Chapter 2

FABIAN SOCIETY.—The Fabian Society consists of Socialists. A statement of its Rules, etc., and the following publications can be obtained from the Secretary, at the Fabian Office, 276 Strand, London, W.C.

FABIAN ESSAYS IN SOCIALISM.

(35th Thousand.)

Library Edition, 6/-;or, direct from the Secretary for Cash, 4/6 (postage, 4½d.). Cheap Edition, Paper cover, 1/-; plain cloth, 2/-. At all booksellers, or post free from the Secretary for 1/- and 2/- respectively.

FABIAN TRACTS.

63.—Parish Council Cottages, and how to get them.4 pp., 6 for 1d. 1/- 100.62.—Parish and District Councils: What they are and what they can do.1d. each; or 9d. per doz.61.—The London County Council: What it is and what it does.1d.; 9d. doz.60.—The London Vestries.Including a complete statement of the changes made in London by the Local Government Act, 1894. 1d.; 9d. doz.58.—Allotments and How to Get Them.4 pp., 6 for 1d.; or 1/- per 100.55.—The Workers' School Board Program.20 pp., 1d.; or 9d. per doz.54.—The Humanizing of the Poor Law.ByJ. F. Oakeshott. 24 pp., 1d.52.—State Education at Home and Abroad.ByJ. W. Martin. 16 pp., 1d.51.—Socialism: True and False.BySidney Webb. 20 pp., 1d. ea.; 9d. doz.50.—Sweating: its Cause and Remedy.16 pp., 1d. each; or 9d. per doz.49.—A Plan of Campaign for Labor.A detailed scheme for Independent Labor Representation. 36 pp., 2d. 1/6 per doz.48.—Eight Hours by Law.16 pp., 1d. each; or 9d. per doz.47.—The Unemployed.ByJohn Burns, M.P.20 pp., 1d. each; or 9d. per doz.46.—Socialism and Sailors.ByB. T. Hall. 16 pp.,"""45.—The Impossibilities of Anarchism.ByG. B. Shaw. 28 pp., 2d.; 1/6 per doz.44.—A Plea for Poor Law Reform.(Revised 1894). 4 pp., 6 for 1d.; or 1/- 100.42.—Christian Socialism.By the Rev.S. D. Headlam. 16 pp., 1d. 9d. per doz.41.—The Fabian Society. ByBernard Shaw. 32 pp., 1d. each; or 9d. per doz.39.—A Democratic Budget.16 pp., 1d.; or 9d. per doz.38.—A Welsh Translation of No. 1.4 pp., 6 for 1d.; or 1/- per 100.29.—What to Read.A List of Books for Social Reformers. Contains the best books and blue-books relating to Economics, Socialism, Labor Movements, Poverty, etc. 3rd edn.; revised 1895. Paper cover, 3d. each; or 2/3 per doz.23.—The Case for an Eight Hours Bill.16 pp., 1d.; or 9d. per doz.22.—The Truth about Leasehold Enfranchisement.6 for 1d.; or 1/- per 100.19.—What the Farm Laborer Wants.(Revised 1894). 6 for 1d.; or 1/- per 100.17.—Reform of the Poor Law.BySidney Webb. 20 pp., 1d.; 9d. per doz.16.—A Plea for an Eight Hours Bill.4 pp., 6 for 1d.; 1/- per 100.15.—English Progress towards Social Democracy.ByS. Webb. 1d.; 9d. doz.14.—The New Reform Bill.15th thous. 20 pp., 1d.; 9d. per doz.13.—What Socialism Is.80th thous. 4 pp., 6 for 1d.; or 1/- per 100.12.—Practicable Land Nationalization.Revised 1894. 4 pp., 6 for 1d.; 1/- 100.7.—Capital and Land.A survey of the distribution of property amongst the classes in England. 5th edition; revised 1895. 16 pp., 1d.; or 9d. doz.5.—Facts for Socialists.A similar survey of the distribution of income and the condition of the people. 7th edn.; revised 1895. 1d.; or 9d. per doz.1.—Why are the Many Poor?4 pp., 6 for 1d.; 1/- per 100.

63.—Parish Council Cottages, and how to get them.4 pp., 6 for 1d. 1/- 100.

62.—Parish and District Councils: What they are and what they can do.1d. each; or 9d. per doz.

