FOOTNOTES:

"I do not shrink from inviting your consideration to the complaint—that the Irish national system, as now constituted, is one gigantic contrivance for bringing the whole education of Ireland under government control. I appeal with confidence to you, as an English statesman, against the attempt to 'Anglicise' the education of the Irish people—against the project of bringing up, in government academies, an army of schoolmasters, who, in school, and still more out of school, are to form for government a moral and intellectual police—against the system of lavish bribery by which it is plainly proposed to attract all talent in the humbler classes of Irishmen into the service of an anti-Irish Board—against the institution in our country of a great system of universal education, subject to influences that are not Irish, and administered in a spirit of distrust of the whole Irish people, their national prejudices, and their religion"—(p. xii.)

In the course of the work, proofs are given of the way in which it was sought to establish government influence. In the beginning, according to the letter of Lord Stanley, only one model school was to be erected in Ireland, and the minor schools through the country were to remain quite independent. In 1835, the commissioners began to manifest more extensive designs, and in a report to Lord Mulgrave, it was proposed toestablish a model school in each county, to take the training of all the teachers of the kingdom into the hands of the Board, and, at the same time, the plan was adopted to introduce books treating of common Christianity, and compiled by Dr. Whateley, and, in fact, to make the authority of the commissioners paramount in everything connected with the education of the future generations in Ireland. On this Mr. Butt observes:—

