FOOTNOTES:

Source.—Memoirs of the Insurrection in Scotland in 1715, by John, Master of Sinclair, p. 333. Edited from the original manuscript by Sir Walter Scott, Bart. (Edinburgh: Abbotsford Club, 1848.)

Before these had come to Huntlie,[54]the King was already landed at Peterhead, the twenty-seventh day of September[55][December], and was in his road to Fetteresso, where he halted. We were not long of hearing from those who came from the South that a young gentleman had passed Aberdeen with Captain Allan Cameron; that they had gone straight to Fetteresso, and it was thought that young man was the King; Cameron was gone on post to Perth, and the other was left at Fetteresso privately. This made Huntlie send a gentleman to Aberdeen with orders to go on till he got the certain account. By the time he got there, he was certainly informed the King was arrived, and that Mar was already at Fetteresso. To do Huntlie justice, being present when he received the news, he said, "Now ther's no help for it, we must all ruin with him: would to God he had comed sooner." There seem'd still some faint hopes to remain, which were, that since his Majestie had stopt at Fetteresso, and keept himself incognito there for two days, till Captain Cameron had informed Mar of his arrival, his reason for it could only be that he wanted to know the state of his affairs before he'd go forward to Perth; for what other reason could have hinder'd him to [have] declared himself at Aberdeen, or from going straight to Perth? And by all that could be learned since, we found we judged right; for it's said, that if his affairs were on a bad foot, he was resolved to return without loss of time, and leave his poor subjects the freedom of making terms for themselves; a very just and reasonable thought. Whatever was in it, as his declaring himself at Fetteresso, and afterwards going up to Perth, put a stop to all thoughts of terms on our side, so it's not to be doubted that the Government, however inclinable they might [have] been before, could ever entertain or allow of any such proposals from those inclined to mercy, or the moderate people of their own side....

My Lord Mar, who, as we first supposed, would [have] met his Majesty privately, spread the news at Perth of the King's happy landing, and brought a numerous train with him to Fetteresso, out of a view, I believe, to put it out of his Majesty's power to go back, having already published his being there; and to confirm him of the certainty of his affairssucceeding, by the approbation of those villainous, weak, miserable, deluded dependers of his Lordship, who he brought along with him.

... Thus that unhappy Prince, entirely a stranger to his own affairs, as much as he had dropt out of another world, or from the clouds, as things stood, was brought in eminent danger of his life, without its being possible that it could have any other effect but that of the certain ruin of his friends, and driving the nail to the head, and riveting the misery of those who had so generously sacrificed all to serve him. It's certain that he was made believe that his affairs in general were on a good foot, at least, very retrievable; that there were twice as many in Perth as there really were; and that there was no more needful to be done but the taking of Inverness, which entirely depended on Huntlie; and when that was done, the King would have a great army from all places of the Highlands before the Duke of Argyle could attack Perth. As for powder, I suppose it was never spoke of, since there was no want of it at Fetteresso; that the news of his Majestie's arrival would no sooner spread but all would return, and great numbers who had joined them would come from different corners.... The King was carried triumphinglie up to Perth.

FOOTNOTES:[54]The Marquis of Huntly.[55]It should be the 22nd of December.

[54]The Marquis of Huntly.

[55]It should be the 22nd of December.

Source.—The History of the Rebellion rais'd against His Majesty King George I. by the Friends of the Popish Pretender, p. 365, by the Rev. Mr. Peter Rae. Second edition. (London: 1746.)

