CHAPTER XI.

About this time, Major Winthrop of General Butler’s staff was killed, and, shortly after, Lieutenant Greble, at his gun. No further effort was made to capture the works, and the order to retreat was given to our whole force, which now retired in good order, no pursuit whatever being attempted by the enemy. Lieutenant Greble’s gun was hauled from its exposed position into the woods, and the body of that gallant officer was lashed to it and conveyed to Fortress Monroe, where it was received with many manifestations of grief. The body of Major Winthrop, together with several others killed and wounded, were left upon the field.

The casualties among the Massachusetts troops were as follows: Horace Colby of Captain Barnes’s company, and Matthew Fitzpatrick of Captain Clarke’s company, were killed; Sergeant A. H. DeCosta of Captain Clarke’s company, and Frank L. Souther of the Fourth Regiment, were wounded, the latter mortally.

The total Union loss in this battle has been variously estimated at from twenty-five to forty, killed and wounded. The loss of the Confederates was small, one authority giving it asone killed and seven wounded. A few days after the battle, a flag of truce was sent out from our lines, to discover the condition of our dead and wounded. Major Cary of the Confederates met our flag, and informed the officer in charge that our dead had been properly buried upon the field, and our wounded suitably cared for. The personal effects of Major Winthrop, including his gold watch, were given up to our officer in charge of the flag.

The contemporary estimate of the importance of this affair is very ludicrous, when viewed in the light of the subsequent events of the war. General Butler comforted himself by saying, “Our troops have learned confidence in themselves under fire, the enemy have shown that they will not meet us in the open field, and our officers have learned wherein their organization and drill are inefficient.”14The Northern press regarded it as “a severe engagement”; while in the South it was spoken of as “a brilliant victory,” and was even made the subject of a spirited lyric published in the New Orleans “Delta.” One Frank I. Wilson of Raleigh N. C., in 1864, published a pamphlet of twenty-eight pages, mostly devoted to a description of this skirmish, prefaced by various heroic mottoes and quotations from Halleck and other authors. The book contains many extravagant statements, and besides giving the names of some of the officers and troops engaged, is of little value as a contribution to the history of the war, which statement is well illustrated by the assertion of its author, on page 19, that the loss of the Federals “was about three hundred killed and as many more wounded.”

Some of the statements of Northern writers are nearly as much at variance with the truth as those above quoted. Mr. Abbott, in his “History of the Civil War” (Vol. I., p. 151), says of Major Winthrop, that “he fell dead nearer the enemy’s works than any other man”; while Mr. Parton says, quoting from the report of the Confederate Colonel, D. H. Hill (“Butler in New Orleans,” page 146), that Major Winthrop “was the only man in the Union force who displayed even an approximation to courage.” While the author has no desire todetract from the fame of Major Winthrop, who was unquestionably a brave man, yet these statements are grossly false, and cruelly unjust to the other officers and men who took part in the battle. Colonel Duryea’s men charged the enemy’s works with great bravery, as did also the Massachusetts troops under Lieutenant-Colonel Washburn; and had there been proper concert of action, these assaults would have doubtless led to victory. Horace Colby of Captain Barnes’s company fell on the slope of the enemy’s works, and his comrades, in endeavoring to recover his body, were obliged to drag it off by the legs; while, according to the best authority, Major Winthrop fell thirty yards from the enemy’s works, being shot while standing on a log viewing the Confederate position on their right.

Since the author has had the subject of this battle under consideration, he has consultedvery highandreliableConfederate authority in regard to it, from which he has obtained the following facts: On the 8th of June, 1861, the First North Carolina Regiment of Infantry, under Colonel Daniel H. Hill (General D. H. Hill), moved down from Yorktown, where it had been in camp, to the near neighborhood of Great Bethel. On the 9th of June, Colonel Magruder (General Magruder) came from Yorktown and ordered Colonel Hill to move before day of the 10th, to rebuild a bridge near Hampton, that had been destroyed by the Federals. Colonel Hill did not like the movement, and requested Colonel Magruder, his senior, to accompany him. Magruder consented, and before daylight on the 10th, the Confederate troops, consisting of Hill’s regiment, 700 strong, some Virginia companies of infantry under Lieutenant-Colonel Stewart, about 200, a company of Virginia Howitzers (Richmond Howitzers), numbering about 100 men, started on their march. After having gone three or four miles, day broke upon them, when they met a Mrs. Trumbell, who informed them that the Federals had been at her house that morning, and but for an accident which had occurred, whereby they had fired upon one another, they would have reached Bethel by daylight. Upon receiving this information, Magruder ordered the troops to halt, and then ordered them to fall back toward Great Bethel. Uponreaching the ground on the south side of the intersection of the two roads, between Little and Great Bethel, Colonel Magruder thought he would divide his force and send a portion of his command, together with the Howitzers, down the Back River road; but Colonel Hill, who was an excellent soldier, suggested that they had better keep together, occupy their works at Great Bethel, and wait for the approach of the Federals. This was finally agreed upon, and the wisdom of such a course is apparent from what followed.

When the movement was made by the Federals on the enemy’s left flank, “it created some alarm”; and when the movement on their right flank was made by Townsend’s regiment, “Magruder ordered the Virginians, who were holding the pits in advance of the creek, to abandon them”; but Colonel Hill sent Captain Bridger, with his company, to reoccupy them, which he did. About this time, Magruder, supposing his whole right flank to be enveloped, ordered a retreat of all his forces on Yorktown. This order was, however, recalled, when, soon after, Colonel M. discovered his mistake.

The Federal movement on the enemy’s left flank, “which created some alarm,” referred to by our informant, and spoken of above, was unquestionably that of the battalion of Lieutenant-Colonel Washburn, one of our Massachusetts officers engaged in it having always insisted that the enemy were retreating when our men reached their works. That the works charged by the battalion were the enemy’s main works, is beyond dispute; and the fact that the Confederates temporarily retired from them, is distinctly stated by Mr. Pollard, in his book entitled the “First Year of the War,” page 77.

The author has not gone into the numerous details of this battle with any erroneous idea of its importance, but simply because it was the first pitched battle of the war, and the facts concerning it have been much in dispute, and because it shows how the raw troops of both armies fought at that very early period.

General Butler thought the enemy cowardly because they fought behind works; but the fact that they did so, proves that they were commanded by good officers, who knew something about fighting; while the fact that General Butler failedto place some experienced officer—like General Phelps, for instance—in command of the expedition, shows that he had quite as much to learn as his troops, and even more than some of his lieutenants. The battle was, perhaps, well planned, but was fought by the Federals with very little skill. There was something of the same assurance of easy victory on our part which characterized the battle of Bull Run, that so soon followed.

On the 29th of June, a scouting party went out from Newport News and captured four of the enemy, who were in full zouave uniform, and belonged to a Louisiana regiment. On the same day, the Fourth Regiment was ordered to embark, but for some reason its departure was delayed until the second day of July, when, in pursuance of orders from General Butler, it proceeded by steamer to Hampton, and occupied that town with the Third Regiment.15In the forenoon of the 4th, both regiments marched to Camp Hamilton, were reviewed by General Pierce, and in the afternoon by General Butler and Secretary Cameron. On the 11th of July, the regiment marched to Fortress Monroe, preparatory to embarking for home, and there exchanged their Springfield muskets “for old, altered, flint-lock guns.”16While stopping at Fortress Monroe, the men were addressed by General Butler and Colonel Dimick.