"In no country ought such a system to be tolerated—least of all in Ireland, where—it ought not, it cannot be disguised—there still exists the antagonism between the English government and the thoughts and feelings and sentiments of the nation. I would not write the truth if I did not say, that any one who knows Irish affairs must expect the administration of such a system to be anti-national. He would be informed, without surprise, that from the lessons of history there was carefully excluded all that would remind Irishmen of their distinctive nationality—that the whole tone and tendency of the literature were English—and that, in drawing up the lesson-books in which Irish children are to be taught, Englishmen and Scotchmen were the only persons worthy of the confidence of the Irish National Board."I am content to be accounted of narrow and provincial feelings when I thus point to the anti-national character of the system. From the invasion of Henry II. to the present time, English rulers have been engaged in one device or another to destroy the distinctive nationality of Irishmen. The attempt is as unwise as it is unjust. It can only be effected by the destruction of public spirit and the demoralization of the country. The empire in which we are associated gains no more by the destruction of the individual nationality of its component parts, than society would gain by the destruction of all distinctive character in those who compose it. If even the Irish people are to be taught to love England, they must be taught to love Ireland first, and to feel that there is no inconsistency between the most intense Irish feeling and attachment to the empire of which Ireland forms a part. There is a waste of energy in every attempt to extirpate national prejudices and feelings, which makes the attempt a blunder as well as a crime. Russia has not yet Russianized Poland, and the Irish are as far from being West Britons as they were in the days of James I."It must be remembered that the effect of such a proposal was to substitute for the varying forms of individual energy and local exertion one great uniform system. While the education of the people was eked out by the sacrifices of the people themselves, or supplied by the desultory efforts of individuals, there was always room for the play of national and local feelings. So far as a plan like that propounded in this report was successful, it destroyed all other industrial energies among the lower orders. The old hedge schoolmaster could no longer make out his bread. The poor scholar could no longer wander from house to house, teaching the old history of Ireland in return for the food and lodging he received. All the lowerorders of the people were to be taught by masters trained in a government college, and drilled in a system from which all national feeling was excluded—masters, of whom it was put forward as their chief merit that they would be political and moral agents of the government, inculcating order on a lawless, and teaching civilization to a barbarous, people."The report of 1835 suggested, of necessity, the question of religion. The masters, according to its proposal, were plainly to be indoctrinated in matters from which religion could not be separated. They were to be instructed in mental philosophy by a professor, specially appointed for that purpose. This training must be given them that they may be qualified to direct 'the thoughts and inclinations of Irish children in a right direction'. Would it have been unreasonable, is it unreasonable now, that the guardians of the faith of any portion of the Irish people should feel anxious to have some security for the character of the 'mental philosophy' in which the teachers of the people were trained?"Comparing the plan announced in Lord Stanley's published letter with that which was carried into effect, under the joint operation of the interpolated passage and the report of 1835, it is obvious that those who might be perfectly satisfied with the arrangements of the first, either as to religious or national feeling, might yet be wholly dissatisfied upon the very same points with the second."Under the covert and guarded language of the report of 1835, we can clearly trace the inauguration of a new system—a system wholly unlike anything that had preceded it or had ever been recommended—a system which was to establish in every parish a government agent, under the name of a national schoolmaster, and which was also to become a great government university for the teaching of the middle classes."This last was to be accomplished by the medium of the model schools. One of these was to be established in each county. The master was to be a person of superior attainments, with a salary very far above that of any curate of the Established Church, and in these schools a superior education was to be conveyed. We shall see how steadily the plan, first broached in the annual report of 1835, has been carried out."In 1837, the report tells us that 'they had added to their normal establishment in Dublin a scientific department and a school of industry, in the immediate neighbourhood of Dublin, with work-rooms and a farm of from forty to fifty acres attached to it'. In the same report they propose to appoint a superintendent for each of twenty-five districts—residing at the model school, and having £125 a-year, with apartments and allowances. The head master of each model school was 'to be authorised to receive a limited number of boarders at such charge to their parents and friends as the commissioners might think proper, having regard to local circumstances'."At the same time, they stated their intention to establish, generally, schools termed secondary, in which 'scientific instruction' and'instruction in manual occupation' should be given;—a portion of land for garden husbandry to be an indispensable adjunct to each secondary school."In 1839 they modestly announce a model farm, near Dublin, as only in its infancy, with twelve agricultural pupils, 'deriving much benefit from the judicious system of farming which they see practised there'."In 1840 they determine to establish twenty-five agricultural model schools—each of them in connection with an elementary national school. They subsequently establish twelve pupil-teacherships in their central agricultural institution—scholarships, in fact, which are competed for by the most promising students in their rural agricultural schools."I have referred to these establishments in proof of the assertion that the national system has been gradually expanded into a vast educational institution, absorbing and controlling the education of the poorer classes, and, to a great extent, that of the middle classes of the country."The extent to which this has proceeded will be understood by a reference to the last report of the Commissioners, that for the year 1864."It appears by this report that there are at present in operation twenty-six model schools (classing the three metropolitan schools as one establishment). The expenditure within the year upon these model schools amounts to nearly £25,000."In addition to the Albert Model Farm at Glasnevin, near Dublin, there are in connection with the Board thirty-six agricultural schools; nineteen of these are under the exclusive management of the Board—seventeen partly under local control."The sums expended on this agricultural department amount in the year to more than £10,000. It will complete this statement to add that in the same year, 1864, the training institution of Dublin was maintained at a cost, in its several branches, of £4,500."The cost of the inspection department of the institution amounts to no less a sum than £23,000."The cost of the official establishment in Marlborough Street is £15,457."In addition to this, a very considerable sum, amounting, probably, to nearly £10,000, appears to be annually distributed, at the discretion of the Board and its inspectors, in the shape of gratuities of one kind or other to the persons engaged in the teaching of the national schools."It appears from this report (excluding the item last mentioned), that upon the official staff of this great educational institute there is annually expended a sum of £49,000; and upon model and agricultural schools, wholly foreign from the original objects, a further sum of £33,000, making an expenditure of £82,000, one shilling of which does not reach one of the schools, to support which the grant for Irish education was originally made."The whole of this immense sum, amounting to nearly one-thirdof the grant, is really spent upon a machinery for bringing the education of the people under the entire and absolute control of the Board."I do not stop to argue whether £15,000 be not an extravagant expenditure for official expenses. That which is of importance to observe is, that the tendency and effect of the costly, but most effective, system of inspection is, in reality, to convert inspection into superintendence, and to extend the direct influence of the Board over all the schools in connection with them. The training or normal establishment is instituted for the express purpose of indoctrinating the masters in the views prescribed by the Board. But the influence does not end here. By a system of examinations, conducted in connection with the inspection, the Board contrives to direct the studies and mould the train of thought of the masters. Their salaries are increased at the pleasure of the Board. A graduated system of promotion and a scale of rewards are established, dependent entirely on their recommending themselves to the inspectors. Under such a system the power nominally left to the local patrons of selecting the schoolmaster, in reality does not give to these patrons any substantial control. Every national schoolmaster adopts, or professes to adopt, the opinions of his real masters, and learns to reflect the opinions which he knows to be in favour with the Board."The model schools are established partly to complete the training of the masters, and partly to force upon the country the entire system of the Board. Of these schools the commissioners themselves are the patrons, and in these they have full power of enforcing their own views. What they 'earnestly recommend' to others, they are able to adopt in their own schools. Money is lavished upon these model schools, so as to make them establishments of a superior order. The model school in Marlborough Street is maintained at an expense of £3,500. One in Belfast costs very nearly the same sum. Most of this money is expended in the salaries and maintenance of pupil teachers, so that these model schools are, in effect, colleges, with their exhibitions to attract students. Over these model schools the commissioners have absolute control, and through them, and by means of them, they exercise an almost absolute influence over the whole system of education in connection with the Board. This is, in effect, the carrying out of the plan indicated in the report of 1835. Centralization is secured by an array of schoolmasters, trained under the Commissioners. No man can attain the rank of a first-class national schoolmaster who has not gone through a training in an establishment conducted after the most approved fashion of the Board—a training by which he becomes thoroughly indoctrinated in all the maxims of that fashion. He is not sent to a model school merely to see the best mode of arranging classes or maintaining the discipline of the school. He is sent there to reside as the student of a college, to learn various departments of knowledge. He is taught, in his training, history, political economy, mental philosophy, and scriptural history—and he learns them all in lesson books prepared to order for the Commissioners, and by catechetical instruction, in which he is drilled by professors and inspectors appointed at their sole nomination."I pass, for the present, from this part of the subject, with this one observation—that this sum of £80,000 is annually expended upon a portion of the system with which local exertion or local influence has nothing whatever to do. It is wholly, absolutely, and unreservedly under the direction and control of the central authority."In England, I may observe, the state assumes no such power. The training institutions for schoolmasters are left entirely under the control of the authorities of the respective denominations. In Ireland, the rule is that the masters should be trained by government, and accept at once their theology, their morals, and their science of teaching at the hands of the officials of the state. It is only the resolute opposition of the Catholic prelates that has prevented this project from being completely carried into effect"—(p. 87-96.)

"I am content to be accounted of narrow and provincial feelings when I thus point to the anti-national character of the system. From the invasion of Henry II. to the present time, English rulers have been engaged in one device or another to destroy the distinctive nationality of Irishmen. The attempt is as unwise as it is unjust. It can only be effected by the destruction of public spirit and the demoralization of the country. The empire in which we are associated gains no more by the destruction of the individual nationality of its component parts, than society would gain by the destruction of all distinctive character in those who compose it. If even the Irish people are to be taught to love England, they must be taught to love Ireland first, and to feel that there is no inconsistency between the most intense Irish feeling and attachment to the empire of which Ireland forms a part. There is a waste of energy in every attempt to extirpate national prejudices and feelings, which makes the attempt a blunder as well as a crime. Russia has not yet Russianized Poland, and the Irish are as far from being West Britons as they were in the days of James I.