... His Grace[56]having received positive orders from Court, to march forthwith against the rebels, he resolved to surmount all difficulties, and to march as soon as the artillery, and some of the Dutch forces at Edinburgh, and the regiments of Newton and Stanhope, who were quartered at Glasgow, could come up to join him; which they did, two or three days after.... The news of these preparations and march were not grateful to His Majesty at Scone, spoiling the ceremony of his coronation,and meeting of his Parliament: Instead of which fine things, the only matter now under consideration was, how to provide for their own safety; and the grand question debated was, whether to maintain the place, and fight the Duke of Argyle, or retreat.... The Pretender, finding that time was not to be lost, retired that evening from Scone to Perth, where having supped at Provost Hay's, he rested some hours; and next morning[57]about ten o'clock, the rebels abandoned Perth, marching over the Tay upon the ice, and, leaving their cannon behind them, took their rout towards Dundee. About noon the Pretender himself, with the Earl of Mar, followed his flying adherents with tears in his eyes, complaining that instead of bringing him to a Crown, they had brought him to his grave....

The rebels having retired from Dundee to Montrose, his Grace, on the 3rd,[58]sent a detachment towards Aberbrothick[59]within eight miles of that place; and on the fourth, in the morning, ordered Major General Sabine, with 3 battalions, 500 detached foot, and 50 dragoons, to march to Aberbrothick. The same day his Grace detached Colonel Clayton with 300 foot and 50 dragoons, to march by the way of Brechin; giving orders to the one as well as the other to summon the country people to remove the snow on the roads, which, being then very deep, made their march very heavy and tedious. His Grace having divided the rest of his army into two bodies, for marching with the greater expedition; and the rebel army having marched in two columns, on the 5th, in the morning, General Cadogan with the infantry marched towards Aberbrothick, and at the same time the Duke himself, with all the cavalry, proceeded by the Upper Road towards Brechin; the whole army being to join the next day at Stonehive,[60]intending on Tuesday hereafter to be at Aberdeen, to which place they supposed the Pretender was gone.

But by this time the Pretender was out of their reach; for having received advice at Montrose, on the 4th of February,about four in the afternoon, that part of the King's army was advancing towards Aberbrothick, he ordered the clans who remained with him to be ready to march, about eight at night, towards Aberdeen, where he assured them a considerable force would soon come to them from France. At the hour appointed for their march, the Pretender ordered his horses to be brought before the door of the house in which he lodged, and the guard which usually attended him to mount, as if he designed to go on with the clans to Aberdeen; but at the same time he slipped privately out on foot, accompanied only by one of his domesticks, went to the Earl of Mar's lodgings, and from thence, by a byway to the water-side, where a boat waited and carried him and the Earl of Mar on board a French ship of 90 tuns, called theMaria Teresaof St. Malo. About a quarter of an hour after, two other boats carried the Earl of Melford and the Lord Drummond, with Lieutenant-General Sheldon and ten other gentlemen on board the same ship, and then they hoisted sail and put to sea; and notwithstanding of his Majesty's ships that were cruising on that coast, got safely off, and in seven days landed at Waldam, near Graveling,[61]between Dunkirk and Calais. The Earls Marischal, Southesk, the Lord Tinmouth, General Gordon, with many other gentlemen and officers of distinction, were left behind to shift for themselves, who kept with the army, and continued their march towards Aberdeen, the foot marching on before with General Gordon, and the Earl Marischal, with about 1000 horse, keeping the rear to prevent surprise....

The same day the King's forces advanced to Montrose, the remains of the rebel army arrived at Aberdeen, where General Gordon showed them a letter from the Pretender, in which he acquainted his friends that the disappointments he had met with, especially from abroad, had obliged him to leave that country; that he thanked them for their services, and desired them to advise with General Gordon, and consult their own security either by keeping in a body or separating, and encouraging them to expect to hear farther from him in a veryshort time.... And we are told, that upon reading of the letter, many of the people threw down their arms, crying out they were basely betrayed, they were all undone, they were left without king or general. On the seventh, in the morning, the van of the rebels marched from Aberdeen, as did their rear about two in the afternoon, and their main body lay at Old Meldrum that night; but about 200 of their horse, amongst whom were many of their chiefs, with Irish and other officers who came lately from France, went toward Peterhead in order to ship themselves off in ships which they knew were waiting for them there....

