FOOTNOTES:

Der Orient sei neu bewegt,Soll nicht nach dir die Welt vernüchtern,Du selbst, du hast's in uns erregt:So nimm hier, was ein Jüngling schüchternIn eines Greisen Hände legt.115

The poetic spirit of the Orient had been brought into German literature; it was reserved for Rückert and Platen to complete the work by bringing over also the poetic forms.

FOOTNOTES:86Asia, Oder: Ausführliche Beschreibung, etc. See Benfey, Orient u. Occident, i. p. 721, note.87See Düntzer, Goethes Faust, Leipz. 1882, p. 68.88This information is given by Düntzer in his Goethe ed. (KDNL. vol. 82), vol. i. p. 167, note. The French ed. of Sonnerat, Paris, 1783, does not contain the story. The German version to which Düntzer refers has not been accessible to me.89Roger, De Open-Deure, Leyden, 1651, pp. 166, 167, chap. xi.90It is to be noted that in Sanskrit literaturedēvēndrais an epithet of Śiva as well as of Indra.91Voyage aux Indes et à la Chine, Paris, 1782, i. 244 seq.92See Benfey, Goethes Gedicht Legende und dessen indisches Vorbild in Or. u. Occ. i. 719-732. Benfey erroneously supposes the material of the poem to have been derived from Dapper.93Bombay edition; cf. also Engl. trans. of Mahābh. ed. Roy, vol. iii. p. 358 seq.94Nirṇ. Sāg. Press ed. Bomb. 1898, p. 407 seq. Cf. also Engl. tr. in Wealth of India ed. Dutt, Calc. 1895, pp. 62, 63.95For other Sanskrit sources see Petersb. Lex. sub vocerēnukā.96Nirṇ. Sāg. Press ed., Bombay, 1889, p. 481 seq. Cf. also Engl. tr. by Tawney, vol. ii. p. 261 seq.97See for instance his discussion of Śakuntalā, Gītagōvinda and Mēghadūta in Indische Dichtung, written 1821. Vol. 29, p. 809.98Vol. ii. p. 352.99Sprüche in Prosa, vol. 19, p. 112.100See also Konrad Burdach, Goethe's West-Östlicher Divan, Goethe Jahrbuch, vol. xvii. Appendix.101More than 200 poems out of 284 date from the years 1814, 1815 alone. Loeper in vol. vi. preface, p. xxviii.102Loeper, ibid. p. xv.103Poeseos, The Works of Sir William Jones, ed. Lord Teignmouth, London, 1807, vol. vi. chapters 12-18.104Based mainly on information contained in Hammer's Gesch. der schönen Redekünste Persiens, Wien, 1818.105Given in Fundgruben des Orients, Wien, 1809, vol. ii. pp. 222, 495, in the French translation of de Sacy.106Op. cit. p. xxxiv.107Ibid. pp. xvi, xvii.108Red. p. 35; Pizzi, Storia della Poesia Persiana, Torino, 1894, vol. i. p. 7. This story inspired also the scene between Helena and Faust. Faust, Act iii. See Düntzer, Goethes Faust, Leipz., 1882, ii. p. 216.109In tausend Formen, p. 169; Sie haben wegen der Trunkenheit, p. 178.110Noten u. Abhandlungen, p. 260.111Ibid. p. 264.112That Goethe knew of the mystic interpretation to whichHāfiḍ is subjected by Oriental commentators is evident from "Offenbar Geheimnis," p. 38, and from the next poem "Wink," p. 39.113See Paul Horn, Was verdanken wir Persien?, in Nord u. Süd, Sept. 1900, p. 389.114Rückert's Werke, vol. v. 286.115Platen, Werke, i. p. 255.

86Asia, Oder: Ausführliche Beschreibung, etc. See Benfey, Orient u. Occident, i. p. 721, note.

87See Düntzer, Goethes Faust, Leipz. 1882, p. 68.

88This information is given by Düntzer in his Goethe ed. (KDNL. vol. 82), vol. i. p. 167, note. The French ed. of Sonnerat, Paris, 1783, does not contain the story. The German version to which Düntzer refers has not been accessible to me.

89Roger, De Open-Deure, Leyden, 1651, pp. 166, 167, chap. xi.