61.—The London County Council: What it is and what it does.1d.; 9d. doz.

60.—The London Vestries.Including a complete statement of the changes made in London by the Local Government Act, 1894. 1d.; 9d. doz.

58.—Allotments and How to Get Them.4 pp., 6 for 1d.; or 1/- per 100.

55.—The Workers' School Board Program.20 pp., 1d.; or 9d. per doz.

54.—The Humanizing of the Poor Law.ByJ. F. Oakeshott. 24 pp., 1d.

52.—State Education at Home and Abroad.ByJ. W. Martin. 16 pp., 1d.

51.—Socialism: True and False.BySidney Webb. 20 pp., 1d. ea.; 9d. doz.

50.—Sweating: its Cause and Remedy.16 pp., 1d. each; or 9d. per doz.

49.—A Plan of Campaign for Labor.A detailed scheme for Independent Labor Representation. 36 pp., 2d. 1/6 per doz.

48.—Eight Hours by Law.16 pp., 1d. each; or 9d. per doz.

47.—The Unemployed.ByJohn Burns, M.P.20 pp., 1d. each; or 9d. per doz.

46.—Socialism and Sailors.ByB. T. Hall. 16 pp.,"""

45.—The Impossibilities of Anarchism.ByG. B. Shaw. 28 pp., 2d.; 1/6 per doz.

44.—A Plea for Poor Law Reform.(Revised 1894). 4 pp., 6 for 1d.; or 1/- 100.

42.—Christian Socialism.By the Rev.S. D. Headlam. 16 pp., 1d. 9d. per doz.

41.—The Fabian Society. ByBernard Shaw. 32 pp., 1d. each; or 9d. per doz.

39.—A Democratic Budget.16 pp., 1d.; or 9d. per doz.

38.—A Welsh Translation of No. 1.4 pp., 6 for 1d.; or 1/- per 100.

29.—What to Read.A List of Books for Social Reformers. Contains the best books and blue-books relating to Economics, Socialism, Labor Movements, Poverty, etc. 3rd edn.; revised 1895. Paper cover, 3d. each; or 2/3 per doz.

23.—The Case for an Eight Hours Bill.16 pp., 1d.; or 9d. per doz.

22.—The Truth about Leasehold Enfranchisement.6 for 1d.; or 1/- per 100.

19.—What the Farm Laborer Wants.(Revised 1894). 6 for 1d.; or 1/- per 100.

17.—Reform of the Poor Law.BySidney Webb. 20 pp., 1d.; 9d. per doz.

16.—A Plea for an Eight Hours Bill.4 pp., 6 for 1d.; 1/- per 100.

15.—English Progress towards Social Democracy.ByS. Webb. 1d.; 9d. doz.

14.—The New Reform Bill.15th thous. 20 pp., 1d.; 9d. per doz.

13.—What Socialism Is.80th thous. 4 pp., 6 for 1d.; or 1/- per 100.

12.—Practicable Land Nationalization.Revised 1894. 4 pp., 6 for 1d.; 1/- 100.

7.—Capital and Land.A survey of the distribution of property amongst the classes in England. 5th edition; revised 1895. 16 pp., 1d.; or 9d. doz.

5.—Facts for Socialists.A similar survey of the distribution of income and the condition of the people. 7th edn.; revised 1895. 1d.; or 9d. per doz.

1.—Why are the Many Poor?4 pp., 6 for 1d.; 1/- per 100.

QUESTION LEAFLETS. Each 4 pp., 6 for 1d.; or 1s. per 100.

These contain Questions for Candidates for the following bodies:—No. 20, Poor Law Guardians (Revised 1894). No. 21, London Vestries (Revised 1894). No. 24, Parliament. No. 25, School Boards (Revised 1894). No. 26, London County Council. No. 27, Town Councils. No. 28, County Councils, Rural (Revised 1895). No. 56, Parish Councils. No. 57, Rural District Councils. No. 59, Urban District Councils.

FABIAN MUNICIPAL PROGRAM (Tracts Nos. 30 to 37).

1. The Unearned Increment. 2. London's Heritage in the City Guilds. 3. Municipalization of the Gas Supply. 4. Municipal Tramways. 5. London's Water Tribute. 6. Municipalization of the London Docks. 7. The Scandal of London's Markets. 8. A Labor Policy for Public Authorities. Each 4 pp.The eight in a red cover for 1d. (9d. per doz.); or separately 1/- per 100.