Their main body marched straight west, through Strath-Spey and Strath-Don to the hills of Badenoch, where they separated: The foot dispersed into the mountains on this side of Lochy, and the horse went Lochquhaher, agreeing, however, to meet again upon notice from the Pretender. And here being advised that two French frigates were come for their relief, and would lay in Pentland Firth till they should hear from them, the Lord Duffus, Sir George Sinclair, General Eckline and others, about 160 gentlemen in all, well mounted on horseback, made a sally from the hills, and crossing the shire of Murray,[62]came to the seaside near Burgh, where they got several large barks which carried them to the Orkneys, Arskerry,[63]and other of the islands, from whence most of them found means to get into the frigates which carried them safe to France. Other ships coming afterwards carried the rest to Gottenburg, in the Swedish dominions, where some of them took on in that king's service.... There were yet with the rebels in Scotland many of their chiefs, as the Marquis of Tullibardine, the Earls Marischal, Southesk, Linlithgow, and Seaforth, who having broke his submission, joined them again in their flight to the northward, the Lord Tinmouth, Sir Donald M'Donald, and several others of the heads of the clans, who sheltered themselves for some time in the mountains from his Majesty's troops who pursued them through the north; and from thence some made their escape to the Isle of Sky, the Lewis, andother of the north-western islands till ships came for their relief to carry them abroad; and some of them afterwards submitted to the Government, as we shall hear below....

The Duke of Argyle having thus gloriously finished the most laborious and hard campaign that ever was known, he left the command of his Majesty's troops to Lieutenant-General Cadogan and returned to Edinbourgh the 27th of February, and in a day or two after set out for London, where he arrived on the 6th of March.

FOOTNOTES:[56]Of Argyle.[57]January 30.[58]Of February.[59]Arbroath.[60]Stonehaven.[61]Gravelines.[62]Moray.[63]Eriska.

[56]Of Argyle.

[57]January 30.

[58]Of February.

[59]Arbroath.

[60]Stonehaven.

[61]Gravelines.

[62]Moray.

[63]Eriska.

Source.—Culloden Papers: comprising an Extensive and Interesting Correspondence from the Year 1625 to 1678 ... the Whole published from the Originals in the Possession of Duncan George Forbes, of Culloden, Esq., p. 61. (London: 1815.)

No. LXXII.

An anonymous letter, written by Mr. Duncan Forbes to Sir Robert Walpole, most likely in August 1716—a copy is extant (from which the present is taken) in the President's handwriting.

Sir, ... When the late Rebellion was happily ended by the Pretender's flight, his deluded followers found themselves all in chains, or obliged to surrender and sue for mercy, or to fly their country with him. Every man concerned in that odious work certainly deserved death, and the punishment due by law; but humanity and prudence forbade it. It was not fit to dispeople a country; nor prudent to grieve the King's best friends, who mostly had some concern in those unfortunate men; or expedient to give too just grounds of clamour to the disaffected.

It will be agreed on all hands, that the proper rule in this case would have been, to have punished only as many as was necessary for terror, and for weakening the strength of the rebels for the future; and to extend mercy to as many as it could conveniently be indulged to with the security of theGovernment; and this maxim every thinking Whig had then in his mouth, however offended at the insolences of the rebels. In place of a course of this kind, the method followed was, 1st, to try all the criminals in England; 2dly, to detain in prison all those in custody in Scotland, except some who had interest with certain great men to obtain a previous pardon, to the manifest dishonour of the Government; 3dly, to attaint a vast number of Scots noblemen and gentlemen; 4thly, to put it out of his Majesty's power to grant any part of estates forfeited; and 5thly, to appoint a Commission for enquiry, and levying the rebels' goods and chattels. The necessary consequences of this procedure in general are two; first, it makes all those who had the misfortune to be seduced into the rebellion, with their children, relatives, and such as depend on them, forever desperate; and it's hard to tell what occasions may offer for venting their rage. We see that want and hard circumstances lead men daily into follies, without any other temptation; but when those circumstances are brought on by adherence to any principle, or opinion, it's certain the sufferers will not quit their attempts to better their condition, but with their lives. 2d, as there are none of the rebels who have not friends among the King's faithful subjects, it is not easy to guess how far a severity of this kind, unnecessarily pushed, may alienate the affections even of those from the Government. But in particular, as this case relates to Scotland, the difficulty will be insurmountable. I may venture to say, there are not 200 gentlemen in the whole kingdom who are not very nearly related to some one or other of the rebels. Is it possible that a man can see his daughter, his grandchildren, his nephews, or cousins, reduced to beggary and starving unnecessarily by a Government, without thinking very ill of it; and where this is the case of a whole nation, I tremble to think what dissatisfactions it will produce against a settlement so necessary for the happiness of Britain.