90It is to be noted that in Sanskrit literaturedēvēndrais an epithet of Śiva as well as of Indra.

91Voyage aux Indes et à la Chine, Paris, 1782, i. 244 seq.

92See Benfey, Goethes Gedicht Legende und dessen indisches Vorbild in Or. u. Occ. i. 719-732. Benfey erroneously supposes the material of the poem to have been derived from Dapper.

93Bombay edition; cf. also Engl. trans. of Mahābh. ed. Roy, vol. iii. p. 358 seq.

94Nirṇ. Sāg. Press ed. Bomb. 1898, p. 407 seq. Cf. also Engl. tr. in Wealth of India ed. Dutt, Calc. 1895, pp. 62, 63.

95For other Sanskrit sources see Petersb. Lex. sub vocerēnukā.

96Nirṇ. Sāg. Press ed., Bombay, 1889, p. 481 seq. Cf. also Engl. tr. by Tawney, vol. ii. p. 261 seq.

97See for instance his discussion of Śakuntalā, Gītagōvinda and Mēghadūta in Indische Dichtung, written 1821. Vol. 29, p. 809.

98Vol. ii. p. 352.

99Sprüche in Prosa, vol. 19, p. 112.

100See also Konrad Burdach, Goethe's West-Östlicher Divan, Goethe Jahrbuch, vol. xvii. Appendix.

101More than 200 poems out of 284 date from the years 1814, 1815 alone. Loeper in vol. vi. preface, p. xxviii.

102Loeper, ibid. p. xv.

103Poeseos, The Works of Sir William Jones, ed. Lord Teignmouth, London, 1807, vol. vi. chapters 12-18.

104Based mainly on information contained in Hammer's Gesch. der schönen Redekünste Persiens, Wien, 1818.

105Given in Fundgruben des Orients, Wien, 1809, vol. ii. pp. 222, 495, in the French translation of de Sacy.

106Op. cit. p. xxxiv.

107Ibid. pp. xvi, xvii.

108Red. p. 35; Pizzi, Storia della Poesia Persiana, Torino, 1894, vol. i. p. 7. This story inspired also the scene between Helena and Faust. Faust, Act iii. See Düntzer, Goethes Faust, Leipz., 1882, ii. p. 216.

109In tausend Formen, p. 169; Sie haben wegen der Trunkenheit, p. 178.

110Noten u. Abhandlungen, p. 260.

111Ibid. p. 264.

112That Goethe knew of the mystic interpretation to whichHāfiḍ is subjected by Oriental commentators is evident from "Offenbar Geheimnis," p. 38, and from the next poem "Wink," p. 39.

113See Paul Horn, Was verdanken wir Persien?, in Nord u. Süd, Sept. 1900, p. 389.

114Rückert's Werke, vol. v. 286.

115Platen, Werke, i. p. 255.

Schiller's Interest in Śakuntalā—Turandot.

While the Orient, as we have seen, cast its spell over Germany's greatest poet and inspired the lyric genius of his later years for one of its most remarkable efforts, it remained practically without any influence on his illustrious friend and brother-poet Schiller. If Schiller had lived longer, it is not impossible that he too might have contributed to the West-Eastern literature. As it is, however, he died before the Oriental movement in Germany had really begun. At no time did he feel any particular interest in the East. Once, indeed, he mentionsŚakuntalā. Goethe had drawn his attention to a German version of theGītagōvindaand this reminded Schiller of the famous Hindu drama which he read with the idea of possibly utilizing it for the theatre.116This idea he abandons owing to the delicacy of the piece and its lack of movement.

An attempt has been made to prove that to Kālidāsa's drama Schiller was indebted for the motive of his "Alpenjäger," but it cannot be said to have been successful.117