"It must be remembered that the effect of such a proposal was to substitute for the varying forms of individual energy and local exertion one great uniform system. While the education of the people was eked out by the sacrifices of the people themselves, or supplied by the desultory efforts of individuals, there was always room for the play of national and local feelings. So far as a plan like that propounded in this report was successful, it destroyed all other industrial energies among the lower orders. The old hedge schoolmaster could no longer make out his bread. The poor scholar could no longer wander from house to house, teaching the old history of Ireland in return for the food and lodging he received. All the lowerorders of the people were to be taught by masters trained in a government college, and drilled in a system from which all national feeling was excluded—masters, of whom it was put forward as their chief merit that they would be political and moral agents of the government, inculcating order on a lawless, and teaching civilization to a barbarous, people.

"The report of 1835 suggested, of necessity, the question of religion. The masters, according to its proposal, were plainly to be indoctrinated in matters from which religion could not be separated. They were to be instructed in mental philosophy by a professor, specially appointed for that purpose. This training must be given them that they may be qualified to direct 'the thoughts and inclinations of Irish children in a right direction'. Would it have been unreasonable, is it unreasonable now, that the guardians of the faith of any portion of the Irish people should feel anxious to have some security for the character of the 'mental philosophy' in which the teachers of the people were trained?

"Comparing the plan announced in Lord Stanley's published letter with that which was carried into effect, under the joint operation of the interpolated passage and the report of 1835, it is obvious that those who might be perfectly satisfied with the arrangements of the first, either as to religious or national feeling, might yet be wholly dissatisfied upon the very same points with the second.

"Under the covert and guarded language of the report of 1835, we can clearly trace the inauguration of a new system—a system wholly unlike anything that had preceded it or had ever been recommended—a system which was to establish in every parish a government agent, under the name of a national schoolmaster, and which was also to become a great government university for the teaching of the middle classes.

"This last was to be accomplished by the medium of the model schools. One of these was to be established in each county. The master was to be a person of superior attainments, with a salary very far above that of any curate of the Established Church, and in these schools a superior education was to be conveyed. We shall see how steadily the plan, first broached in the annual report of 1835, has been carried out.

"In 1837, the report tells us that 'they had added to their normal establishment in Dublin a scientific department and a school of industry, in the immediate neighbourhood of Dublin, with work-rooms and a farm of from forty to fifty acres attached to it'. In the same report they propose to appoint a superintendent for each of twenty-five districts—residing at the model school, and having £125 a-year, with apartments and allowances. The head master of each model school was 'to be authorised to receive a limited number of boarders at such charge to their parents and friends as the commissioners might think proper, having regard to local circumstances'.

"At the same time, they stated their intention to establish, generally, schools termed secondary, in which 'scientific instruction' and'instruction in manual occupation' should be given;—a portion of land for garden husbandry to be an indispensable adjunct to each secondary school.

"In 1839 they modestly announce a model farm, near Dublin, as only in its infancy, with twelve agricultural pupils, 'deriving much benefit from the judicious system of farming which they see practised there'.

"In 1840 they determine to establish twenty-five agricultural model schools—each of them in connection with an elementary national school. They subsequently establish twelve pupil-teacherships in their central agricultural institution—scholarships, in fact, which are competed for by the most promising students in their rural agricultural schools.

"I have referred to these establishments in proof of the assertion that the national system has been gradually expanded into a vast educational institution, absorbing and controlling the education of the poorer classes, and, to a great extent, that of the middle classes of the country.

"The extent to which this has proceeded will be understood by a reference to the last report of the Commissioners, that for the year 1864.

"It appears by this report that there are at present in operation twenty-six model schools (classing the three metropolitan schools as one establishment). The expenditure within the year upon these model schools amounts to nearly £25,000.

"In addition to the Albert Model Farm at Glasnevin, near Dublin, there are in connection with the Board thirty-six agricultural schools; nineteen of these are under the exclusive management of the Board—seventeen partly under local control.

"The sums expended on this agricultural department amount in the year to more than £10,000. It will complete this statement to add that in the same year, 1864, the training institution of Dublin was maintained at a cost, in its several branches, of £4,500.

"The cost of the inspection department of the institution amounts to no less a sum than £23,000.

"The cost of the official establishment in Marlborough Street is £15,457.

"In addition to this, a very considerable sum, amounting, probably, to nearly £10,000, appears to be annually distributed, at the discretion of the Board and its inspectors, in the shape of gratuities of one kind or other to the persons engaged in the teaching of the national schools.

"It appears from this report (excluding the item last mentioned), that upon the official staff of this great educational institute there is annually expended a sum of £49,000; and upon model and agricultural schools, wholly foreign from the original objects, a further sum of £33,000, making an expenditure of £82,000, one shilling of which does not reach one of the schools, to support which the grant for Irish education was originally made.

"The whole of this immense sum, amounting to nearly one-thirdof the grant, is really spent upon a machinery for bringing the education of the people under the entire and absolute control of the Board.

"I do not stop to argue whether £15,000 be not an extravagant expenditure for official expenses. That which is of importance to observe is, that the tendency and effect of the costly, but most effective, system of inspection is, in reality, to convert inspection into superintendence, and to extend the direct influence of the Board over all the schools in connection with them. The training or normal establishment is instituted for the express purpose of indoctrinating the masters in the views prescribed by the Board. But the influence does not end here. By a system of examinations, conducted in connection with the inspection, the Board contrives to direct the studies and mould the train of thought of the masters. Their salaries are increased at the pleasure of the Board. A graduated system of promotion and a scale of rewards are established, dependent entirely on their recommending themselves to the inspectors. Under such a system the power nominally left to the local patrons of selecting the schoolmaster, in reality does not give to these patrons any substantial control. Every national schoolmaster adopts, or professes to adopt, the opinions of his real masters, and learns to reflect the opinions which he knows to be in favour with the Board.