If all the rebels, with their wives, children, and immediate dependants, could be at once rooted out of the earth, the shock would be astonishing; but time would commit it to oblivion,and the danger would be less to the Constitution, than when thousands of innocents, punished with misery and want for the offences of their friends, are suffered to wander about the country, sighing out their complaints to Heaven, and drawing at once the compassion and moving the indignation of every human creature.

Source.—A Journey through Scotland, in Familiar Letters from a Gentleman here, to his Friend Abroad, p. 65, by J. Macky. Second edition. (London: 1729.)

The High-Street of Edinburgh, running by an easy ascent from the Netherbow to the Castle, a good half mile, is doubtless the stateliest street in the world, being broad enough for five coaches to drive up abreast; and the houses on each side are proportionately high to the broadness of the street; all of them six or seven story high, and those mostly of free stone, makes this street very august.

Half way up this street stands St. Giles's Church, the ancient cathedral of this city, in the form of a cross; but since the Reformation it is turned into four convenient churches, by partitions, called the High-Kirk, the Old-Kirk, the Tolbooth-Kirk, and Haddock's Hole. A-top of this church is erected a large open cupola, in the shape of an imperial crown, that is a great ornament to the city, and seen at a great distance. King David erected a copy after this over St. Nicholas's Church in Newcastle, but it does not near come up to it. Besides these four churches of St. Giles's, there is in the same street a little lower the Trone[65]Church, built after the model of Inigo Jones's St. Paul's Covent Garden; a very handsome church at the east end of the lake, called the Collegiate Church, built by Mary of Gelder,[66]Queen to James the Second; a church built by a Lady Yester, a handsome new church in the middle ofthe Canongate, and two good churches under the same roof at the Grey-Friars. There are also some chapels; but they are converted into halls for trades.

To the south of St. Giles's Church is a fine square, with an equestrian statue of King Charles the Second in the middle. In this square stands the Parliament-House, where their parliaments were kept: Also the Council and Treasury, and all other publick offices. It's a fine modern building of free-stone, finished by Charles the First in 1636. Underneath this building is kept the lawyer's library[67]; where there is a fine collection of books, of medals, and of ancient coins, the largest of English and Scots coins I ever saw. I could not perceive that the Scots bore the lion rampant in a tressor of Flower-de-Luces[68]on the coins, till the Stewarts.

Joining to this library is the Register, where are kept all the deeds and securities of the nation, as a common bank. Here is also a very good bank for money,[69]whose notes go current all over the nation. There is also a fine room in this square for the meeting of the royal boroughs, adorned with pictures.

In this great street are several stone fountains of water, brought in pipes at three miles distance, disposed at convenient distances to supply the whole city with water; and on each side of this street are lanes, or wynds as they are called here, that run down to the bottom.

This made an English gentleman, that was here with the Duke of York, merrily compare it to a double wooden comb, the great street the wood in the middle, and the teeth of each side the lanes.

These lanes lead you to a street below, called the Cowgate, which runs the whole length east and west of the other, but is neither half so broad or well built. The High Street is also the best paved street I ever saw. I will not except Florence. One would think the stones inlaid; they are not half a foot square; and notwithstanding the coaches and carts, there is not the least crack in it.