Though there was no direct Oriental influence on Schiller's poetry, there is one dramatic poem of his which indirectly goes back to a Persian source. It isTurandot. The direct source for this composition was Gozzi's play of the same name in the translation of August Clemens Werthes, which Schiller, however, used with such freedom that his own play may be regarded as an original production rather than a version. The Italian poet based hisfiabaon the story of Prince Kalaf in the Persian tales of Pétis de La Croix.118Now, as hasbeen pointed out by scholars,119the name of the heroine, who gives the name to the play, is genuinely Persian,Tūrān-duχt, "the daughter of Tūrān,"120and although the scene is laid in China, most of the proper names, both in Gozzi and Schiller, are not at all Chinese, but Persian or Arabic. The oldest known model for the story is the fourth romance of Nidāmī'sHaft Paīkar, the story of Bahrāmgūr and the Russian princess, written 1197.121Whether Schiller was aware of the ultimate origin of the legend or not, he certainly made no attempt to give Persian local color to his piece, but on the contrary he studiously tried to impart to it a Chinese atmosphere.122It is interesting nevertheless to notice that whenTurandotwas given at Hamburg (July 9 to Sept. 9, 1802) its real provenence was recognized, and, accordingly Turandot was no longer the princess of China, but that of Shīrāz, her father being transformed into the Shāh of Persia and the doctors of thedīvāninto Oriental Magi.123At Dresden the same thing happened, and here even Tartaglia and Brigella, who had been allowed to retain their Italian names in Hamburg, were made to assume the Oriental names of Babouk and Osmin. The specifically Chinese riddles disappeared, and instead of Tien and Fohi, Hormuz was now invoked.124

FOOTNOTES:116A Letter dated from Weimar, Feb. 20, 1802. Briefwechsel zwischen Schiller u. Goethe. Stuttg. (Cotta) s. A., vol. iv. p. 98.117W. Sauer in Korrespondenzblatt f. d. Gelehrten u. Realschulen Württembergs, XL. pp. 297-304. Against this view Ernst Müller in Zeitschr. für vgl. Litteraturgesch., Neue Folge, viii. pp. 271-278.118Les Mille et Un Jours, tr. Pétis de La Croix, ed. Loiseleur-Deslongchamps, Paris, 1843, p. 69 seq.119Hammer, Red. p. 116; Pizzi, Storia della Poesia Persiana, p. 429.120Cf. name of Mihrāb's wife, Sīnduχt, Sh. N. tr. Mohl i. p. 192 et passim; Pūrānduχt, daughter of Xusrau Parvīz, Mīrχvānd tr. Rehatsek, vol. i. p. 403.121See Ethé, Gesch. der pers. Litt. in Grdr. d. iran. Phil. ii. p 242.122See Albert Köster's essay on Turandot in Schiller als Dramaturg, Berl. 1891, p. 201.123Köster, op. cit. p. 212.124Ibid. p. 213.

116A Letter dated from Weimar, Feb. 20, 1802. Briefwechsel zwischen Schiller u. Goethe. Stuttg. (Cotta) s. A., vol. iv. p. 98.

117W. Sauer in Korrespondenzblatt f. d. Gelehrten u. Realschulen Württembergs, XL. pp. 297-304. Against this view Ernst Müller in Zeitschr. für vgl. Litteraturgesch., Neue Folge, viii. pp. 271-278.

118Les Mille et Un Jours, tr. Pétis de La Croix, ed. Loiseleur-Deslongchamps, Paris, 1843, p. 69 seq.

119Hammer, Red. p. 116; Pizzi, Storia della Poesia Persiana, p. 429.

120Cf. name of Mihrāb's wife, Sīnduχt, Sh. N. tr. Mohl i. p. 192 et passim; Pūrānduχt, daughter of Xusrau Parvīz, Mīrχvānd tr. Rehatsek, vol. i. p. 403.

121See Ethé, Gesch. der pers. Litt. in Grdr. d. iran. Phil. ii. p 242.

122See Albert Köster's essay on Turandot in Schiller als Dramaturg, Berl. 1891, p. 201.

123Köster, op. cit. p. 212.

124Ibid. p. 213.

Friedrich Schlegel's Weisheit der Indier—Foundation of Sanskrit Study in Germany.