"The model schools are established partly to complete the training of the masters, and partly to force upon the country the entire system of the Board. Of these schools the commissioners themselves are the patrons, and in these they have full power of enforcing their own views. What they 'earnestly recommend' to others, they are able to adopt in their own schools. Money is lavished upon these model schools, so as to make them establishments of a superior order. The model school in Marlborough Street is maintained at an expense of £3,500. One in Belfast costs very nearly the same sum. Most of this money is expended in the salaries and maintenance of pupil teachers, so that these model schools are, in effect, colleges, with their exhibitions to attract students. Over these model schools the commissioners have absolute control, and through them, and by means of them, they exercise an almost absolute influence over the whole system of education in connection with the Board. This is, in effect, the carrying out of the plan indicated in the report of 1835. Centralization is secured by an array of schoolmasters, trained under the Commissioners. No man can attain the rank of a first-class national schoolmaster who has not gone through a training in an establishment conducted after the most approved fashion of the Board—a training by which he becomes thoroughly indoctrinated in all the maxims of that fashion. He is not sent to a model school merely to see the best mode of arranging classes or maintaining the discipline of the school. He is sent there to reside as the student of a college, to learn various departments of knowledge. He is taught, in his training, history, political economy, mental philosophy, and scriptural history—and he learns them all in lesson books prepared to order for the Commissioners, and by catechetical instruction, in which he is drilled by professors and inspectors appointed at their sole nomination.

"I pass, for the present, from this part of the subject, with this one observation—that this sum of £80,000 is annually expended upon a portion of the system with which local exertion or local influence has nothing whatever to do. It is wholly, absolutely, and unreservedly under the direction and control of the central authority.

"In England, I may observe, the state assumes no such power. The training institutions for schoolmasters are left entirely under the control of the authorities of the respective denominations. In Ireland, the rule is that the masters should be trained by government, and accept at once their theology, their morals, and their science of teaching at the hands of the officials of the state. It is only the resolute opposition of the Catholic prelates that has prevented this project from being completely carried into effect"—(p. 87-96.)

We regret that our space will not allow us to give more copious extracts from the book now before us. But again we recommend our readers to read and study the whole treatise. It will open their eyes to the dangers with which mixed education, falsely callednational, menaces our Church and our country.

FOOTNOTES:[30]Mr. Butt's work is entitledThe Liberty of Teaching Vindicated, Reflections and Proposals on the subject of National Education. Dublin. Kelly, Grafton Street, 1865.

[30]Mr. Butt's work is entitledThe Liberty of Teaching Vindicated, Reflections and Proposals on the subject of National Education. Dublin. Kelly, Grafton Street, 1865.

The few questions which were answered in the last number of theRecordhave given occasion to other questions of a practical nature in connection with the Office and Mass for the Dead. There is a variety of practice in some points—for instance, 1st, at the end of the absolution, if the office and mass be celebrated for one person, shouldrequiescat in pace, orrequiescant, be said?

2nd, Should theAnima ejus et animae omnium, etc., be said, and is there any definite rule about it?

3rd, When is theDe profundisto be said, and when is it to be omitted?

With regard to the first question we beg to quote the following decree of the Sacred Congregation of Rites, which settles the question.

"Dec. 2709. An dicendum sit in fine absolutionis mortuorum requiescat vel requiescant?"Resp. Quando absolutio est pro uno defuncto, in singulari; pro pluribus, in plurali. In missa vero semperrequiescant. Die 22 Januarii, 1678".

"Dec. 2709. An dicendum sit in fine absolutionis mortuorum requiescat vel requiescant?

"Resp. Quando absolutio est pro uno defuncto, in singulari; pro pluribus, in plurali. In missa vero semperrequiescant. Die 22 Januarii, 1678".

In reply to the second question, it appears to us that the Rubrics of the Ritual will lead us to a safe conclusion. TheRitual clearly lays down that, if the remains for any reason are not carried to the cemetery immediately after the office, the Benedictus, and the prayer, etc., having been said, theAnima ejus et animae, etc., is also to be said. In such a case there is no doubt, inasmuch as the Ritual lays down the entire order of the ceremony, and ends with the wordsAnima ejus, etc., in full without any comment. If the remains are brought to the cemetery the same practice is to be observed, for at the sepulchre the same prayers are prescribed by the Rubrics, and there is no change mentioned. Hence, we consider we are correct in stating that theAnima ejus, etc., is to be said at the end of the prayers for burial, praesente corpore, whether these are recited in the church or in the cemetery. But is the verseAnima ejusto be said at the end, after theRequiescant in pace, if the remains are not present? There is no mention of this in the Ritual nor in the Missal, and it is certain that on All Souls' Day, when the remains, as a rule, are not supposed to be present, theAnima ejusis not to be said. There is a decree of the Sacred Congregation of Rites referring to this subject.

"Dec. 2924. An post absolutionem quae fit super cadaver in die obitus, vel supra tumulum in die anniversario aut super lecticam seu castrum doloris in die commemorationis omnium fidelium defunctorum, dicto versiculo requiescant in pace, subjungi debeat Anima ejus et animae omnium, etc."Resp. Servetur Rituale: et in commemoratione omnium fidelium defunctorum nihil superaddendum. Die 2 Decembris, 1684".

"Resp. Servetur Rituale: et in commemoratione omnium fidelium defunctorum nihil superaddendum. Die 2 Decembris, 1684".

We do not mean to say that this decree decides the point clearly in our favour, but the Ritual certainly does not prescribe it. We have before us an excellent ceremonial published in Bologna by a missionary priest of St. Vincent, and he is clearly of opinion that theAnima ejusabsente cadavere ought not to be said, and adduces the decree above quoted referring to the office on All Souls' Day.