On the 15th, the regiment went on board the steamer “S. R. Spaulding,” and after a passage of about fifty-six hours, reached Boston Harbor, landed on Long Island, and there remained till the 22d; on the latter day proceeding to the city, and being reviewed on Boston Common by Governor Andrew.

The disaster of Bull Run had so far depressed the feelings of the people, that the reception in Boston was not attended with that degree of enthusiasm which the soldiers had reason to expect; but every loyal heart was sorrow-stricken then, and the appearance of the bronzed faces of the men, and their well-worn uniforms, served only as a reminder of the sad realities of war. The local receptions given the various companieswere, however, most cordial: bells were rung, flags displayed, and speeches of welcome were made.

These and other soldiers of our militia performed, in the early days of the war, a part similar to that of the Minutemen of the Revolution, and the gratitude of a liberty-loving people will ever be accorded to them.

The Review in Fortress Monroe—A Fourth of July Battle—Formation of the Massachusetts Battalion—Captain Leach’s Company Sent to the Rip-Raps—Guarding Prisoners—Burning of Hampton by the Confederates—The Battalion Sent to Newport News.

We have already spoken of the presence in the department of the Secretary of War, and his review of the Third and Fourth regiments at Camp Hamilton. On the fourth day of July, the garrison of Fortress Monroe was reviewed by that officer, General Butler, and Colonel Dimick. At that time Captain Leach’s company was stationed at the fort, and was reviewed with the rest of the troops. Probably no member of that company will soon forget the chagrin which he and all his comrades experienced that day on account of the shabbiness of their uniforms. There was not one soldier in ten of the company whose trousers were not in tatters, and whose shirt—for they had neither dress-coats nor blouses—was not faded to a dingy yellow and out at the elbows. The grotesque style of their uniforms, which are particularly described in a previous chapter, and the poor quality of their arms, added to their generally ragged condition, made them disagreeably conspicuous, especially as they formed on the immediate left of the regulars, a well-drilled and finely-uniformed and equipped body of soldiers. When the inspecting party, in full dress, came riding down the line, and their eyes fell upon the shabby-looking Massachusetts boys, Secretary Cameron was so much surprised, that he turned to General Butler and asked, “What terribly ragged troops are these?” The General was greatly mortified to be compelled to state in reply, that they were Massachusetts volunteers. When the equipments of the men were inspected by one of the staff officers, he found that their cartridge-boxes were empty,although they had been on duty there for more than a month.17The public disgrace which the men were compelled to suffer on this occasion was partially compensated on the following day, by an issue to them of a full suit of United States infantry uniform, including the dress-hat and coat.

Beside this inspection, the Fourth was attended by two other incidents of an entirely different nature. A little after noon, the United States gunboat “Pawnee” weighed anchor, and, steaming across the Roads, commenced a spirited attack upon the Confederate land-batteries at Sewall’s Point. The fight took place in plain view of the whole garrison, the troops off duty lining the parapets and watching every movement and every shot with the most intense interest. The steamer was very rapid in her movements, and managed to expose but little of her hull to the enemy’s gunners. Her shell were often seen to explode in the tree-tops and about the shore, while those of the hostile batteries frequently passed through her rigging and plunged into the water near her, throwing up beautiful jets of silvery spray and foam.

Towards night a threatening black cloud arose in the south, while a fresh wind was blowing from the opposite quarter. There were a number of war-vessels in the Roads, and among them the brig “Perry,” a very snugly-rigged and peculiarly trim-looking vessel. About six o’clock, the latter was observed to be making sail, and in the course of a few minutes was heading towards Cape Henry, speeding before the breeze like a bird. It was but a short time before the hull of the vessel was lost to view; but against the dark background of the clouds, from out of which there frequently came flashes of lightning, the snowy sails of the brig were for a long time plainly visible.

At short distances apart, along the shore near which she was passing, were Confederate sand-batteries. As the brig approached them, suddenly a flash of flame was seen to dart out of the woods on the shore, and quickly in response a flash from under the white sails of the vessel,—for her hull wasstill invisible,—and then, after the lapse of a few seconds, came reverberating across the dark water the sullen boom of a gun, mingled with a peal of thunder. This fine display continued till some time after it was quite dark, when the rain began to descend in large drops, driving the spectators from the parapets. There was a succession of heavy rainstorms, accompanied by severe thunder and lightning, lasting nearly all night.

When the Third and Fourth regiments retired from the service, the seven three-years’ companies became so many unattached and independent commands, the necessities of whose members, as well as the true interests of the Government, demanded that they should speedily become an organized body, having a responsible commander and such other officers as the actual needs of field life always require. General Butler, appreciating the situation of these soldiers, promptly issued the following order:—

“Headquarters Department of Virginia,}Fortress Monroe,Va., July 16, 1861.}“Special Orders, No. 144.“Captain Barnes, Massachusetts Volunteers, is assigned to the command of the companies of Massachusetts Volunteers now in the department and not organized into a regiment. Captain Barnes will appoint from the subalterns of his command an officer to perform the duties of an Acting Assistant Quartermaster and Acting Assistant Commissary of Subsistence.“(Official.) By command of Major-General Butler.“(Signed)T. J. Haines, A. A. A. G.“(Signed)Wm. D. Whipple, A. A. G.”

“Headquarters Department of Virginia,}Fortress Monroe,Va., July 16, 1861.}

“Special Orders, No. 144.

“Captain Barnes, Massachusetts Volunteers, is assigned to the command of the companies of Massachusetts Volunteers now in the department and not organized into a regiment. Captain Barnes will appoint from the subalterns of his command an officer to perform the duties of an Acting Assistant Quartermaster and Acting Assistant Commissary of Subsistence.

“(Official.) By command of Major-General Butler.

“(Signed)T. J. Haines, A. A. A. G.“(Signed)Wm. D. Whipple, A. A. G.”

Captain Barnes, upon assuming command of these troops (which were designated by Adjutant-General Schouler, in his reports, as the First Battalion of Massachusetts Volunteers), appointed First Lieutenant John B. Collingwood, Adjutant; First Lieutenant Joshua Norton, 3d, Acting Assistant Quartermaster; and Sergeant Henry S. Braden, Sergeant-Major.

By an order from General Butler, also dated July 16, Captain Leach was directed to proceed with his company to the little island in Hampton Roads known as the Rip-Raps, to relieve a detachment of the Third Regiment there stationed. Here, some years before, the Government had begun the erection of a fortification called Fort Calhoun, the name of whichwas changed during the war to Fort Wool. Several guns had been mounted about the partially-completed works, and on the wharf a rifled cannon of heavy calibre, known as the Sawyer rifle. The island was then being used as a place of confinement for Confederate prisoners and Federal soldiers under sentence of court-martial, though at the time Captain Leach took command, there were only four or five prisoners at the place, and those civilians, who had been captured by the Union gunboats in the act of transporting from the eastern shore of Virginia to the enemy’s camp at Yorktown, arms and munitions of war; but, later in the year, a part of the prisoners captured by General Burnside in his Hatteras expedition were sent here, swelling the number to about sixty. These prisoners were comfortably quartered in a part of one of the barracks occupied by Captain Leach’s men, and were provided with the same rations as the soldiers, which were ample and wholesome, being treated in many respects by our men more like companions than prisoners; they were usually allowed the liberties of the island, subjected to little if any restraint, passing the long summer days in fishing from the wharf, and watching the movements of our war-vessels.