We have now come to the period of the foundation of Sanskrit philology in Germany. English statesmanship had completed the material conquest of India; German scholarship now began to join in the spiritual conquest of that country. With this undertaking the names of Friedrich and August Wilhelm Schlegel are prominently identified. The chief work of these brothers lies in the field of philosophy, translation and criticism, and is therefore beyond the scope of this investigation. Suffice it to say that Friedrich's famous little bookDie Weisheit der Indier, published in 1808, besides marking the beginning of Sanskrit studies and comparative grammar in Germany,125is also of interest to us because here for the first time a German version of selections from theMahābhārata,Rāmāyaṇaand theCode of Manu, as well as a description of some of the most common Sanskrit metres is presented,126and an attempt is even made to reproduce these metres in the translation. The work of August Wilhelm Schlegel as critic, translator and editor of important works from Sanskrit literature is too familiar to need more than mention.127It is well known that to his lectures Heine owed his fondness for the lotus-flowers and gazelles on the banks of the Ganges.

On the poetry of the Schlegels their Oriental studies exercised very little influence. Friedrich translated some maxims from theHitōpadēśaand from Bhartṛhari;128August likewise translated from the same works, as well as from the Epicsand Purāṇas.129There are only two original poems of his that have anything to do with India, and both of these were written before he had begun the study of Sanskrit. The first is "Die Bestattung des Braminen,"130a somewhat morbid description of the burning of a corpse. It was addressed to his brother Karl August, who had joined a Hanoverian regiment in the service of the East India Company. The second of these poems is "Neoptolemus an Diokles" (ii. 13), written in 1800, and dedicated to the memory of this same brother who had died at Madras in 1789.131As a matter of fact, there is really nothing Oriental in the spirit of the poem.

Aside from translations, the only poems that are connected with Schlegel's Sanskrit studies, are the epigrams against his illustrious contemporaries, Bopp and Rückert. Those against the former (ii. 234) are of no special interest here. With those against Rückert, however, the case is different. It is worth while noting that towards the distinguished scholar-poet Schlegel assumed a patronizing attitude. To Rückert's masterly renderings from Sanskrit literature he referred slightingly as "Sanskritpoesiemetriknachahmungen" (ii. 235). But when he hailed the younger poet as

Aller morgenländ'schen Zäune König,Wechselsweise zeisigkranichtönig! (ii. 218),

he came much nearer to the truth than he imagined at the time. For, while it will be conceded that Rückert did not always sing with equal power, it also is indisputable that he is the leading spirit in the movement under investigation. But we shall not anticipate a discussion of this poet's work, which is reserved for a succeeding chapter.

FOOTNOTES:125See Benfey, Gesch. der Sprachwissenschaft und orient. Philologie in Deutschland, München, 1869, pp. 361-369.126Theślōka, thetriṣṭubhand thejagatimetre are described, the last two, however, not by name. Nārada's speech, p. 236, is inślōka, 16 syllables to the line; the first distich, p. 233, is intriṣṭubh, 22 syllables to the line. Quantity of course is ignored.127See Benfey, op. cit. pp. 379-405.128Friedr. Schlegel, Sämmtliche Werke, Wien, 1846. vol. ii. p. 82 seq.129Aug. W. Schlegel, Sämmtliche Werke. Leipz. 1846. vol. iii. p. 7 seq.130Ibid. i. p. 82.131Friedr. Schlegel, Weisheit der Indier, pref. pp. xii, xiii. See also prefatory remarks to the poem in question.

125See Benfey, Gesch. der Sprachwissenschaft und orient. Philologie in Deutschland, München, 1869, pp. 361-369.

126Theślōka, thetriṣṭubhand thejagatimetre are described, the last two, however, not by name. Nārada's speech, p. 236, is inślōka, 16 syllables to the line; the first distich, p. 233, is intriṣṭubh, 22 syllables to the line. Quantity of course is ignored.

127See Benfey, op. cit. pp. 379-405.

128Friedr. Schlegel, Sämmtliche Werke, Wien, 1846. vol. ii. p. 82 seq.

129Aug. W. Schlegel, Sämmtliche Werke. Leipz. 1846. vol. iii. p. 7 seq.

130Ibid. i. p. 82.

131Friedr. Schlegel, Weisheit der Indier, pref. pp. xii, xiii. See also prefatory remarks to the poem in question.

His Oriental Studies—Ghaselen—Their Persian Character—Imitation of Persian Form—Translations.