With regard to the third question, it is well we should observe, in order to avoid any misunderstanding, that we are speaking of theDe profundiswhich is said after Mass at the end of the absolution, when the clergy are proceeding to the sacristy. The Rubrics are clear as to when theDe profundisis to be said at the end of Lauds: "Psalmus lauda anima mea in vesperis similiter et PsalmusDe profundisin fine laudum non dicuntur in die commemorationis omnium fidelium defunctorum, neque in die obitus seu depositionis defuncti". We think that much the same answer is to be given about theDe profundisat the end of the absolution, as was given above about theAnima ejus et animae omnium, etc. This opinion is held by the author above quoted, and it is only in case the corpse ispresent that the Ritual prescribes theDe profundis. "Deinde a sepultura in ecclesiam vel in sacristiam revertentes dicant sine cantu antiphonam si iniquitates etc. cum Psalmo, De profundis, etc.", and there is a decree of the Sacred Congregation of Rites which appears to confirm our views.

"Dec. 4543. Antiphona et Psalmus De profundis nec non versiculus animae eorum in die commemorationis omnium fidelium defunctorum post absolutionem ad tumulum sunt omittenda juxta. Decr. 2 Decembris, 1684"."Die 28 Julii, 1832".

"Die 28 Julii, 1832".

We must add that the practice in Rome is, even absente corpore, to say theDe profundis, and hence our readers will perceive there is some difficulty in settling the question.

We wish, however, to state that, being pressed for time, we were not able to examine this question as fully as we would wish, and we hope soon to return to it; and if, in the mean time, any light were thrown on the subject by any of our learned readers who study such matters, we shall be very glad to receive any remarks or suggestions that may be forwarded to us.

Gentlemen,

May I beg you to insert in your widely-circulating journal the following list. It may be useful to the clergy for the information of youths, in whose higher education they take an interest, and especially now, when we may hope that to have studied under a Catholic system will no longer be an obstacle to advancement.

I remain, Gentlemen,Your faithful servant,Barth. Woodlock,Rector.Catholic University, Dublin,31st July, 1865.

1. The following Exhibitions will be offered for competition in the University on Tuesday, October 10th, and following days.

2. The Examinations will commence each day at 10a.m.

3. Candidates are required to send in their names and commendatoryletters from their University or Collegiate Superior, to the Secretary of the University, on or before the day preceding the Examination at which they propose to present themselves.

4. They will not be awarded unless for distinguished answering.

5. The successful candidates, if not already matriculated, are required to matriculate within one week after the declaration of the award of the Examiners.

6. Every Exhibition is tenable for one year, unless where otherwise specified; but successful candidates are required to attend Lectures in the Faculty of Philosophy and Letters, or of Science, according to their standing, and can hold the Exhibitions so long only as they observe the regulations of the University.

7. No one, however, can hold two Exhibitions in the same matter;—e. g., two Classical, or two Mathematical Exhibitions, or two Exhibitions in Physical Science, cannot be held by the same person.

1. No Student above twenty-two years of age, or of more than one year's standing in any University, will be allowed to compete for the Episcopal Entrance Exhibitions.

2. The Examinations for the Classical Exhibitions will take place on Tuesday, October 10th, and Wednesday, October 11th; and for the Mathematical Exhibitions, on Thursday, October 12th, 1865.

3. The Episcopal Exhibitions will be distributed among Students from the Ecclesiastical Provinces of Armagh and Cashel, Dublin and Tuam respectively; provided competitors from these provinces offer themselves, and comply with the other conditions prescribed.

4. The successful Candidates must attend the lectures of the First or Second Year.

Classical.—One Exhibition of £20, one of £15, and three of £10 each, for proficiency in the Classical and Literary matter of the Entrance Examination.

Candidates for these Exhibitions will be examined in Latin and Greek Grammar, and Latin Composition; in the elements of Ancient Geography, or Roman History (from the beginning of the Republic to the Battle of Actium), and of Greek History (from the Legislation of Solon to the death of Philip); and in the following books:—

Homer,Iliad, i.-iii.;Euripides,Alcestis;Virgil,Aeneid, i.-iii.;Cicero,in Catilinam, i.-iv.

Special marks will be given for Latin verses and Greek composition.

Mathematical.—One Exhibition of £20, one of £15, and three of £10 each, for proficiency in the Mathematical matter of the Entrance Examination.

The Examination for these Exhibitions will not extend beyond the second book of Euclid, nor embrace matter which is not included in most Algebraical Treatises within the limits of Simple Equations.

Classical.—One Exhibition of £25, one of £20, and one of £15.

Candidates for these Exhibitions will be examined in Latin and Greek Grammar and Composition; in the elements of Ancient Geography, of Roman History (from the beginning of the Republic to the battle of Actium) and of Greek History (from the Legislation of Solon to the death of Philip), and in the following books:—

Herodotus, vi.; Euripides,Hippolytus; and Sophocles,Ajax.

Horace, Epistles, including the Art of Poetry; Terence,Heautontimoroumenos; and Tacitus, Histories.

Special marks will be given for Greek and Latin verse.

Mathematical.—One Exhibition of £25, one of £20, and one of £15, for proficiency in Euclid, i.-vi. (definitions of Book v.); Algebra, including the Theory of Equations; Plane Trigonometry; Coördinate Geometry and Conic Sections.

1. These Exhibitions are open to allAffiliatedStudents of the University, who will have passed the Entrance Examination since the 1st June, 1863.

2. The Examination will be held in the University Buildings, 86 Stephen's Green, commencing each day at 10 A.M., as follows:—

Classical Exhibitions, on Tuesday and Wednesday, 10th and 11th October, 1865.