FABIAN ELECTION LEAFLETS.—No. 64, How to Lose and How to Win; No. 65, Trade Unionists and Politics; No. 66, A Program for Workers. Each 2 pp., 6d. per 100, or 5s. per 1000.

The Set post free 2/3. Bound in Buckram post free for 3/9.

Boxesfor set of Tracts 1s., post free 1s. 3d.

Manifesto of English Socialists.In red cover. 8 pp., 1d. each; or 9d. per doz.Parcelsto the value of 10/- and upwards, post free.

Manifesto of English Socialists.In red cover. 8 pp., 1d. each; or 9d. per doz.

Parcelsto the value of 10/- and upwards, post free.

FOOTNOTES:[1]A paper read to the Fabian Society by G. Bernard Shaw, on 16th October, 1891.[2]This is an inference from the following paragraph in Mr. Tucker's article:"Second in importance comes the land monopoly, the evil effects of which are seen principally in exclusively agricultural countries, like Ireland. This monopoly consists in the enforcement by government of land titles which do not rest on personal occupancy and cultivation. It was obvious to Warren and Proudhon that as soon as individuals should no longer be protected by their fellows in anything but personal occupation and cultivation of land, ground rent would disappear, and so usury have one less leg to stand on."See also Mr. Tucker's article entitled "A Singular Misunderstanding," inLibertyof the 10th September, 1892. "Regarding land," writes Mr. Tucker, "it has been steadily maintained in these columns that protection should be withdrawn from all land titles except those based on personal occupancy and use."[3]"Nor does the Anarchistic scheme furnish any code of morals to be imposed on the individual. 'Mind your own business,' is its only moral law."[4]This would of course be largely practicable under a Collectivist system.[5]English readers need not baulk themselves here because of the late fall of agricultural rents in this country. Rent, in the economic sense, covers payment for the use of land for any purpose, agricultural or otherwise; and town rents have risen oppressively. A much more puzzling discrepancy between the facts and the theory is presented by the apparent absence of any upward tendency in the prices of general commodities. However, an article may be apparently no less cheap or even much cheaper than it was twenty years ago; and yet its price may have risen enormously relatively to its average cost of production, owing to the average cost of production having been reduced by machinery, higher organization of the labor of producing it, cheapened traffic with other countries, etc. Thus, in the cotton industry, machinery has multiplied each man's power of production eleven hundred times; and Sir Joseph Whitworth was quoted by the President of the Iron and Steel Institute some years ago as having declared that a Nottingham lace machine can do the work formerly done by 8,000 lacemakers. The articles entitled "Great Manufacture of Little Things," in Cassell'sTechnical Educator, may be consulted for examples of this sort in the production of pins, pens, etc. Suppose, then, that an article which cost, on the average, fivepence to make in 1850, was then sold for sixpence. If it be now selling for threepence, it is apparently twice as cheap as it was. But if the cost of production has also fallen to three-halfpence, which is by no means an extravagant supposition, then the price, considered relatively to the cost of production, has evidently risen prodigiously, since it is now twice the cost, whereas the cost was formerly five-sixths of the price. In other words, the surplus, or rent, per article, has risen from 16⅔ per cent. to 100 per cent., in spite of the apparent cheapening. This is the explanation of the fact that though the workers were probably never before so monstrously robbed as they are at present, it is quite possible for statisticians to prove that on the whole wages have risen and prices fallen. The worker, pleased at having only to pay threepence where he formerly paid sixpence, forgets that the share of his threepence that goes to an idler may be much larger than that which went out of each of the two threepences he paid formerly.[6]Written in the 1887-92 period, during which Trafalgar Square was forcibly closed against public meetings by the Salisbury administration.[7]The evil is decidedlylessif the calculation proceeds by the popular method of always estimating an evil suffered by a hundred persons as a hundred times as great as the same evil suffered by only one. This, however, is absurd. A hundred starving men are not a hundred times as hungry as one starving man, any more than a hundred five-foot-eight men are each five hundred and sixty-six feet eight inches high. But they are a hundred times as strong a political force. Though the evil may not be cumulative, the power to resist it is.

[1]A paper read to the Fabian Society by G. Bernard Shaw, on 16th October, 1891.