On the 26th of July, Captain Tyler’s company, then commanded by Captain Wilson, was also ordered to Fort Wool. With the exception of mounting cannon, a work never regarded by the soldiers with much favor, the duties imposed upon the garrison here were very light, the limited size of the grounds making it impossible to conduct any military evolutions, beside a simple dress-parade, and hence the men were exempted from drill duty, an immunity, however, that was not at all to their advantage.

A short time before the transfer of Captain Leach’s company to this post, a number of the privates and non-commissioned officers of his command had been detailed for guard duty on board the United States gunboat “Anacosta,” then commanded by Commander Collins, U. S. N., the same officer who afterwards, while in command of the “Wachusett,” so distinguished himself by the capture of the Confederate war-steamer “Florida,” in the Bay of San Salvador.

The operations of the enemy in the vicinity of Sewall’s Point, at the mouth of the Elizabeth River, about two and ahalf miles from the Rip-Raps, rendered it essential to maintain a close watch of that locality, as a successful night attack upon the little garrison at Fort Wool was entirely feasible. The duty performed by the “Anacosta” was that of watching at night the hostile shore, and warning our fleet in Hampton Roads of the approach of fire-rafts and floating torpedoes. Some time in August, the “Anacosta” was relieved, and the guard ordered to return to their company.

The country which lay between our lines and those of the enemy was to a great extent heavily wooded, was from ten to twelve miles in length, and extended from the shore of the Chesapeake Bay to the James River. Here and there throughout this wild region, in little clearings in the forest, often miles apart, were farm-houses and a few acres of cultivated land, and threading the whole country were numerous roads and horse-paths. This whole region was a common scouting-ground for both armies, and a love of adventure often led our soldiers to advance, in squads of ten or twenty, far into the country.

On the night of the 18th of July, a party composed of Major Rawlins, an officer of a Pennsylvania regiment, a Mr. Shurtleff, an artist, Major Halliday, Captain Jenkins, and two others, started from the vicinity of Fortress Monroe, and proceeded some eight miles toward Yorktown. This foolish adventure had a very sad termination, for while the party were picking their way along the dark forest road, they were fired upon by a body of the enemy, who lay concealed. Major Rawlins was killed, Jenkins and Shurtleff were captured, while Halliday and the rest of the party, by a hasty flight, managed to escape. This sad affair tended to check these ill-advised excursions, and to teach all who had a passion for reckless adventure a timely lesson.

The five companies under Barnes remained in Hampton, after the departure of the Fourth Regiment, until about July 30, when they were ordered back to the fort, and garrisoned a redoubt that during the summer had been erected just outside the water battery of the fortress, on the sand-beach. The Battalion remained here till August 5, when it was ordered by General Butler to take post at Camp Hamilton, about one mile distant from the fortress, and in the directionof Hampton. The number of troops in the department had been materially decreased since the battle of Bull Run, and it was doubtless considered imprudent for a small force to occupy Hampton, and accordingly the troops had all been drawn in from the town, and were now stationed at Camp Hamilton.

For several days there had been indications of an advance by the enemy in the direction of the town. Deserters and others who came into our lines reported that such a movement was in progress; but it was not till the 7th of August that these stories were confirmed. On that day, it became evident to all that the enemy in force were actually moving forward, and apparently directly towards Hampton. The purpose of this movement at this time could not be understood by our officers. Our troops were not occupying Hampton, and the small force at Camp Hamilton could, if necessary, be easily retired into the fortress; besides, the enemy could not expect to be able to occupy and hold either Hampton or Camp Hamilton, under the guns of the fort and our fleet. It was therefore thought that the movement towards the town was a ruse, and that the real attack would be made on the camp at Newport News. At sundown of the 7th, the position of affairs remained unchanged. One thing was clear: the enemy was advancing, and rapidly approaching Hampton. To guard against surprise, General Butler had directed that a number of transports be held in readiness to convey troops up the James, to Newport News, if necessary, and the reserve commands were ordered to be prepared to move at a moment’s notice.

Besides the five companies of our Massachusetts Battalion, there were stationed at Camp Hamilton, Col. Max Weber’s Twentieth New York Regiment and a portion of the Naval Brigade (Ninety-ninth New York Regiment).18A strong picket-line was posted on the bank of Hampton Creek; and at the bridge, which had been partially destroyed, was stationed a guard from the Battalion under Lieutenant Mayo of Company E. In the evening, General Butler visited the camp, for the purpose of ascertaining any new developments.All was quiet, no sound came from the pickets, and the town was silent. The General, after imparting to the several battalion commanders such information and directions as he deemed essential, returned to the fort. The night was black, and the wind blew freshly from the south. At about nine o’clock, our pickets were suddenly startled by the shouting of the negroes (who still remained in the village), and presently the regular tramp of marching soldiers was heard by our men. Then appeared two long rows of torches, lighting up the dark, narrow ways and the windows of the deserted houses. Suddenly the column halted, and the flaming torches were seen dancing about wildly in all directions, like so many will-o’-the-wisps. And now the quiet of the night was broken by loud yells, the houses were entered and fired, and soon the whole town was enveloped in flames, casting a bright light over the bay, and revealing to our soldiers the forms of the enemy as they moved about the streets. Our Massachusetts men at the bridge soon began to fire, and the sharp crack of rifles was added to the roar of the flames. The fire of our soldiers became very galling to the enemy, and he sought to dislodge them, making a bold dash for the bridge, at the head of which stood our men, behind a hastily-constructed barricade. The bridge was long and narrow, and the enemy came on at a quick run. They had advanced but a short distance, when a sharp fire from our lines drove them back with some loss. Several other, though feeble, attempts were made to drive our men from the bridge; but each attempt signally failed, and the picket-firing was kept up at intervals throughout the night.

That was indeed a memorable night in the history of the Battalion. The loud roar of the flames, the cries of the terrified negroes as they were being driven from their huts by the enemy and marched off under guard into their lines, all combined to make up a wild scene the terror of which was not a little heightened by the presence of our gunboats in the Roads, which kept up a vigorous bombardment of the fields and woods about the town, and occasionally threw a huge shell into the burning village, scattering the fragments of the buildings, and carrying consternation to the enemy.

There were not lacking acts of brutality on the part of those who were guilty of this wicked deed. Living in thevillage were an old white gentleman and his aged wife, who had many times befriended the Union troops, and whose son was a major in that portion of the Confederate army that destroyed the town. This major led the burning party which fired the place; but not satisfied with this work, he must needs visit upon his parents, whom he suspected of harboring sentiments of loyalty to the old flag, an act of vengeance as cowardly as it was revolting. Going in the darkness to their house, which was on the outskirts of the village, in harsh tones he ordered them to leave it in fifteen minutes, or, to use his own language, “I’ll burn it over your heads.” These aged persons, having on scarcely any clothing save their night-garments, rushed out into the gloom of that awful night. The son, now filled with frenzy, heedless of the cries and supplications of his parents, applied the torch with his own hand to the home that had sheltered him in youth. In the light of their burning dwelling, the horror-stricken pair hastened to the river, and jumping into a small skiff, gained the Union camp.19

From sundown of the 7th till late into the forenoon of the following day, the Battalion remained in position on the easterly side of the creek, picketing its banks, closely watching the town, and successfully resisting every attempt of the enemy to cross over. Quite early in the morning of the 8th, the Confederates withdrew, driving before them a horde of panic-stricken negroes, and carrying away a considerable number of their own killed and wounded.