South from the Cowgate lies the High-School for Latin, and in its yard is kept a fine bagnio, in a handsome neat house, built for the Company of Surgeons; and in their hall is the picture of the late Duke Hamilton, Earl Finlater in his Chancellor's robes, and of all the eminent surgeons of the town, to the number of about forty, all originals, by Sir John Medina. There is also a pretty garden before and behind the house. Directly north from this, on the other side of the Cowgate, is the Physicians Hall and garden, where they have a noble museum, founded by Sir Andrew Balfour, physician. The learned and industrious Sir Robert Sebald has very much augmented it. It contains a treasure of curiosities of art and nature, foreign and domestick, as appears by Sir Robert's account, printed in four books in 1697.

A little further to the south of the Cowgate is the University, which consists only of one college: The Magistrates of Edinburgh are governors of it; it hath a principal or warden, and four philosophy regents or professors. There is also a professor of Divinity, of Civil Law, of History, Mathematicks, and Hebrew.

In studying four years at this college you commence Master of Arts: The scholars are not in commons, and kept to strict rules as in the colleges in England, nor wear gowns; they lodge and diet in the town, as at the colleges in Holland, and are required to attend at their several classes from eight in the morning till twelve, and from two to four. I wonder how a college in a town used to so much business and diversion to take off from the study of youth, should ever produce a good scholar.

This college consists of two lower courts, and one upper one, tolerably well built; the upper court, to which you ascend by steps of stairs, is larger than the other two. On the left of that court is the library, a long spacious room, and the books neatly kept, and cloistered with doors of wire, that none can open but the keeper, more commodious than the multitude of chains used in the English libraries. The several benefactions are kept in distinct apartments, with the donor's name overthem in gold letters; and over these cases of books are pictures of most of the Kings of Scotland, and of all the reformers both at home and abroad....

Joining to the College is a neat hospital for girls, with a pretty garden, and bowling-green; and a little further is the churchyard of the Grey-Friars, the burial-place of all the eminent burghers of the city; for they don't affect so much as the English to be buried in churches; that they think smells too much of the Popish stamp....

To the westward of this church-yard stands the most celebrated Hospital of George Herriot, Jeweller to James the Sixth, for the bringing up of 130 poor boys, children of decayed merchants and tradesmen of this city. The building exceeds any thing of the kind in Europe. Sutton's Hospital, called the Charter-House at London, is a noble foundation; but the house neither of that, Christ-Church, nor anything of the kind at Rome or Venice, comes up to the magnificence of this building; which I suppose is owing to Dr. Balcanqual, his executor, who was a great architect, was Dean of Rochester, and helped King James the Sixth to write his Basilicon Doron, and was left in full power by Mr. Herriot to build this hospital, which he hath done more like a princely palace than a habitation for necessitous children....

To the north of Herriot's work, from whence its fine avenue ascends, and to the west of the Cowgate, is the Grass-Market, like Smithfield at London, where they sell their horses, corn and hay, and is as spacious as Smithfield is; and from it is the West Port or Gate, out of which is a large suburb, as it is at most of the others. The City of Edinburgh is a good English mile from the Palace to the Castle in a direct line; and taking in the suburbs called the West-Port, Bristol,[70]Paterrow,[71]Pleasants,[72]Canongate, and Calton, may be four miles in circumference.

This Grass-Market, or Smithfield, lies directly under the Castle, which is built on a high rock at the west end of the city, and over-looks and commands it. The rock on whichthis castle is built is inaccessible on all sides, except just the front from the town, which rises by an easy ascent on the ridge of the hill all the way from the Palace: However, this front is secured by a half-moon, at least 200 feet perpendicularly high, well stored with artillery, besides other lower works towards the gate, that make it impregnable. There is also a royal palace in this castle, finely built of free-stone, with very noble apartments; in one of which, King James the sixth of Scotland, and first of England, was born. You may imagine the prospect, very delicious and unbounded from such a height as this; for you not only see all Edinburgh under you, but the whole course of the firth from the Bass to Stirling; the coasts of Fife on the other side of the sea, and many score miles into the country.