[2]This is an inference from the following paragraph in Mr. Tucker's article:"Second in importance comes the land monopoly, the evil effects of which are seen principally in exclusively agricultural countries, like Ireland. This monopoly consists in the enforcement by government of land titles which do not rest on personal occupancy and cultivation. It was obvious to Warren and Proudhon that as soon as individuals should no longer be protected by their fellows in anything but personal occupation and cultivation of land, ground rent would disappear, and so usury have one less leg to stand on."See also Mr. Tucker's article entitled "A Singular Misunderstanding," inLibertyof the 10th September, 1892. "Regarding land," writes Mr. Tucker, "it has been steadily maintained in these columns that protection should be withdrawn from all land titles except those based on personal occupancy and use."

[2]This is an inference from the following paragraph in Mr. Tucker's article:

"Second in importance comes the land monopoly, the evil effects of which are seen principally in exclusively agricultural countries, like Ireland. This monopoly consists in the enforcement by government of land titles which do not rest on personal occupancy and cultivation. It was obvious to Warren and Proudhon that as soon as individuals should no longer be protected by their fellows in anything but personal occupation and cultivation of land, ground rent would disappear, and so usury have one less leg to stand on."

See also Mr. Tucker's article entitled "A Singular Misunderstanding," inLibertyof the 10th September, 1892. "Regarding land," writes Mr. Tucker, "it has been steadily maintained in these columns that protection should be withdrawn from all land titles except those based on personal occupancy and use."

[3]"Nor does the Anarchistic scheme furnish any code of morals to be imposed on the individual. 'Mind your own business,' is its only moral law."

[4]This would of course be largely practicable under a Collectivist system.

[5]English readers need not baulk themselves here because of the late fall of agricultural rents in this country. Rent, in the economic sense, covers payment for the use of land for any purpose, agricultural or otherwise; and town rents have risen oppressively. A much more puzzling discrepancy between the facts and the theory is presented by the apparent absence of any upward tendency in the prices of general commodities. However, an article may be apparently no less cheap or even much cheaper than it was twenty years ago; and yet its price may have risen enormously relatively to its average cost of production, owing to the average cost of production having been reduced by machinery, higher organization of the labor of producing it, cheapened traffic with other countries, etc. Thus, in the cotton industry, machinery has multiplied each man's power of production eleven hundred times; and Sir Joseph Whitworth was quoted by the President of the Iron and Steel Institute some years ago as having declared that a Nottingham lace machine can do the work formerly done by 8,000 lacemakers. The articles entitled "Great Manufacture of Little Things," in Cassell'sTechnical Educator, may be consulted for examples of this sort in the production of pins, pens, etc. Suppose, then, that an article which cost, on the average, fivepence to make in 1850, was then sold for sixpence. If it be now selling for threepence, it is apparently twice as cheap as it was. But if the cost of production has also fallen to three-halfpence, which is by no means an extravagant supposition, then the price, considered relatively to the cost of production, has evidently risen prodigiously, since it is now twice the cost, whereas the cost was formerly five-sixths of the price. In other words, the surplus, or rent, per article, has risen from 16⅔ per cent. to 100 per cent., in spite of the apparent cheapening. This is the explanation of the fact that though the workers were probably never before so monstrously robbed as they are at present, it is quite possible for statisticians to prove that on the whole wages have risen and prices fallen. The worker, pleased at having only to pay threepence where he formerly paid sixpence, forgets that the share of his threepence that goes to an idler may be much larger than that which went out of each of the two threepences he paid formerly.

[6]Written in the 1887-92 period, during which Trafalgar Square was forcibly closed against public meetings by the Salisbury administration.

[7]The evil is decidedlylessif the calculation proceeds by the popular method of always estimating an evil suffered by a hundred persons as a hundred times as great as the same evil suffered by only one. This, however, is absurd. A hundred starving men are not a hundred times as hungry as one starving man, any more than a hundred five-foot-eight men are each five hundred and sixty-six feet eight inches high. But they are a hundred times as strong a political force. Though the evil may not be cumulative, the power to resist it is.

Transcriber Notes:P.17. 'antonomy' changed to 'autonomy'P.22. 'Tuc er's' changed to 'Tucker's'

Transcriber Notes:

P.17. 'antonomy' changed to 'autonomy'

P.22. 'Tuc er's' changed to 'Tucker's'

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