The result of that night’s insane work was the burning of nearly five hundred buildings, and the destruction of property to the value of many thousands of dollars; and the only reason ever assigned for this piece of vandalism, was, that the town might not furnish winter cantonments for the Federal troops. But the burning of the village inflicted no material injury upon the Federals; it rather relieved them of the grave responsibility of guarding it, and protecting from plunder the many articles of great value left there by its former occupants. Hampton, which was settled in 1705,contained at the time of its evacuation in May, 1861, a population of about 1,500 souls, and was one of the finest towns in the Old Dominion. A creek, called Hampton Creek, spanned by the long wooden bridge before mentioned, divided the town unequally, the village proper being on the westerly bank, and containing about five hundred buildings, among them several churches, one an ancient brick structure, ivy-clad, in the burial-yard of which were the graves of several distinguished Virginians. In the belfry of this church (one of the oldest in the State) hung a bell cast in England, and connected with it were many historic associations. In the war of the Revolution, and again in 1812, it had been desecrated by British soldiers and sailors. “It ought to have been spared,” says a writer, “as a venerable and sacred relic”; but all its worth and antiquity were not proof against the barbarity that consigned it to ruin.

On the Fortress Monroe side of the creek were many fine buildings and elegant private residences, all of which were spared, through the efforts of our men. Near the fort was the Chesapeake Female Seminary, and nearer the village was the residence of ex-President Tyler, the once honored owner of which deserted it at the time of the general exodus of the people; but as a token of his sympathy with the cause of the insurgents, left the “Stars and Bars” flying from the roof. These, however, were taken down soon after by the stalwart standard-bearer of the Fifth New York Regiment, who put in their place the “Stars and Stripes,” an emblem far more fit to float over the home of one who had held the highest office in the gift of the people.

The day previous to the burning of Hampton (Aug. 6), a party of the Battalion, consisting of Lieutenant Oliver, Sergeant Atwood, a corporal, and sixteen men, were detailed to embark on board of a small steamer, for the purpose of cruising on the “Eastern Shore,” so called, to board all crafts of a suspicious character. The men took with them one week’s rations, but were absent ten days, and for the last few days, subsisted mainly on sea-crabs. They met with several exciting incidents, and returned to camp in a half-famished condition. On the 18th of August, Captain Barnes was ordered by General Butler to proceed to Newport News with the fivecompanies of the Battalion under his immediate command, but Captains Leach’s and Wilson’s companies were retained at the Rip-Raps till November.

Two of the New York regiments stationed at Camp Butler (Newport News) during the latter part of August, became involved in a sad difficulty, which grew out of the discontent of their men. There had been some misunderstanding, in the first place, about their term of service, and for some cause they had, up to this time, received no pay, nor had the local authorities at home, as was contended by them, paid to their families the aid promised at the time of their enlistment. The feeling of dissatisfaction which resulted from this state of things finally culminated in open mutiny, and nearly five hundred of the enlisted men of these regiments laid down their arms and refused to do duty. By order of General Butler, they were placed under arrest, and sent, under guard, to the Rip-Raps, where, for several days, they were kept in close confinement. About this time, General Butler was succeeded in the command of the department by General Wool, a veteran officer of the regular army, and thereupon an order was issued, directing Captain Leach to subsist these men upon nothing except bread and water as long as they continued to harbor a spirit of mutiny. The sympathy of Leach’s and Wilson’s men toward these prisoners was very strongly excited, and the guard stationed over them systematically, but slyly, evaded the orders from headquarters, and freely shared with them their rations of meat and coffee. Finally, about the first of September, the prisoners having become convinced of the folly of their conduct, asked permission to return to duty; and that wish having been made known to General Wool, they were ordered to Fortress Monroe, severely reprimanded by the General, and, with the exception of three or four of their number,20who were charged with being ringleaders in the revolt, were pardonedof their grave offence, and ordered to their respective commands. It is but just to these men to say, that they subsequently became most excellent soldiers, and that their grievances were by no means fanciful.

The four months spent at the Rip-Raps constituted one of the “soft times,” to use a soldier’s phrase, in the service of these two companies, and one to which their members have often alluded with evident pleasure. The men were here required to perform but little duty, were liberally supplied with good food and clothing, and their many unoccupied hours pleasantly spent in fishing, catching “soft crabs,” a very delicious shell-fish, shooting porpoises, watching the movements of our rapidly-accumulating navy, discussing gravely the situation of the country, planning campaigns, and fighting imaginary battles. If all the military and political lore eliminated by these camp-fire debates, the queer pranks and comic sayings of the witty ones, could be reduced to print, the result would be a large and by no means uninteresting volume. These idle days gave birth, also, to much letter-writing; some specimens of which, still in the author’s possession, exhibit traces of wonderful imaginative powers, and show that their composers were not in all respects very devout converts to truth.-

The Battalion at Newport News Once More—The Garrison and Officers—Anecdotes of General Phelps—The Famous Drills—Guard Duty—“Parish” and “Brick” Houses—The Negroes—The Soldiers Teach the Boys to Drill—Counting the Rails—Scouting.

The time which was spent by the Battalion at Newport News after it was last ordered here (Aug. 18, 1861), covering as it did the remainder of the term of service as such an organization, and embracing nearly five months of its service as a part of the Twenty-ninth Regiment, seems to demand a full account of the operations at this post during this period; for although the place never possessed much significance after the beginning of the Peninsular campaign, in May, 1862, yet it was here that the members of the Battalion and regiment were thoroughly schooled in their duties.

During the summer of 1861, Phelps (who was still in command here) had been deservedly advanced to the rank of brigadier-general. The brief account heretofore given of the early military career of this officer scarcely furnishes our readers with anything more than a general knowledge of him; for, although a soldier of the strictest sect, he employed certain peculiar methods of discipline which most professional military men would regard with disfavor, but which were none the less wholesome, and admirably adapted to the volunteers, whose character he seemed thoroughly to understand. All his orders of prohibition were directed against the enlisted men, though he expected the officers to take the hint and always set a good example.

A good illustration of this system of discipline is furnished by the following incident: During the warm months, the soldiers were much in the habit of bathing upon the beach, which was sandy and smooth, and it was by no means infrequentthat several hundreds of these bathers were seen enjoying together the refreshing waters of the James. What was chiefly objectionable about this was the practice of the men in bathing at all hours of the day, and in large numbers; and the habit was not wholly confined to the men, some of the officers of lesser rank doing the same thing. Finally, an order was issued forbidding bathing upon the beach between the hours of guard-mount in the morning and retreat at night. Not long after the publication of the order, the General, while sitting in front of his quarters, a little cottage that overlooked the river and shore, observed two young officers preparing to bathe in front of his house. Waiting till they had undressed, he called to the Sergeant of the Guard, and ordered him to arrest the two officers and bring them naked to his quarters. The Sergeant, with good relish and alacrity, obeyed the order, and locking arms with the nude officials, who begged loudly for their clothes, conducted them (a highly-amused crowd of soldiers looking on from the camp) into the presence of the Commander, who, though inwardly pleased, presented a stern countenance.

“Have you heard of the order about bathing?” asked the General. “Yes, General,” replied one of the culprits; “but we are officers, and the order applies only to enlisted men.” “Very true, gentlemen,” says Phelps, in his peculiar tone and Yankee accent; “but how is a soldier to know an officer except by his dress? If you choose to bathe naked, and expect to be recognized as officers, pray have your shoulder-straps buttoned on to you. Go to your quarters.”

This ingenious and witty reprimand had all the effect of one of greater severity, while it furnished the garrison with a good joke to laugh over; and it showed, also, the democratic spirit in which the laws of the post were to be administered.