FOOTNOTES:[64]Edinburgh appeared much like this during the first half of the eighteenth century.[65]Tron.[66]Gueldres.[67]Advocates' Library.[68]Fleurs-de-lis.[69]See p.18.[70]Bristo.[71]Potterrow.[72]Pleasance.

[64]Edinburgh appeared much like this during the first half of the eighteenth century.

[65]Tron.

[66]Gueldres.

[67]Advocates' Library.

[68]Fleurs-de-lis.

[69]See p.18.

[70]Bristo.

[71]Potterrow.

[72]Pleasance.

Source.—A Fragment of a Memoir of Field-Marshal James Keith, written by himself, 1714-1734, p. 35. (Edinburgh: Spalding Club, 1843.)

... To explain the reasons that now carried me to Spain, its necessary to go back to the month of August of this year,[73]when the English, without any previous declaration of war, or even any good ground for it, had attacked the King of Spain's fleet on the coast of Sicily, and entirely ruined it, which so exasperated the Cardinal Alberoni, who then governed Spain with the title of first Minister, that he resolv'd to assist King James, and so revenge himself on the Whigs, who had been the occasion of the breach of faith he complained of.... One difficulty still remain'd,—which was to get the chiefs of the King's friends, who were in France, advertised of this, which the Cardinal desired me to undertake. The Earl Marischal had brought with him from the Duke of Ormonde a little billet containing these words—"Pray have entire confidence in the bearer," and signed Ormond, to be given to him who should be sent; and with this and about 18,000 crowns, I set out fromMadrid the 19 of February,[74]and three days after arrived at St. Sebastian, where I deliver'd 12,000 crowns to the Prince Campo Florido, for the equipment of the frigats destin'd for Scotland, and with the little money which remain'd entered France privately....

All things being now ready, we embark'd the 19th of March in a small barck of about 25 tunns, in the mouth of the Seine, and shaped our course to pass betwixt Dover and Calais, and so round the Orkneys to the Isle of Lewis, which was our place of rendezvous; but the wind continuing at east forced us the Friday after, March 24, to alter our course, and stand away for St. George's Channel, or the back of Ireland, as we should think best.... From thence we stood for Cape Clear and the west coast of Ireland, and after favourable but blowing weather, arrived the 4 of April, N.S. in the isle of Lewis, where we enquired if no ship had touched there lately from Spain, or if there was no particular news in the country; but finding them ignorant of any thing that could give us light into what we wanted to be informed of, we remain'd there some days, and at last had accounts that two frigats were come to an anchor on the other side of the island, on which I went with all haste there, not doubting but it was those we were longing for. I found them already sailed, but a gentleman of the country informed me that they were the same, and were gone some miles farther to Stornoway, the only toun or rather village on all the island. I went the same night there, and found them in the harbour at an anchor, and the men still aboard....

The Marquesses of Seafort and Tullibardine came and joined us next day, and in the evening held a council of war to resolve what was to be done. The Earl Marischal first asked to know what commissions each had, that the command might be regulated, and Lord Tullibardine not owning his late commissions, the command remain'd in him as eldest Major General. It was then disputed whether it was fit to go immediately to the main land of Scotland, or to continue in theisland where we were till we had advice of the Duke of Ormonde's landing in England. This last party was much insisted on by Lord Tullibardine and Glenderuel, but all the rest being against it, because we might easily be block'd up in the isle by two or three of the enemies ships, it was resolved to follow the project which the Earl Marischal had proposed to the Cardinal, to land as soon as possible in Scotland, and with the Spaniards and Highlanders who should first join us, march straight to Inverness, in which there were not above 300 of the enemies foot, who would be in no condition to oppose us, and to remain there till we should be joined by such a body of horse and foot as should put us in a condition of marching to the more southern parts of the Kingdom. The council of war being at an end, the Spanish troops were order'd to debark that they might refraich themselves after a voyage of 42 days, and it was resolved to sail for the main land three days after....