The first to introduce theγazalin its strict form into German literature132was Rückert, who in 1821 published a version of a number ofγazalsfrom thedīvānof Rūmī.133Chronologically, therefore, he ought to have the precedence in this investigation. If we, nevertheless, take up Platen first, we do so because theγazalsof this poet were really the first professedly original poems of this form to appear in Germany (Rückert's claiming to be versions only), and also because they constitute almost the only portion of his poetic work that comes within the sphere of this discussion. Moreover, the remarks which we shall make concerning their content, imagery, and poetic structure, apply largely to theγazalsof Rückert and also to hisÖstliche Rosen, if we except the structure of the latter.

Platen became interested in the East through the work of Hammer, and still more through the influence of Goethe'sDivan. He at once set to work studying Persian, and his zeal was increased when, on meeting Rückert in 1820 at Ebern, and again at Nürnberg, he received encouragement and instruction from that scholarly poet. Above all, the appearance of the latter's versions from Rūmī gave him a powerful stimulus, and in 1821 the first series of hisGhaselenappeared at Erlangen. Others followed in rapid succession. The same year a second series appeared at Leipzig;134a third series, united under the titleSpiegel des Hafis, appeared at Erlangen the next year;135and, lastly, a series calledNeue Ghaselenappeared in the same place in 1823. A fewγazalsarose later, some being published as late as 1836 and 1839.136

We shall confine our discussion to thoseγazalsthat date from the years 1821 and 1822, the last series being Persian in nothing but form.

TheGhaselenare not at all translations. Like theDivan-poems they are original creations, inspired by the reading ofHāfiḍ, and, to use the poet's own words "dem Hafis nachgefühlt und nachgedichtet."137They follow as closely as possible the Persian metrical rules, and make use throughout of Persian images and metaphors, so much so that we can adduce direct parallels from the poems ofHāfiḍ. Thus in 13138we read: "Schenke! Tulpen sind wie Kelche Weines," evidently a parallel to some such line asH. 541. 1:

ساقی بيا که شد قدح لاله ‍‍ پر ز می

"sāqī, come! for the tulip-like goblet is filled with wine." In 75 the words "Weil ihren goldnen Busen doch vor euch verschliesst die Rose" are an echo ofH. 300. 2:

چوغنچه سرٌ درونش کجا نهان ماند

"like the rose-bud, how can its inward secret remain concealed?" (cf. alsoH. 23. 3). And again in 85 "Und nun ... entrinnet dem Herzen das Blut leicht, das sonst mir den Odem benahm" is to be compared withH. 11. 9:

دل دردمند حافظ که زهجرتست پر خون

"the sorrowful heart ofHāfiḍ, which through separation from thee is full of blood." Furthermore in 81 we read:

Du fingst im lieblichen Trugnetz der Haare die ganze Welt,—Als spiegelhaltende Sklavin gewahre die ganze Welt!

For the first line compareH. 102. 1:

کس نيست که افتادهً آن زلف دوتا نيست

"there is no one who has not been snared by that doubled tress," and forthe second line compareH. 470. 1:

ی آفتاب آينه دار جمال تو

"O, thou of whose beauty the sun is the mirror-holder!" In 86 the idea of the young men slain like game by the beauty of the beloved is evidently inspired byH. 358. 6:

ناوک چشم تو در هر گوشهًهمچو من افتاده دارد صد قتيل

"in every nook thine eye has a hundred slain ones fallen like me," and the following lines in the same poem 86:

O welche Pfeile strahlt zu mir dein Antlitz,Und es befreit kein Schild von deiner Schönheit,

remind us ofH. 561. 7:

چشم تو خدنگ از سپر جان گذراند"thine eye causes the arrow (lit. poplar) to pass through the shield of life."

چشم تو خدنگ از سپر جان گذراند

"thine eye causes the arrow (lit. poplar) to pass through the shield of life."

Again and again we meet with allusions to the famous image of the love of the nightingale for the rose (35, 75, etc.) so common in Persian poetry, especially inHāfiḍ. We cite only 318. 1:

فکر بلبل همه آنست که گل شد يارش گل در انديشه که چون عشوه کند در کارش

"the whole thought of the nightingale is that the rose may be his beloved; the rose has in her thought how she may show grace in her actions." In 302. 1 the nightingale is called عروس گل "the rose's bride."

