to the great ordnance. But then the horsemen trooped together, and the footmen got themselves in array, and so repulsed the French back again to the town. But the slaughter was great: some say it exceeded double of that which the French received the first day. And this was the fruit of their security and ours.
Matters were afterwards remedied; for the Englishmen, most wisely considering themselves not able to besiege the town at all points, made mounds at divers quarters of it. In these, they and their ordnance lay in as good strength as did the enemy within the town. The common soldiers kept the trenches, and had the said mounds for their safeguard and refuge, in case of any greater pursuit than they were able to sustain. The patience and stout courage of the Englishmen, but principally of the horsemen, is worthy of all praise: for where was it ever heard that eight thousand (they that lay in camp never exceeded that number) should besiege four thousand of the most desperate cut-throats that were to be found in Europe, and lie so near to them in daily skirmishing, for the space of three months and more. The horsemen kept watch night and day, and did so valiantly behave themselves that the French got no advantage from that day until the day of the assault.
In the meantime, another bond to defend the liberty of the Evangel of Christ was made by all the nobility, barons, and gentlemen, professing Christ Jesus in Scotland, and by divers others that joined with us in expelling the French army.... This contract and bond came not only to the ears but to the sight of the Queen Dowager. Thereat she stormed not a little, and said, "The malediction of God I give unto them that counselled me to persecute the preachers, and to refuse the petitions of the best part of the true subjects of this realm. It was said to me that the English army could not lie in Scotland ten days; but they have lain nearly a month now, and are more likely to remain than the first day they came."
They that gave such information to the Queen, spoke as worldly wise men, and as things appeared to have been. For, the country being almost in all parts wasted, the victuals within reach of Leith either brought in to their stores or else destroyed, and the mills and other places cast down, it appeared that the camp could not have been furnished, unless it had been by their own ships. That could not have been for any long continuance of time, and so would have been of little comfort. But God confounded all worldly wisdom, and made His own benediction as evidently to appear as if, in a manner, He had fed the army from above. In the camp all the time that it lay, after eight days had passed, all kinds of victuals were more abundant, and of more easy prices, than they had been in Edinburgh at any time in the two previous years, or yet have been in that town to this day. The people of Scotland so much abhorred the tyranny of the French that they would have given their substance to have been rid of that chargeable burden which our sins had provoked God to lay upon us—in giving us into the hands of a woman, whom our nobility, in their foolishness, sold unto strangers, and with her the liberty of the realm....