We had no sooner debarked the troops and ammunition,[75]than the Earl Marischal and Brigadier Campbel proposed marching straight to Inverness with the Spaniards and 500 Highlanders, whom the Marquess of Seafort promised to give us, to surprise the enemies garison, who as yet had no accounts of us; but the same demon who had inspired them with the design of staying in the Lewis, hinder'd them from accepting this proposition. We were all in the dark what could be the meaning of these dilatory proceedings, which was discover'd to be the effects of the measures they had already taken, for before the Earl Marischal's arrival, they (not knowing but that he might have a commission superior to the Marquess of Tullibardine's) had wrote letters in a circular manner to most of their friends, acquainting them that it was the King's intentions that no body should take arms till the Spanish troops were landed in England; and therefore the Marquess declared that till then he would not stir from where he was, nor even allow any detachments to be made; and some days after, finding that we had still no accounts of the Duke ofOrmonde, nor of any movement in England, he proposed that without further delay we should embark aboard the same vessels and return to Spain, from which with great difficulty he was dissuaded.

But the Earl Marischal, fearing that he might renew the same design in case the news we expected was long a coming, declared to him the day after that he was resolved to send the two fregats immediately back to Spain, they being no longer in safety where they were, for being already discover'd, it was natural to believe that the Government of England would immediately send ships to block them up, or to intercept them in their passage home, and in spight of all the arts they used to detain them, three days after they sailed; and indeed just in time, for not a week after their departure arrived three English men of war, much superior to ours both in force and equipage, who, finding we had put most of our ammunition and provisions into an old castel, situate on the shore, under the guard of a detachment of 45 Spaniards, immediately began to batter it from the three ships, and the same night obliged them to surrender prisoners of war.

Our ships were no sooner sailed than the Marquess of Tullibardine began to think of other measures. His retrait out of the island was now impracticable in the manner he had designed it, and now he resolved to draw what ships he could together, but it was too late; he had given the enemy time to draw troops not only from the remote parts of the Kingdom, but even from Holland. The regiments of Kapell, May, and Sturler, were already arrived, and his circular letters had given those who were not very willing an excellent excuse, he himself having already wrote to them that they should not take arms.

Our affairs were in this condition, when we received the news, of the entire dispersion of the Duke of Ormond's fleet; but at the same time our friends assured us that all diligence was using in Spain to put it in a condition to sail again that same spring. This left us still some hopes, and therefore we order'd the gentlemen who were nearest us to assemble theirvassalls, but this last accident had disheartned them, that not above a thousand men appeared, and even those seemed not very fond of the enterprize.

The enemy was by this time within three days march of us, with four regiments of foot, and a detachment of a fifth, and 150 dragoons, and waited only for the provisions which was necessary to be carried along (into a country full of mountains and possessed by the enemy,) to march to attack us in our post which, by the situation, was strong enough had it been well defended; our right was cover'd by a rivulet which was difficult to pass, and our left by a ravine, and in the front the ground was so rugged and steep that it was almost impossible to come at us. However, the tenth of June the enemy appear'd at the foot of the mountain, and after having reconnoitred the ground he attacked a detachment we had posted on our right on the other side of the rivulet commanded by Lord George Murray, who not being succour'd as he ought, was obliged to retire, but without any loss. At the same time our center was attacked and forced with very little loss on either side; and after a skirmish of about three hours, in which not above a hundred men were killed or wounded on both sides, and of distinction only the Marquess of Seafort wounded, our troops were forced to retire to the top of the mountain, whose height hinder'd the enemies pursuit.[76]By this time it was night, which gave the chiefs of our party time to consult what was to be done in this urgency, and on considering that they had neither provisions nor ammunition, that the few troops they had had behaved in a manner not to give great encouragement to try a second action, it was resolved, that the Spaniards should surrender, and the Highlanders disperse. Don Nicolas Bolano, who commanded the detachment of the regiment of Galicia, offer'd to attack the enemy once more; but the general officers judging the attempt in vain, the first resolution was followed, and accordingly next morning the Spaniards surrender'd on condition their baggage should not be plunder'd, and every body else took the road he liked best. As I was then sick ofa feavour, I was forced to lurck some months in the mountains, and in the beginning of September having got a ship, I embarcked at Peterhead, and 4 days after landed in Hollande at the Texel.