Mathematical Exhibitions, on Thursday, 12th October, 1865.

3. These Exhibitions are subject to the General Regulations given above.

4. They are tenable for two years; but can be enjoyed so long only as the holders attend those Lectures of the Faculty of Philosophy and Letters, or of Science, which are prescribed, according to their standing, in the University course of Studies, and observe the rules and regulations of the University. In every case they will cease at the end of the Session 1866-7.

Classical:—One Exhibition of £30, and one of £25.

The subjects of the Examination will be Latin and Greek Grammar, and Latin Composition; the Elements of Ancient Geography, of Roman History (from the beginning of the Republic to the Battle of Actium), and of Greek History (from the legislation of Solon to the death of Philip); and in the following books:—

Homer,Iliad, i.-vi.; and Herodotus, vi.

Virgil,Aeneid, i.-vi.; Cicero,in Catilinam,pro Milone,Archiâ, andLege Maniliâ.

Special consideration will be given to Latin Verses and Greek Composition.

Mathematical:—One Exhibition of £30, and one of £25, for proficiency in Elementary Mathematics, viz.:—

Algebra (except the Theory of Equations); first six books of Euclid; Elements of Plane Trigonometry.

1. The following Exhibitions, tenable for one year, are open to all who present satisfactory testimonials of conduct.

2. Former successful competitors may again compete for them.

3. But the Candidates cannot be above twenty-six years of age, or of more than five years' standing in any University.

Cloyne Exhibition in Mental Science, £20:—Friday and Saturday, 13th and 14th October, viz.:—

Proficiency in Logic and the Elements of Mental Philosophy.

Cloyne Classical Exhibitions:—One of£30,and one of£20:—Monday and Tuesday, 16th and 17th October.

The subjects of Examination will be:—

Greek and Latin Grammar; Greek and Latin Composition, both prose and verse; Elements of Ancient Geography; History of the Peloponnesian War, from 431 to 404B.C.; Roman History, from theoutbreak of the Social War to the Death of Cicero; and the following books:—

Thucydides, i. ii.;Aeschylus,Agamemnon;Cicero,de Oratore, i. ii.;Virgil,Aeneid, ix. xii.;

Cloyne Exhibition in Irish History, Literature, etc., £20:—Wednesday, 18th October:—

Irish History, from the English Invasion to the Plantation of Ulster; Elements of the Irish Language; Materials of Irish Literature.

Limerick Mathematical Exhibition, £30:—Thursday, Friday, and Saturday, 19th, 20th, and 21st October.

For proficiency in the full University course of Pure Mathematics and Mathematical Physics (videCalendar, pages 42, 43).

Two Limerick Modern Literature Exhibitions, £20each, viz.:—

(a) Wednesday, 25th October—English Language and Literature; and English History from the Accession of James I., 1603, to the Death of George II., 1760.

(b) Thursday, 26th October—The Language and Literature of France, Italy, or Germany, at the option of the candidate; and the History of the country, the Language and Literature of which he presents, viz.:—

French History, from the Accession of Francis I., 1515, to the Death of Louis XIV., 1715;

Italian History, from the Death of Lorenzo de Medici, 1492, to the re-conquest of Naples by the Spaniards, 1733; or

German History, from the Accession of Charles V., 1519, to the Treaty of Westphalia, 1648.

I.Mathematics:—Thursday and Friday, 19th and 20th October:—Coördinate Geometry, Differential and Integral Calculus.

II.Mathematical Physics:—Friday and Saturday, 20th and 21st October:—Mathematical Statics and Dynamics, and Elements of Mathematical Geography and Astronomy.

III.Experimental and Kosmical Physics:—Monday and Tuesday, 23rd and 24th October:—Heat, Light, Electricity, and Magnetism; Elements of Geology, Physical Geography and Climatology, and Astronomy.

IV.Natural Sciences:—Tuesday and Wednesday, 24th and 25th October:—Chemistry, Mineralogy, and Crystallology.

N.B.—Of these Exhibitions, Nos. I. and II. cannot be held by the same person; so also Nos. III. and IV. cannot be held simultaneously.

FOOTNOTES:[31]Affiliated Students are such as, having passed the Entrance Examination, pursue their studies in an approved college or school, with the view of completing the higher studies in the University (Calendar, page 48). For the purposes of the Examination for the above Exhibitions, all Students who will have been examined for Entrance by the University Examiner in one of the seminaries, colleges, or schools, connected with the University (videCalendar, page 81), between the 1st June, 1863, and the 10th October, 1865, will be eligible.

[31]Affiliated Students are such as, having passed the Entrance Examination, pursue their studies in an approved college or school, with the view of completing the higher studies in the University (Calendar, page 48). For the purposes of the Examination for the above Exhibitions, all Students who will have been examined for Entrance by the University Examiner in one of the seminaries, colleges, or schools, connected with the University (videCalendar, page 81), between the 1st June, 1863, and the 10th October, 1865, will be eligible.

The Catholic University of Louvain has just been deprived by death of its first Rector, Mgr. Peter Francis Xavier de Ram. This illustrious prelate was called to the reward of his useful life on Sunday, the 14th of May, and his demise has caused a vacancy, not only in the University over which he presided with so much prudence and energy for over thirty years, but also in several other learned bodies, of which he was a most distinguished member. His death has been a severe loss to his native land and to the Catholic Church in Belgium. Let us hope the great work for which he lived will long continue to be a prolific source of every blessing to Catholic Belgium.