Phelps was a superior drill-master, and it was to the rigid system of drill inaugurated by him, and continued by his worthy successor, General Mansfield, that the troops constituting the garrison at Newport News owe much of the proficiency which they displayed in the battles and campaigns of a later date. Any narrative of the life of the Battalion at this place would be imperfect unless it embraced some mentionof the drills to which allusion has been made. The ground was very favorable for extensive movements; the long plain was covered with a thick coat of velvety grass, and very little broken. General Phelps almost invariably took personal charge of these drills, though he sometimes intrusted them to his colonels, a number of whom were very able officers. The spectacle presented by these manœuvres was often grand. The troops, consisting of four full regiments, three large battalions, and a light battery, were exercised in all the varied field movements, creating an interest among the troops that was sometimes intense, and giving rise to a most wholesome rivalry among the officers and men of the different regiments. An amusing incident occurred in connection with one of these drills, which shows, perhaps, even better than the anecdote just related, the eccentricity of Phelps, and his novel methods of reproving delinquency.

A regiment belonging on the right of the line was late one day, and the rest of the brigade was kept waiting several minutes for it to arrive. At last the slow ones made their appearance, coming out of their camp on the double-quick, in the hope of making up for their tardiness; but when they were about two hundred yards off, the General gave an order which swung the brigade by battalions, in mass, to the left and rear, and then another that turned it end for end. The unfortunate regiment was then in front of the line, double-quicking to its place. Phelps, flinging the right wing of the brigade to the rear again, and the left wing forward, kept the regiment trotting around the outside of the field a full hour, with the massed battalions swinging on their centre, away from them. At last he deployed in line again, by extension from the left, and allowed the “double-quickers” to get to their place, and when they had supported arms, the facetious old General promptly raised his hat and dismissed the drill. The laggards had been suitably punished for their lack of punctuality, and the General and the rest of the soldiers had enjoyed a good joke.

Having spoken of the Commander of the Post, it seems proper to make some allusion to his troops, and his most able subalterns, as a part of the description of the personnel of thecamp. After the departure of the Fourth Massachusetts and First Vermont militia, and later the Ninth New York, all of which regiments were made up of a fine class of men, the permanent garrison here consisted of the First, Second, and Seventh New York regiments, the remnants of the Eleventh New York, Ellsworth’s old regiment, a portion of the Twentieth New York, the Massachusetts Battalion, and Captain Loder’s U. S. Light Battery. The First New York was an orderly body of troops, commanded by Colonel Dyckman, and occupied a portion of the works on the extreme left of the brigade line. The Second was raised chiefly in Troy, and became a good fighting regiment; its colonel, Carr, was a talented officer, who afterwards won a brigadier’s stars. The Seventh was, for a part of the time, commanded by Colonel Bendix, the Eleventh by Lieutenant-Colonel Losier, a well-drilled officer, and the Twentieth, German, by Max Weber, later in the war a brigadier-general. The Seventh New York, composed wholly of Germans, was a superior regiment in every respect, and several of its officers had held, and some of them then held, high rank in the army of Prussia. Early in the autumn of 1861, Colonel Bendix resigned, and was succeeded by Lieutenant-Colonel Kappf, Major Caspar Keller became Lieutenant-Colonel, and Captain George Von Schack of the Prussian Guards was made Major. Not long after, Kappf resigned, and Von Schack was promoted to the colonelcy, Keller very generously waiving his claims. Von Schack was a soldier of high breeding and of the best blood of Prussia; his father, General Von Schack, was the chief of staff to Prince Frederick Carl in one or more campaigns of the army of Prussia. When Colonel George Von Schack came to us, he was a lieutenant of the Prussian Guards, and had been chamberlain to the Prince. Of all the colonels of foreign, and particularly of continental, lineage or extraction, in the early part of the war, Von Schack was the most earnest in his efforts to learn the American way. From the first, he gave his commands in English, and tolerated no innovation upon the prescribed tactics of movements. He seemed exceedingly desirous of learning the habits and traits of character of the Americans, and soon proved himself a very apt student; for, beside learning toappreciate those with whom he was fighting, he soon learned to appreciate and love the cause for which he was fighting, and the Union army contained no more ardent patriot than he. He was an excellent drill-master, and the “Steuben Seventh,” under his command, acquired a name and a fame for discipline and efficiency in the volunteers equal to that of the “Fancy Seventh” in the militia. He served throughout the war with distinction, was several times severely wounded in battle, and at the close of the Rebellion held the well-earned rank of brigadier-general.

A camp so isolated as that at Newport News, being about twelve miles from Fortress Monroe, and having no safe communication with it except by water, required the establishment of an outpost and the maintenance of a strong picket. To ensure immunity from an attack by sea, one or more vessels of our navy were kept constantly anchored in the river. At one time, early in the summer, the ship “Savannah” was on duty, but she was soon after relieved by the frigate “Congress” and the sloop-of-war “Cumberland,” the latter vessels remaining till the disastrous battle of the 8th and 9th of March, 1862, when both were destroyed. The picket line was very long, and for the most part located in the deep forest which bordered the plain. Roads and foot-paths penetrated the woods in every direction, furnishing so many avenues of approach to our lines, rendering necessary not only the utmost vigilance, but a strong guard. More than once, during the dark nights of the summer and autumn, scouting parties of the enemy crept stealthily along these covered ways, and attempted to surprise our sentinels. Several of these picket stations were considerably remote from the camp; that of “Brick House Station,” a large brick mansion standing in the midst of an open field, and more properly an outpost, was the most distant from the main camp; but the most isolated, and certainly the most exposed of these stations, was the “Parish House,” occupied by an infirm and aged Virginian, who claimed to be a Unionist, and who owned some thirty slaves of all ages. His plantation was very large, and skirted the shores of Hampton Roads. At this place, the small force of three men and a corporal usually constituted the guard, which was generally composedof members of the Battalion. The old planter was very nervous, and always complaining of some real or fancied injury; his swine and poultry, of which he had large numbers, frequently came home at night with diminished ranks. But his chief and more serious affliction was caused by the voluntary departure of his able-bodied negroes; they would hover about the Union camp in spite of all the old man could do or say. The few that remained with him consisted chiefly of faithful old women and helpless children. Among the latter was a bright-eyed, well-favored mulatto boy, about ten years old; he soon became the favorite of our soldiers, who shortened an old musket for him, and taught him the manual of arms. The youth became very proficient in the exercise, and imparted his military knowledge to the other young negro boys upon the plantation, who, providing themselves with sticks and brooms, frequently drilled under their little chief in the presence of the guard.

When the cool nights of September and October came, service upon the picket line was by no means agreeable; to keep themselves warm, the men would build fires, and, although there was scarcely any part of the line destitute of material for a fire, yet the rail fences, composed of well-seasoned wood, were usually taken for this purpose. When this practice became known at headquarters, General Wool issued a very stringent order forbidding it. Each field-officer of the day was instructed by General Phelps to use his utmost endeavors to cause this order to be complied with, but it was far more easy to give such orders than to enforce them. Some of the stations could not be reached at all by this officer at night, and many of them not oftener than once in twenty-four hours; the result was, that this order was practically a nullity.