FOOTNOTES:[73]1718.[74]1719.[75]On the mainland.[76]This was the Battle of Glenshiel.

[73]1718.

[74]1719.

[75]On the mainland.

[76]This was the Battle of Glenshiel.

Source.—A Journey through Scotland, in familiar Letters from a Gentleman here, to his Friend Abroad, p. 269, by J. Macky. Second edition. (London: 1729.)

There is no nation where a man hath fairer play for his liberty, than in Scotland: Here are no Sheriffs Officers, and Marshal's men, that will whip you off the street at London, and run you into a spunging-house at once; but here if you owe money, you are summoned to show cause why you don't pay it; which if you don't do, you have six days allowed you before a caption comes out against your person; which is executed by these messengers only, who are all put in by the Lord Lion,[78]and wear a greyhound on a green ribbon, as a badge, when they are in the execution of their office.

The ladies dress as in England, with this difference, that when they go abroad, from the highest to the lowest, they wear a plaid, which covers half of the face, and all their body. In Spain, Flanders, and Holland, you know the women go all to church and market, with a black mantle over their heads and body: But these in Scotland are all striped with green, scarlet, and other colours, and most of them lined with silk; which in the middle of a church, on a Sunday, looks like aparterre de fleurs.

I have been at several consorts of musick, and must say, that I never saw in any nation an assembly of greater beauties, than those I have seen at Edinburgh. The ladies are particular in a stately firm way of walking, with their joints extended, and their toes out: But I cannot say, that the common people are near so clean or handsome as the English. The youngladies are all bred good housewives; and the servant-maids are always kept at some work here: The spinning-wheels, both for woollen and linnen, are always going in most houses; and a gentleman of a good estate is not ashamed to wear a suit of cloaths of his lady's and servants' spinning. They make a great deal of linnen all over the Kingdom, not only for their own use, but export it to England, and to the Plantations. In short, the women are all kept employed, from the highest to the lowest of them.

But the men here are not so usefully employed as in England: There the production of every county is improved by joint-stocks amongst the inhabitants of the several counties. Iron-works, lead-works, manufactories, and every thing else that may conduce to the common welfare of the nation, are set on foot, and carried on. But here, altho their rivers plentifully abound with salmon for exportation, their coasts with white fish and herrings, more than any other in Europe; yet the gentry, or landed men, never concern themselves about it, as a thing below them; and leave those improvements to burghers of towns, who, for want of a sufficient stock, are not able to carry it on.

Indeed, the nobility have of late run into parking, planting, and gardening, which are great improvements of their estates; but what is this to the bulk of a nation, which (if encouraged) hath as many natural commodities for exportation as any whatsoever, and more than South-Britain? But a finer education than what is necessary for trade, hath been, in imitation of the French, the misfortune of this kingdom; but perhaps the union with England may open their eyes to their own interest.

The language of the Low-Countries of Scotland is the same with that which is spoken all over England; only an Englishman will understand a Scotchman better by his writing than speaking; for the difference in the pronunciation of the vowels, which are the same in writing, makes a great alteration in speaking.

The Scots pronounce the five vowels, a, e, i, o, u, just as theFrench, Germans, and Italians do; and the English, according to that pronunciation, make them œ, i, y, o, u. This difference of sound in the vowels, makes a great one in the pronunciation.

The Highlanders have a language of their own, which the Irish own to be the purest of that Irish which they spake in the province of Ulster in Ireland; which is also spoken in the greatest purity in the Western Islands that lie between Scotland and Ireland: They being an unmixed people, have preserved that language and the dress better than the Irish have done, who have been over-run with Danes, English, etc.

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