Besides this, the poems teem with characteristic Persian metaphors: the moth longing for the flame (37,H. 187. 7); the tulip-bed glowing like fire (67,H. 288. 1); the tulip-cheek لاله عذار (whence Moore'sLalla Rookh), لاله رُخ (70,H. 155. 2); the musk-perfumed hair لاله مشکين (73,H. 33. 4); the garden of the face (73,H. 33. 4); the pearl of Aden درٌ عدن (77,H. 197. 10 and 651); wine as a ruby in a golden cup (82,H. 204. 8 ايا پر لعل کرده جام زرٌين "O thou, the golden cup is made full of ruby"); the eye-browslike the crescent-moon (82,H. 470. 5 ابروی همچون هلال "brow like the new moon"); the dust on his love's threshold (83,H. 497. 10 خاک در يار); the sky playing ball with the moon (14, inspired by some such couplet asH. 409. 7); and the verses like pearls (43). For this compareH. 499. 11:

چو سلک درٌ خوشاست نظم پاک توحافظ

"like a string of lustrous pearls is thy clear verse, OHāfiḍ." We might multiply such parallels, but those given bear out our statement in regard to the imitation of Persian rhetorical figures on the part of Platen.

In the eagerness to be genuinely Persian, the poet was not content, however, with imitating only what was striking or beautiful; he introduces even some features which, though very prominent in Eastern poetry, will never become congenial to the West. Thus the utter abjectness of the Oriental lover, who puts his face in the path of his beloved and invites her (or him) to scatter dust on his head (H. 148. 3), is presented to us with all possible extravagance in these lines of 87:

Sieh mich hier im Staub und setze deine Ferse mir auf's Haupt,Mich, den letzten von den letzten deiner letzten Sklaven, sieh!139

To thesāqīis assigned a part almost as prominent as that which is his in the Persian original. It was the introduction of this repulsive trait (e.g. 82) that gave to Heine the opportunity for the savage, scathing onslaught on Platen in the well known passage of theReisebilder.140

Otherwise Platen, like Goethe, ignores the mystic side ofHāfiḍ, and infuses into hisGhaselena thoroughly bacchanalian spirit, taking frequent occasion to declaim against hypocrisy, fanaticism and the precepts of theQurān. Thecredoof these poems is the openingγazalinSpiegel des Hafis(64), where the line "Wir schwören ew'gen Leichtsinn und ew'ge Trunkenheit" may be taken to reflect the sentiment of the revelling Persian poet, who begs thesūfīnot to forbid wine, since frometernity it has been mingled with men's dust (H. 61. 4); who claims to have been predestined to the tavern (H. 20. 4); who asks indulgence if he turns aside from the mosque to the wine-house (H. 213. 4); who drinks his wine to the sound of the harp, feeling sure that God will forgive him (H. 292. 5); who is above the reproach of the boasters of austerity (H. 106. 3); and who, finally, asks that the cup be placed in his coffin so that he may drink from it on the day of resurrection (H. 308. 8). But when Platen flings away theQurānhe certainly is not in accord with his Persian model, for, whileHāfiḍ takes issue with the expounders of the sacred book, he discreetly refrains from assailing the book itself.

But perhaps the chief significance of theseGhaselen, as well as those of Rückert, lies in the fact that they introduced a new poetic form into German literature. It is astonishing to see how completely Platen has mastered this difficult form. Theradīfor refrain, so familiar to readers ofHāfiḍ, he reproduces with complete success, as may be seen, for instance, in 8, where the words "du liebst mich nicht" are repeated at the end of each couplet, preceded successively byzerrissen,wissen,beflissen,gewissen,vermissen,Narzissen, exactly in the style of such an ode asH. 100. In those odes calledSpiegel des Hafisthe nameHafisis even regularly introduced into the last couplet, in accordance with the invariable rule of the Persianγazalthat the author's name must appear in the final couplet.