On hearing of the death of Mgr. de Ram, our Catholic University, which, in obedience to the advice of the Sovereign Pontiff, has ever looked on that of Louvain as its model and elder sister, hastened to hold a meeting of the Academic Senate, at which the following letter of condolence was unanimously agreed to:—

Illustrissimo et adm. Rdo. Dno. Vice Rectori; Illmis. D.D. Facultatum Decanis; et perillustribus D.D. in Universitate Cath. Lovaniensi Professoribus ornatissimis,Universitas in Hibernia Catholica S. D.Paucis abhinc diebus pervenit ad nos tristissima notitia mortis Illmi. et Rmi. D.D. Francisci Xaverii de Ram, istius Universitatis in Belgio Catholicae Magnifici Rectoris. Haud certe sine maximo cordium nostrorum dolore nuntium istum accepimus. Siquidem et inclytam Universitatem Vestram praecipuo lumine et ornamento destitutam conspicimus, et Supremo Capite et primo Rectore orbatam, qui res nascentis, imo potius renascentis Academiae summa humanitate, ornatissimus homo, est moderatus: qui miro ordine ita omnia paravit et instituit, ut antiquae illius in vestra civitate Universitatis decus et in scientiis laudem nova aemularetur, imo et superaret.Ad consolandum igitur vos in casu isto, quo est gravissime afflicta Academia Vestra, Universitatem hanc nostram urget et communis fides, et praecipua dilectio qua nos complecti dignati estis, et nomen ipsum Universitatis Catholicae. Nam et inclytam vestram Academiam haec nostra haud passibus aequis insequi conatur, et vester proinde dolor, aerumnae vestrae nobis vobiscum sunt communes. Itaque et inter hos dies nostrum erit clarissimi viri, vestri quondam Rectoris Magnifici animae piaculari Sacrificio opitulari, publicisque Ecclesiae officiis, et illi requiem et ipsius Operi, Universitati scilicet Vestrae incolumitatem et in dies provectus adprecari.Ex aedib. Univers. in Hib. Cath.Datum Dublinii V. Kal. Junias, 1865.Barth. Woodlock, Rector Univer. Cath.Thomas Scratton, A.B. a Secretis Universit.

Illustrissimo et adm. Rdo. Dno. Vice Rectori; Illmis. D.D. Facultatum Decanis; et perillustribus D.D. in Universitate Cath. Lovaniensi Professoribus ornatissimis,

Universitas in Hibernia Catholica S. D.

Paucis abhinc diebus pervenit ad nos tristissima notitia mortis Illmi. et Rmi. D.D. Francisci Xaverii de Ram, istius Universitatis in Belgio Catholicae Magnifici Rectoris. Haud certe sine maximo cordium nostrorum dolore nuntium istum accepimus. Siquidem et inclytam Universitatem Vestram praecipuo lumine et ornamento destitutam conspicimus, et Supremo Capite et primo Rectore orbatam, qui res nascentis, imo potius renascentis Academiae summa humanitate, ornatissimus homo, est moderatus: qui miro ordine ita omnia paravit et instituit, ut antiquae illius in vestra civitate Universitatis decus et in scientiis laudem nova aemularetur, imo et superaret.

Ad consolandum igitur vos in casu isto, quo est gravissime afflicta Academia Vestra, Universitatem hanc nostram urget et communis fides, et praecipua dilectio qua nos complecti dignati estis, et nomen ipsum Universitatis Catholicae. Nam et inclytam vestram Academiam haec nostra haud passibus aequis insequi conatur, et vester proinde dolor, aerumnae vestrae nobis vobiscum sunt communes. Itaque et inter hos dies nostrum erit clarissimi viri, vestri quondam Rectoris Magnifici animae piaculari Sacrificio opitulari, publicisque Ecclesiae officiis, et illi requiem et ipsius Operi, Universitati scilicet Vestrae incolumitatem et in dies provectus adprecari.

Ex aedib. Univers. in Hib. Cath.Datum Dublinii V. Kal. Junias, 1865.Barth. Woodlock, Rector Univer. Cath.Thomas Scratton, A.B. a Secretis Universit.

The Vice-Rector of the University of Louvain has returned the following answer:—

Louvain, de l'Université Catholique, le 9 Juin, 1865.Magnifice Rector,Perquam gratae nobis fuere literae tuae plenissimae illa humanitate, proximis hisce diebus ad nos datae, in quibus Dublinensis Academiae nomine moerorem nostrum de obitu Viri illustrissimi Petri Francisci Xaverii de Ram, tuae doloris participatione levare voluisti, unàque significasti Dublinensem Academiam jam nunc hoc quoque curare, ut brevi, in suo coetu, oblato peculiari Sacrificio, publicis votis precibusque aeterna requies animae illustrissimi Viri a Deo expectatur.Itaque facere non possum, Magnifice Rector, quin nostrae Academiae nomine tibi gratias quam maximas agam tam ob hoc germanae caritatis indicium quam ob illam doloris officiosam significationem.Immanem profecto jacturam facimus in amissione Viri qui, ut recte dicis, Magnifice Rector, renascentis Lovaniensis Academiae quodam modo pater fuit, et diuturno tempore gubernator prudentissimus, et praecipuum ejus lumen et decus et ornamentum; quem nos quidem eodem desiderio lugemus quo filii parentem.Reliquum est, ut Dublinensi Academiae, quam tu, Magnifice Rector, sapientissime moderaris et nos praecipuo quodam amore complectimur, prospera quaevis exoptemus; quod magnam certe partem praestiterimus, si, quod enixe facimus, Deum precamur ut te illi Academiae quam diutissime servet.Vice Rector Universitatis.T. A.Nameche.Viro Eximio ac Reverendissimo Bartholomaeo Woodlock, Magnifico Rectori Universitatis Catholicae in Hibernia.

Louvain, de l'Université Catholique, le 9 Juin, 1865.