On a certain occasion, during the time of which we have spoken, Captain Clarke of the Battalion was field-officer of the day. As was always the case, he received special instructions from General Phelps to enforce the order relative to the burning of rails. Clarke was relieved by Major Gaebel of the Seventh New York, and the two officers, as is customary, proceeded to the headquarters of General Phelps just after guard-mount, Captain C. having turned over to hissuccessor the orders received by him on the day previous. The General stated to Major Gaebel that there were no new orders relative to the duties of the officer of the day, and if he had received the orders from Captain C., he was sufficiently informed concerning them, though he considered it necessary to call his attention to the particular order about burning rails,—that it “must be enforced.” Major G. replied that Captain Clarke had already called his attention to that matter, and he “would see that it was enforced.” Phelps, well aware of the practice of the guards, replied, “O, yes, you will see that it is enforced; all officers are willing to do that”; and then, turning to Clarke, said, “Now, yesterday morning, Captain, I called your attention specially to this subject; but it was very cold last night, and you may depend upon it the men did not suffer for want of rails, order or no order.” This seemed to Clarke like a reflection upon his official conduct, and, without considering the effect of his words, he promptly answered, “There were no rails burned last night, sir.” “O, indeed!” said Phelps; “then it is true, is it, that no rails were burned last night?” “No, sir; not a rail,” said Clarke, with an air of increased assurance and injured dignity. “O, indeed! And pray, Captain, how do you know?” With this question, the dialogue had reached an interesting point; sure enough, how did he know? and what would he say to this? There were miles of rail fences, and almost an infinite number of rails. “Why,” said the quick-witted Captain, now fairly driven to the wall, “when I received your orders yesterday morning, I proceeded to count the rails, and just before coming off duty this morning, I again counted them; and they were all there, General, every one.” This answer was evidently unexpected by Phelps; it would have been unmilitary to question the veracity of his subaltern; but he evidently didn’t believe the absurd statement, though uttered with great apparent candor, and with every show of good faith. The General’s countenance suddenly changed; it was a terrible test of his courtesy not to say something disagreeable, and, with a look of undisguised astonishment, he turned from Clarke to Gaebel, and said, “Major, count the rails! Good morning, gentlemen!”

Whether the Major ever counted the rails, we do not know,but it is reported, that, upon leaving the office of General Phelps, he expressed his regrets for having had imposed upon him, through Clarke’s intemperate statement, a duty that would consume the remainder of his term to perform.

On the 21st of October, the Battalion had a little affair with the enemy, on the Warwick Road, about five miles from Newport News, by which it earned considerable praise and reputation for steadiness. A bakery having been established at Camp Butler (Newport News), large quantities of fuel was required. At various points throughout the vast forest, which, with slight interruptions, stretched from Hampton Roads to Richmond, were piles of seasoned wood; one of these, containing several hundred cords, was located near the bank of the James River, and on the road before mentioned. On the morning of the day named, Captain Barnes received orders from General Phelps to take the teams of the post (twenty-one wagons and eighty-two mules and horses) and go into the forest for wood. Barnes took with him two hundred officers and men. Lieutenant Mayo had the immediate supervision of the train, Chamberlain had the advance, and Clarke the rear of the column; and a small body of scouts, under a corporal of Company I, was thrown out some distance in advance of the head of the column. The road for most of the distance lay through a dense wilderness. When the little band had reached a point about a mile from its destination, the scouts came suddenly upon an ambuscade of the enemy, on the right of the road, where the forest was deep and dark. The Confederates rose up quickly from behind some logs and bushes, where up to that moment they had lain concealed, discharged their pieces, and at the same moment made a rush for our scouts, capturing one of the number, Augustus A. Blaney, and then hurrying away with him into their lines. The companies were ordered up immediately, filed to the left of the road, and formed in line of battle. There seemed to be quite a number of the enemy in the woods, and although our men could only here and there catch a glimpse of them as they skulked behind the trees, yet they fired a volley or two, whereupon the enemy fled. The train then proceeded to the wood-pile, the wagons were filled and started homeward, meeting on the way the Seventh NewYork Regiment and Loder’s Light Battery, which had been sent out by General Phelps, after the firing began, to render aid to the Battalion. This affair, though really very trifling, caused considerable excitement at the time, and the officers and men were highly complimented by both Generals Phelps and Wool; the conduct of the Battalion on this occasion acquiring some additional importance from the fact that every previous attempt of our troops to obtain wood in that locality had been frustrated by the enemy, and had resulted in the capture, in more than one instance, of several of our men and teams.

One of the unsuccessful efforts to gather wood at this place was the origin of a good story, which was often told in Camp Butler; and though the author does not vouch for its entire accuracy, yet he gives it as another specimen of Phelps’s wit, and as a camp story, whatever its worth.

The German officer who had charge of this expedition, as the story goes, reported to the General an encounter with the enemy, and the loss of four mules. “Did you lose any men killed?” asked Phelps. “No, sir.” “Any wounded?” “No, sir; but, mein Gott, Scheneral, they carry off four jackass.” “Very well, Captain, you will charge those four jackass to yourself on the next pay-roll,” quietly answered the General. In the course of a few days, the same officer came to headquarters and reported another skirmish, the capture by his command of two or three of the enemy and a pair of horses, and one or two slight casualties in his company. The officer stood before Phelps with dilated eyes, as he made his report, his face glowing with enthusiasm and pride at the thought of his gallant performance, and the expectation of being cordially commended for it by his superior; but his ardor was somewhat abated by the following congratulation: “I am very glad, Captain, you have got those horses, for now you needn’t pay for but two of the mules you lost.”

The Battalion having acquired a reputation for bravery, and won the confidence of General Phelps, by its success on the Warwick Road, that officer was very naturally led into again selecting it for the same service; and in the course of a few weeks from that time, Captain Barnes received orders to go for wood. The five companies, with a large number of teams,marched up the river to the wood-pile which has just been mentioned, and loaded all the wagons without being molested by the enemy. When this was accomplished, the teams were headed toward camp, accompanied by a strong guard, the balance of the Battalion following slowly in the rear.

The train had gone but a short distance, when the advance guard reported that the enemy were visible in the woods in front, apparently in large numbers. The teams were at once stopped, and it was soon found that the report was correct, and that a considerable force of the enemy’s cavalry were evidently moving into position, for the purpose of intercepting our train. The situation of the Battalion was rather serious in its nature. It was readily seen by the officers that it would be a difficult undertaking to force a passage with the long line of wagons loaded with wood, with their mules and horses. Prompt action was required. A forest road was fortunately discovered that led toward the James River, and gradually towards camp; and this road was found to terminate near the river, at a stream which flowed into the James. From the other side of this stream, the road continued toward camp; but this rivulet, which was probably fordable at certain seasons of the year, was at this time impassable for teams. Our skirmishers were directed to occupy the attention of the enemy if necessary, while the head of the train was turned into the forest road, and a strong detail of men, under Captain Doten, made to throw a bridge across the stream. With great celerity, rails and logs were gathered, and a rude bridge constructed, over which our wagons all managed to cross with safety, and were no sooner on the other side than they struck the open lands on the banks of the James River, and moved rapidly toward camp.

The enemy, who were some distance away, and between whom and the main body of the Battalion there intervened a dense woods, were wholly ignorant of these movements, evidently supposing that the wagons could move to camp only on the main road, which they were guarding. They had not even deemed it necessary to attack our skirmishers, until they saw our wagons a long distance away, moving across the open country. They then, for the first time, realized that they had been outwitted, and immediately moved forwardto attack the Battalion. The skirmishers fell back, and the Battalion formed in line of battle.