Besides theγazalPlaten has also attempted therubāʻīor quatrain, in which form he wrote twelve poems (Werke, ii. pp. 62-64), and theqasīdah. Of this there is only one specimen, a panegyric (for such in most cases is the Persianqasīdah) on Napoleon, and, as may therefore be imagined, of purely Occidental content.141

Of Platen's translations fromHāfiḍ we need not speak here. But we must call attention to the attempt which he made to translate from Niḍāmī'sIskandar Nāmahin the originalmutaqārib-metre. The first eight couplets of the invocation are thus rendered, and in spite of the great difficulty attending the use of this metre in a European language, the rendering must be pronounced fairly successful. It is also faithful, as a comparison with the original shows. We cite the first two coupletsfrom the Persian:

خدايا جهان پادشاهی تراستزماخدمت آيدخدايی تراست"O God, world-sovereignty is Thine! From us comes service, Godhead is Thine. The Protection of high and low Thou art! Everything is nonexistent; whatever is, Thou art."142

خدايا جهان پادشاهی تراستزماخدمت آيدخدايی تراست

"O God, world-sovereignty is Thine! From us comes service, Godhead is Thine. The Protection of high and low Thou art! Everything is nonexistent; whatever is, Thou art."142

Of other Oriental poems, not translations, we notice "Parsenlied," dating from the year 1819, when Goethe'sDivanappeared, and it is quite possible that theParsi Namehof that work suggested to Platen the composition of his poem.143His best known ballad, "Harmosan," written in 1830, has a Persian warrior for its hero. The source for the poem is probably Gibbon'sDecline and Fall of the Roman Empire(chap. li.)144

FOOTNOTES:132We might say into European literature. The only previous attempts, as far as we know, to reproduce this form were made by Jones, who translated a ghazal of Jāmī (Works, vol. ii. p. 501) into English, and by a certain Tommaso Chabert, who translated several ghazals of Jāmī into Italian (Fundgruben, vol. i. pp. 16-19).133In Taschenbuch für Damen, which was already published in 1820, thus establishing Rückert's priority over Platen. See C. Beyer, Neue Mittheilungen über Friedrich Rückert, Leipz. 1873, p. 14; also letter to Cotta, ibid. pp. 113, 114.134Published in Lyrische Blätter.135In Vermischte Schriften.136Platens Werke (Cotta), vol. ii. See p. 7, note, where information is given as to place and date of these poems.137Dedication of Spiegel des Hafis to Otto von Bülow, vol. i. p. 265.138We cite the Ghaselen by the number in vol. ii. of the edition here used.139Goethe protested against this Oriental feature. See Noten u. Abh. to his Divan, vol. iv. p. 273 seq.140Heines Sämtliche Werke, ed. Born (Cotta), vol. vi. pp. 130 seq. Goethe in his comments on his Saki Nameh (op. cit. p. 307) emphasizes the purely pedagogical side of this relation of sāqī and master.141Kasside, dated February 3, 1823, ii. p. 60.142Lith. ed., Shīrāz, A.H. 1312.143The Divan appeared August, 1819. Platen's poem is dated Oct. 28, 1819.144See Studien zu Platen's Balladen, Herm. Stockhausen, Berl. (1898), pp. 50, 51, 53, 54.

132We might say into European literature. The only previous attempts, as far as we know, to reproduce this form were made by Jones, who translated a ghazal of Jāmī (Works, vol. ii. p. 501) into English, and by a certain Tommaso Chabert, who translated several ghazals of Jāmī into Italian (Fundgruben, vol. i. pp. 16-19).

133In Taschenbuch für Damen, which was already published in 1820, thus establishing Rückert's priority over Platen. See C. Beyer, Neue Mittheilungen über Friedrich Rückert, Leipz. 1873, p. 14; also letter to Cotta, ibid. pp. 113, 114.

134Published in Lyrische Blätter.

135In Vermischte Schriften.

136Platens Werke (Cotta), vol. ii. See p. 7, note, where information is given as to place and date of these poems.

137Dedication of Spiegel des Hafis to Otto von Bülow, vol. i. p. 265.

138We cite the Ghaselen by the number in vol. ii. of the edition here used.

139Goethe protested against this Oriental feature. See Noten u. Abh. to his Divan, vol. iv. p. 273 seq.

140Heines Sämtliche Werke, ed. Born (Cotta), vol. vi. pp. 130 seq. Goethe in his comments on his Saki Nameh (op. cit. p. 307) emphasizes the purely pedagogical side of this relation of sāqī and master.

141Kasside, dated February 3, 1823, ii. p. 60.

142Lith. ed., Shīrāz, A.H. 1312.