Magnifice Rector,

Perquam gratae nobis fuere literae tuae plenissimae illa humanitate, proximis hisce diebus ad nos datae, in quibus Dublinensis Academiae nomine moerorem nostrum de obitu Viri illustrissimi Petri Francisci Xaverii de Ram, tuae doloris participatione levare voluisti, unàque significasti Dublinensem Academiam jam nunc hoc quoque curare, ut brevi, in suo coetu, oblato peculiari Sacrificio, publicis votis precibusque aeterna requies animae illustrissimi Viri a Deo expectatur.

Itaque facere non possum, Magnifice Rector, quin nostrae Academiae nomine tibi gratias quam maximas agam tam ob hoc germanae caritatis indicium quam ob illam doloris officiosam significationem.

Immanem profecto jacturam facimus in amissione Viri qui, ut recte dicis, Magnifice Rector, renascentis Lovaniensis Academiae quodam modo pater fuit, et diuturno tempore gubernator prudentissimus, et praecipuum ejus lumen et decus et ornamentum; quem nos quidem eodem desiderio lugemus quo filii parentem.

Reliquum est, ut Dublinensi Academiae, quam tu, Magnifice Rector, sapientissime moderaris et nos praecipuo quodam amore complectimur, prospera quaevis exoptemus; quod magnam certe partem praestiterimus, si, quod enixe facimus, Deum precamur ut te illi Academiae quam diutissime servet.

Vice Rector Universitatis.T. A.Nameche.

Viro Eximio ac Reverendissimo Bartholomaeo Woodlock, Magnifico Rectori Universitatis Catholicae in Hibernia.

History of the Catholic Archbishops of Dublin since the Reformation.By Rev. P. F. Moran, D.D. Vol. i. Dublin: James Duffy, 1865.

We are happy to announce the publication of the first volume of theHistory of the Catholic Archbishops of Dublin since the Reformation, by the Rev. Dr. Moran, of the Irish College, Rome, whose past services to the annals of our religion and country are well known. The first part of the volume now before us gives an account of the violent and tyrannical manner by which it was attempted to introduce Protestantism into Ireland under Henry VIII. and Queen Elizabeth. The arguments by which the Reformers propagated their opinions were fraud and treachery, fire and sword, penal laws and the confiscation of property. Dr. Browne and Dr. Loftus, two Englishmen, who received all the jurisdiction they enjoyed, as Archbishops of Dublin, from Henry and his daughter, Elizabeth, made themselves remarkable by their bigotry and their spirit of persecution. During their times no Catholic bishop, canonically appointed, could exercise spiritual powers in Dublin; but the wants of the faithful were provided for by vicars-apostolic, or administrators, lawfully appointed by the Holy See. Dr. Moran gives an interesting account of the labours of several of them, and especially of Father David Wolf, one of the companions of St. Ignatius, of Father Newman, and Father White. Towards the end of the sixteenth century a bishop, by name Donald, was appointed to Dublin by the Holy See, but nothing is known of his history. In the bull appointing Dr. De Oviedo, in 1600, it is merely mentioned that the see of Dublin was vacant by the death of Donald, late archbishop.

The history of Dr. De Oviedo and of the wars of the O'Neills is given at considerable length. After the death of that prelate, Dr. Matthews was translated from Clogher to Dublin in 1611, and governed this diocese with the zeal of an apostle down to the year 1623, when he died in Rome, esteemed and honoured by the Roman Pontiff. The labours of our prelate are fully described by Dr. Moran, and his provincial statutes, replete with wisdom and learning, are given in the appendix.

Dr. Fleming, son of the Baron of Slane, succeeded Dr. Matthews in 1623, and was equally distinguished as his predecessor for virtues and good works. During the first periodof his episcopate, the Irish Church had to suffer a great deal from the persecuting spirit of the government, and especially from the hostility of Lord Strafford. Yet in such troubled times Dr. Fleming held several synods, and laboured assiduously for the establishment of ecclesiastical discipline. As Dr. Matthews had founded an Irish college at Louvain, so Dr. Fleming was most anxious to procure the means of education for the students, by establishing or encouraging other colleges in France, Spain, Belgium, and Italy. Speaking of the college of Antwerp, which had been endowed by Rev. L. Sedgrave and Rev. James Talbot, Dublin priests, Dr. Moran says:

"One of its collegiate rules will suffice to reveal to us the spirit of self-sacrifice and Christian heroism with which the youthful Levites were prepared for their missionary toils in Ireland: 'Each priest', thus the rule enacts, 'will offer to God with all possible devotion the Holy Sacrifice of the Altar, beseeching our Divine Redeemer to have mercy on our afflicted and persecuted country, and to strengthen our clergy with His sanctifying grace. To attain this end all the students will, moreover, on each Friday, observe a rigorous fast, and will recite every day at their evening devotions the penitential psalm, Miserere mei Deus'".

Dr. Fleming was also a great patron of the learned men, such as the Four Masters, Wadding, Harold, Colgan, and others, who at that time devoted themselves to the study of Irish history and antiquities.

The present volume brings the history of the Archbishops down to the memorable period of 1641. A copious and valuable appendix is added, in which many most interesting letters of Irish bishops, generally inedited, and other documents are published.

The succeeding volumes will appear without any undue delay.

History of the Viceroys of Ireland, with Notices of the Castle of Dublin, etc. By J. T. Gilbert, Esq. Dublin: James Duffy. 1865.

This work is a valuable accession to Irish history. The author has had access to the public records, and in this way has been able to fix the chronology of important events, and to throw great light on a period whose history had been written very inaccurately. The present volume gives the history of the Viceroys from the Norman invasion in the twelfth century down to the death of Henry VII. in 1509. The work will be sought for with avidity by all who wish to become acquainted with the real state of Ireland in the period before the Reformation, and it will increase in interest as it comes down more closely to our own time.

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