The whole situation had been changed. The wagons were now safe, and were on their way toward camp; and this having been happily accomplished, our men were unhampered, and in a condition to give the enemy a warm reception. This the Confederates seemed to realize fully, and after exchanging a few shots, withdrew, the Battalion marching leisurely to camp. At the “Brick House Picket,” they were met by General Phelps, who had been already informed of the affair by the officer in immediate charge of the train. When the General learned how the movement had been conducted, he was greatly pleased, and bestowed warm commendations upon the officers and men of the Battalion.

As, in the course of this narrative, we are soon to speak of a change in the command of the post, and hence to take leave of General Phelps, we feel that we cannot do so without giving a few more instances of his sparkling wit.

One day, a young artillery officer, fresh from civil life, was observed to have the wrists of his new white gauntlets covered with tables written with ink. He was asked by the General what these figures were, and why he had them written upon his gauntlets. The young officer explained that his memory of ranges and elevations was poor, and he had hit upon that plan of having them always before him. “Now, that is very ingenious,” said Phelps; “a West Point officer, I dare say, would never have thought of that.” “Yes,” said the officer, delighted by the General’s apparent approval of his plan, “I thought it was a most excellent idea.” “I see but one drawback to it,” said the General; “if you should happen to lose your gloves, you would have to let your sergeant command the battery.” Those gauntlets were never seen on drill afterwards.

An acting adjutant of one of the regiments at Newport News made, while on drill, several humiliating blunders. The General thought it an opportunity for a moral lecture to all the officers. “Adjutant,” said he, “if you spent more time over your books, and less time in drinking and carousing, you would appear far more creditably on drill.” “Excuse me, General, but I don’t drink,” replied the officer.“Well,” said Phelps, “I am very sorry for it. There’s no excuse whatever, then, for your blunders; ‘tis sheer stupidity.”

The General understood all the peculiarities of volunteer soldiers, and where they operated to the disadvantage of good discipline, he sought to correct them, not as would most officers, by punishment, but by some ingenious device, often mirth-provoking, but none the less salutary in its effects. One of these traits of the volunteers, the outgrowth of their free American life, and their habits of study and self-reliance, was a keen desire to know the object and reason of every order given them, and, if not told the object, to guess at it, and then execute the order with sole reference to its supposed intent. This propensity had annoyed General Phelps exceedingly. To effectually break up this habit, and to substitute for it the obedience of the regular, was his desire, and he watched for some good opportunity to teach the lesson to all his officers. The opportunity soon presented itself. A Confederate tug-boat, armed with a gun of long range, came down the James one day and commenced firing at the United States ship “Savannah.” The General ordered a gun to be fired at her with 14° of elevation. The officer in charge of our battery, who was a member of the Battalion, thought 16° would be better, and giving the gun that range, made a superb shot, sending a ball directly through the smoke-stack of the tug. “Now you have the range, Lieutenant, fire away,” was the General’s sole remark, as he turned and left the battery. The tug turned and steamed away up the river, and was soon out of range. The Lieutenant thought himself highly complimented by the General, exerted himself to the utmost to fire rapidly, and at mess that night related the incident to his brother officers with great gusto, not hesitating to assert that his knowledge of artillery practice was even superior to that of the commanding general. At midnight, General Phelps sent for Captain Barnes, commanding the Battalion. On his reporting, the General began afar off, “I was wakeful to-night, and thought you might be willing to relieve me of my uneasiness by giving me a little of your company,” and then he began talking in this wise. “The officers and men are all good, but they are volunteers; they are better than regularsin one respect,—they are zealous,—but they are very bad in another: they think of the object of an order, and execute it zealously in the direction of the object they imagine is intended. Now, there is Lieutenant —— of your command, a capital officer, very zealous and intelligent; he has a first-rate notion about artillery; he makes excellent shots. I told him to fire at the tug to-day, and to give the gun 14° elevation, but he gave it 16°, and made as good a long shot as I ever saw: he hit the boat; his zeal carried him away; he didn’t obey his orders; he thought I wanted him to hit the boat; I wanted, instead, to tole her down nearer, when I could have easily blown her out of the water. Your Lieutenant thus spoiled my whole plan. Now, go back to your quarters, call the Lieutenant up, and tell him this, that I have just told you; make him understand it. That is all the punishment I think he will need.”

Lieutenant —— was duly summoned, and received his reprimand. While he never again boasted of his skill as an artillerist, and was compelled to endure the jests of his brother officers, he nevertheless learned a lesson of implicit obedience to orders, that proved very valuable to him during the remainder of his honorable service in the army.

Captains Leach’s and Wilson’s Companies Leave the Rip-Raps—Ordered to Newport News—General Mansfield Relieves General Phelps—The Drills Continued—Target Practice—Winter Quarters and Building of Barracks—The Organization of the Twenty-ninth Regiment—Dissatisfaction About the Appointment of New Officers—Court-Martial of Colonel Pierce—Bursting of the Sawyer Gun and Death of Two of the Men.

On the 3d of November, 1861, the companies commanded by Captains Leach and Wilson were ordered to join the Battalion at Newport News, and were relieved at the Rip-Raps by two companies of the Union Coast Guard under Major Halliday.

Upon arriving at Newport News, these commands were assigned camping-grounds inside of the breastworks, and with the Battalion. This was the first time that all the companies had been together; the uniting of them made an increased membership of nearly two hundred, and a total membership of between five and six hundred, which, at a later period in the war, would have far exceeded the numerical strength of even our largest regiments.

Toward the last of November, General Phelps was ordered to the department of the Gulf, and Brigadier-General Joseph K. F. Mansfield was assigned to the command of Camp Butler. General Mansfield was a native of Connecticut. He graduated at West Point, at the age of eighteen, second in a class of forty members. In the Cadet Battalion, he had served in every grade, and, on graduation, was appointed to the Engineers. From that time till the Mexican war, he was on sea-coast fortifications, and was principal constructing officer of Fort Pulaski, an experience that enabled him to give very valuable advice to General Gilmore, in his approaches to that place. In 1838, Mansfield was a captain, and in 1846 was assigned to General Taylor as chief engineer, when he directedthe fortifications of Fort Brown, opposite Matamoras, and afterward assisting in its defence, won his major’s brevet for gallant conduct. In September, 1846, he was in charge of the reconnoissance of Monterey, and the battles which ensued around that place scarred him with seven severe wounds, and brevetted him a lieutenant-colonel. In the battle of Buena Vista, he was conspicuously engaged; so much so, that his services were rewarded by the brevet rank of colonel.

In 1853, he became Colonel and Inspector-General of the army. At the time of the inauguration of President Lincoln, he was stationed in Washington, and on the increase of the army in 1861, was made Brigadier-General, and assigned to duty about the city, supervising the construction of the fortifications there with his great skill as an engineer, and after the disastrous battle of Bull Run, contributing to the reorganization of the volunteers. Upon the appointment of General Wool to the command of Fortress Monroe, General Mansfield was sent thither, and after commanding for a short time the district of Hatteras, and subsequently Camp Hamilton, was ordered, late in November, to relieve General Phelps at Newport News. Here he remained till May, 1862, participated in the expedition against Norfolk, afterwards commanded at Suffolk, and, in September, was ordered to Washington on the McDowell Court of Inquiry, and while there was promoted to be Major-General of Volunteers, and assigned to the command of the Twelfth Corps, reaching his command just before the battle of Antietam. As we shall have occasion to speak of him in connection with that battle, we will not at this time follow his history further in that direction.