143The Divan appeared August, 1819. Platen's poem is dated Oct. 28, 1819.

144See Studien zu Platen's Balladen, Herm. Stockhausen, Berl. (1898), pp. 50, 51, 53, 54.

His Oriental Studies—Introduces the Ghasele—Östliche Rosen; Imitations ofHāfiḍ—Erbauliches und Beschauliches—Morgenländische Sagen und Geschichten—Brahmanische Erzählungen—Die Weisheit des Brahmanen—Other Oriental Poems.

When speaking of the introduction of theγazal-form into German literature mention was made of the name of the man who is unquestionably the central figure in the great Oriental movement which is occupying our attention. Combining the genius of the poet with the learning of the scholar, Rückert was preeminently fitted to be the literary mediator between the East and the West. And his East was not restricted, as Goethe's or Platen's, to Arabia and Persia, but included India and even China. He is not only a devotee to the mystic poetry of Rūmī and the joyous strain ofHāfiḍ, but he is above all the German Brahman, who by masterly translations and imitations made the treasures of Sanskrit poetry a part of the literary wealth of his own country. To his productivity as poet and translator the long list of his works bears conclusive testimony. In this investigation, however, we shall confine ourselves to those of his original poems which are Oriental in origin or subject-matter. A discussion of the numerous translations cannot be undertaken in the limited space at our disposal.

Like Goethe and Platen, Rückert also owed to Hammer the impulse to Oriental study. His meeting with the famous Orientalist at Vienna, in 1818,145decided his future career. He at once took up the study of Arabic, Persian and Sanskrit, and with such success that in a few years he became one of the foremost Orientalists in Europe.

The first fruit of these studies were theGaselenwhich appeared in theTaschenbuch für Damen, 1821, the first poemsof this form in German literature.146They have been generally regarded as translations from thedīvānof Rūmī, but this is true of only a limited number; and even these were probably not taken directly from the Persian, but from the versions given by Hammer in hisRedekünste.147As a matter of fact, only twenty-eight—less than one-half of theGaselen,—can be identified with originals in Hammer's book, and a comparison of these with their models shows with what freedom the latter were handled.148Furthermore in the opening poem, (a version ofRed.p. 187, "So lang die Sonne") the last couplet:

Dschelaleddin nennt sich das Licht im Ost,Dess Wiederschein euch zeiget mein Gedicht,

is original with Rückert, and clearly shows that he himself did not pretend to offer real translations. The majority of poems are simply originalγazalsin Rūmī's manner.

Dschelaleddin, im Osten warst du der Salbenhändler,Ich habe nun die Bude im Westen aufgeschlagen.149

These lines, we believe, define very well the attitude which the poet of the West assumed toward his mystic brother in the East.

The series ofGhaselensigned Freimund and dated 1822 (third series in our edition) are not characteristically Persian. Hence we proceed at once to a consideration of the fourth series (p. 253 seq.), which we shall discuss together with the poems collected under the title ofÖstliche Rosen(p. 289 seq.) from which they differ in nothing but the form. They were, besides, a part of theÖstliche Rosenas published originally at Leipzig, 1822.

These poems are free reproductions or variations of Hafizian themes and motives. The spirit of revelry and intoxication finds here a much wilder and more bacchanalian expression than in theDivanof Goethe or theGhaselenof Platen.Carpe diemis the sum and substance of the philosophy of such poemsas "Einladung" (p. 287) and "Lebensgnüge" (p. 293); their note is in thorough accord withHāfiḍ, when he exclaims (H. 525. 7):

سخن غير مگو با من معشوقه پرستکز وی و جام ميم نيست بکس پروايی

"to me, who worship the beloved, do not mention anything else; for except for her and my cup of wine, I care for none." We are admonished to leave alone idle talk on how and why ("Im Frühlingsthau," p. 261), for asHāfiḍ says (H. 487. 11): "Our existence is an enigma, whereof the investigation is fraud and fable." The tavern is celebrated with as much enthusiasm (e.g. "Das Weinhaus," p. 290) as the خرابات to whichHāfiḍ was destined by God (H. 492. 1). Monks and preachers are scored mercilessly (e.g. "Der Bussprediger," p. 255; "Dem Prediger," p. 295) as inH. 430. 7:

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