The same stern sense of duty which the General manifested while in the field was daily impressed by him upon the men under his command at Newport News. He was not a preacher nor a martinet; he was a plain, shrewd, well-educated gentleman, with a fine sense of humor, great practical talent, inexhaustible tact, and had an intimate knowledge of human nature. He was familiar with the men, always had a kind word for the sentinel at headquarters, and when the sentinel had once properly saluted him, he would say, “You will oblige me by not saluting me again to-day, as I have tobe constantly going out and coming in, and I don’t care for it.”

One of the first orders issued by him, after taking command of this post, was to institute target practice, at ranges of 200, 400, 600, and 1,000 yards. By this order, a record of shots was to be kept; each company was to shoot three times a week, and the ten best marksmen of the regiment, every week, were to be selected and allowed a day’s liberty at Fortress Monroe; and as this included a sail on the steamer of some twenty miles (both ways) and a visit to one of the most interesting places in the department, being, as it were, a sort of metropolis, the reward thus offered was highly prized and eagerly sought for by all the men. By the same order, officers were encouraged to compete with the men in this exercise. No man was to fire less than ten shots each week; guards, on relief, were to discharge their pieces at a target, and be marked for it; and the best marksman in the guard got a day’s liberty. The targets used were pieces of old tents, stretched on frames six feet high and two feet wide, with a black cross four inches wide on them, the horizontal arm at a height of four and a half feet.

Volley firing was also practiced, by which means an excellent knowledge of the capacity of the musket was acquired, a knowledge that served all the regiments at Newport News in good stead, at a later period in the war. The officers always afterward knew their marksmen, and could at any time detail a few sharpshooters for special work when needed.

One of General Mansfield’s drills was a march in campaign order, and he was very particular to describe what things a soldier should carry in campaign, permitting what was forbidden in the army of the Potomac at one time,—photographs and letters,—and not encouraging a superfluity of blacking brushes. Upon the first marching drill, the staff-officers were sent round to say, that at route-step it was usual to allow the men to smoke and talk in campaign; and he desired the officers to encourage it then, as it would be necessary to allow it in the future. The drills thus inaugurated were continued as long as the weather would permit, and were all chosen with special reference to active service in the field.

The following anecdote shows the dry humor of GeneralMansfield, and his efficient tact in the management of citizen-soldiery. One day a man neglected to salute him. He stopped his horse, and said, “My man, did you know it was my duty, by the army regulations, to touch my hat to you every time I meet you?” “No, sir; I am sure I never thought of such a thing.” “Yes; but it is yours to touch your hat to me first. I hope you will never allow me again to fail in my duty to you.” Civility at Newport News, after that, was not so often forgotten.

When the cold weather approached, early in December, a general order was issued, directing the erection of barracks for winter quarters. Each regiment, and each company of a regiment, were required to build their own houses. All who could be spared from duty were provided with axes, and, under the charge of an officer, marched daily into the neighboring pine forest, where they cut the tall trees, and fashioned them into proper shapes for building purposes; the logs were hauled into camp by the mules and horses; and as each company had its complement of carpenters and other mechanics, a village of comfortable log-houses soon covered the plain, promising the troops ample protection from the biting blasts and drenching rains of the coming winter storms.

About this time, an effort was being made in Massachusetts to raise three companies of infantry, which were to be united with the Battalion, and thus form a full regiment.

Sometime in October, 1861, Dr. Henry B. Wheelwright of Taunton received permission from Governor Andrew to raise a company of infantry, and succeeded in enlisting a number of men. On the 2d of November, 1861, the Governor issued an order, that the men raised by Dr. Wheelwright, which were then in charge of Willard D. Tripp of Taunton, a corporal of the Fourth Regiment, be sent to camp at Assonet, a village of Freetown, to report to Brigadier-General E. W. Pierce, and be there merged, so as to form a company, with the men recruited by General Pierce. By the same order, Dr. Wheelwright was authorized to raise another company “immediately, ten days being allowed for that purpose,” from the 4th of November, and directing that all men recruited by him be sent to Assonet, and be under the command of General Pierce. The Quartermaster-Generaland Commissary-General were ordered to “furnish clothing, transportation, and rations” for the men, upon requisitions made upon them by General Pierce.

During the time the men were at Assonet, they were quartered in an ancient building known as the “Old Post-office”; they were lodged in that part of it called “Pierce’s Hall,” while their food was cooked in the basement. This old house was erected about the year 1745, and at the commencement of the Revolution, was owned and occupied by Colonel Thomas Gilbert, a captain at the siege of Louisburg. Gilbert was a Tory at the breaking out of the Revolution, and this house was confiscated and sold, he having gone into the English army. In April, 1775, a large body of Whigs assembled to tear down the house, but for some reason refrained from doing so.

The recruits remained in Assonet till the middle of November, and were then ordered to Pawtucket, where was established a rendezvous for recruits, under Captain Milo M. Williams of the Fourth Regiment. By the middle of December, ninety-eight enlisted men had been secured for this company, representing nearly every county in Eastern Massachusetts, and on the 13th of December, Tripp was commissioned Captain, and the following order issued:—

“COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS.“Headquarters,Boston, December 13, 1861.“Special Order, No. 627.“Willard D. Tripp of Taunton, having been commissioned as Captain in the Twenty-ninth Regiment of Massachusetts Volunteers, will forthwith assume command of recruits stationed at ‘Camp Pierce,’ in Pawtucket.“Captain Tripp will make daily reports to the Adjutant-General of the number and condition of recruits under his command.“By order of His Excellency John A. Andrew, Governor and Commander-in-Chief.“William Schouler,Adj. Gen.”

“Headquarters,Boston, December 13, 1861.

“Special Order, No. 627.

“Willard D. Tripp of Taunton, having been commissioned as Captain in the Twenty-ninth Regiment of Massachusetts Volunteers, will forthwith assume command of recruits stationed at ‘Camp Pierce,’ in Pawtucket.

“Captain Tripp will make daily reports to the Adjutant-General of the number and condition of recruits under his command.

“By order of His Excellency John A. Andrew, Governor and Commander-in-Chief.

“William Schouler,Adj. Gen.”

The lieutenants of this company, whose commissions bear date of December 13, 1861, were First Lieutenant Alfred O. Brooks and Second Lieutenant Thomas H. Husband, both of Boston.

Two other companies were raised about this time,—oneby Charles T. Richardson of Pawtucket, and the other by Henry R. Sibley of Charlestown. Richardson’s company was recruited mostly in Pawtucket and neighboring towns in Rhode Island. He secured a good class of men, who afterward became excellent soldiers, and, what was better, none were bounty men, nor secured by promise of additional pay.

On the 16th of December, Richardson was commissioned Captain, and this order issued:—

“COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS.“Headquarters,Boston, December 17, 1861.“Charles T. Richardson of Pawtucket, having been commissioned as Captain in the Twenty-ninth Regiment of the Massachusetts Volunteers, will report forthwith for orders to Colonel Ebenezer W. Pierce, commander of said regiment, at Freetown, Mass.21“By command of His Excellency John A. Andrew, Governor and Commander-in-Chief.“William Schouler,Adj. Gen.”

“Headquarters,Boston, December 17, 1861.

“Charles T. Richardson of Pawtucket, having been commissioned as Captain in the Twenty-ninth Regiment of the Massachusetts Volunteers, will report forthwith for orders to Colonel Ebenezer W. Pierce, commander of said regiment, at Freetown, Mass.21

“By command of His Excellency John A. Andrew, Governor and Commander-in-Chief.

“William Schouler,Adj. Gen.”


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