CHAPITRE XII. [i.e., xi.]

Cependant voicy vn grãd murmure, qui s'esleue entre nos François, de ce qu'on ne baptisoit point. Car nous sommes en vn siecle, auquel, qui sçait lire, est à son opinion, grand Theologien: & qui a le moindre soin de son ame, est à son aduis le plus apte pour regir l'Eglise de Dieu, & pour entreprendre sur les oingts du Sauueur. Cecy n'est point tolerable (disoient-ils, ainsi que leFactumle professe) ces gens cy sont inutiles: Il en faut escrire en Frãce: & autres menaces, lesquelles ils vindrent faire au P. Biard, [113] lequel tascha de les appaiser, & entre autres choses leur dit: Mes amys, si les Iesuites eussent esté conuoyteux de vaine gloire, vous leur monstrez la route, qu'ils deuoyent tenir; de tost baptiser le plus de gens, qu'ils eussent peu; parce qu'il y a bien à presumer, que ces conuersions estans sceües en France, les Imprimeurs de Paris n'eussent pas esté plus negligents, ny les Colporteurs plus enroüez à crier telles nouuelles par les rues de la ville en leur recommandation. Mais à Dieu ne plaise, (disoit-il) que nous voulions sembler Apostres, n'estans que miserables pecheurs; ny que nous voulions acquerir le bruict de bons mesnagers, & diligens seruiteurs, en dissipant l'heritage de nostre Maistre. On mesdira de nous, nous le sentons prou; ne croyez pas que nous soyons si stupides. [114] Mais il ne faut non plus laisser le bien pour l'infamie, que l'entreprendre pour les loüanges. C'est à Dieu à qui nous seruons, & à la maison de qui si nous deuons apporter aucun fruict, c'est en patience, car ainsi l'a-il dit,Il apportera fruict en patience. Nous baptisons les petits enfans, comme152vous voyez de la volonté de leurs parens, & soubs l'esperãce, que nous aurons moyen de les instruire, quand ils viendront à l'vsage de raison. Les aagez, qui meurent, nous les baptisõs aussi, les catechisants du mieux que nous pouuõs, & que le temps le permet; Quant aux autres, qui sont hors le peril de mort, nous les baptiserons aussi, quand par vostre ayde nous les pourrons instruire en leur langage, & qu'eux nous sçaurõt respondre. Car il faut que le baptisé adulte responde luy-mesme, & [115] non le parrain pour luy. Aydez-nous, & priez pour cela selon vostre grand zele, & ne vous tourmentez, pensants qu'ils periront, s'ils n'ont receu le Baptesme: car aussi bien periront-ils, & piremẽt, s'ils l'auoyent receu sans bonne disposition: comme si apres le Baptesme, ils meurent en peché mortel, ils perissent. Que si vous repliquez, qu'apres le Baptesme leurs pechez leur seront pardonnez par la seule contrition, en cas qu'ils n'ayent point de Prophetes pour se confesser; Aussi vous dy-ie, que par la mesme detestation de leurs pechez, auec la volonté de receuoir le Baptesme, ils seront sauuez, en cas qu'ils ne rencontrẽt aucũ qui puisse le leur appliquer. Partant vouz voyez, que la premiere chose, que nous taschons de leur apprendre, c'est la maniere de se conuertir à Dieu de tout leur [116] cœur par vraye contrition, & desir, de s'vnir, & incorporer auec nostre SauueurIesvs-Christ. Car c'est vne disposition pour receuoir le Baptesme mesme: Et elle est telle, qu'elle suffit à salut, quand on ne peut receuoir le Sacrement par effect. Il est vray, nous auons la jambe fort pesante pour monter mesme ce premier degré; mais courage par vos prieres, Dieu nous renforcera de son S. Esprit. Telles & autres semblables154raisons furent pour lors deduictes par ledit P. Biard, & ont esté souuent repetées despuis, sans que iamais on s'en soit voulu contenter; marque infaillible, que lon cherchoit quelque autre chose, que raison.

Meanwhile, many complaints arose among our French people because no one was being baptized. For we live in an age in which any one who knows how to read is, in his own opinion, a great Theologian; and whoever has the least care for his own soul, believes himself to be the most proper person to rule the Church of God, and to infringe upon the duties of the Lord's anointed. "This is not to be tolerated" (they were saying, according to theFactum25); "these people are useless here; we must write to France about them;" and other threats, which were made to Father Biard, [113] who tried to pacify them, and among other things said: "My friends, if the Jesuits were ambitious for mere glory, you would show them the right way to attain it; i.e., to baptize, as soon as possible, as many people as they can; for it is certainly to be supposed that, these conversions being known in France, the Printers of Paris would not have delayed to make the Hawkers hoarse, crying and commending such news through the streets of the city. But God forbid" (said he) "that we should wish to assume the role of Apostles, being only miserable sinners; or that we should try to acquire the reputation of good managers, and diligent servants, while squandering our Master's inheritance. We shall be slandered, we are well aware of it; do not believe that we are so stupid. [114] But just as little must you desist from doing good for fear of calumny as you must undertake it for love of praise. It is God whom we serve, and if we are to bring any fruit to his house it must be in patience, for thus he has said it,He bringeth forth fruit with patience. We baptize the little children, as you see, in accordance with their parents' wishes, and with the hope that we shall havemeans of instructing them, when they come to a reasonable age. The aged, who die, we also baptize, catechizing them as well as we can, and as time permits. As to the others, who are not in immediate danger of death, we shall baptize them also when, with your help, we shall be able to instruct them in their own language, and when they will know how to answer us. For the adult who is baptized, must answer for himself, and [115] not the godfather for him. Help us, and pray for this in proportion to your own great zeal, and do not worry, thinking they will perish if they have not received Baptism; for surely they will perish, and in a worse manner, if they have received it in a bad spirit: just as, after Baptism, if they die in mortal sin, they perish. But if you reply that after Baptism their sins will be pardoned through repentance alone, if they have no Prophets to receive their confession; I say to you also that through the same detestation of sin, with the wish to receive Baptism, they will be saved if they do not find any one who will administer it to them. Therefore you see that the first thing we try to teach them is, how to bring themselves to God with their whole [116] hearts through true repentance, and the desire to unite and incorporate themselves with our Savior,Jesus Christ. For this is the proper spirit in which to receive Baptism itself; and it is such, that it suffices for salvation, when the Sacrament cannot actually be received. It is true our legs drag in reaching this first step; but courage! through your prayers, God will strengthen us by his Holy Spirit." These, and other similar reasons, were at that time deduced by the said Father Biard, and have often been repeated since, but they have nevercarried conviction: an infallible sign, that something else besides reason was sought for.

Or à l'occasion des Colonies, & de leur bon establissemẽt, duquel nous parlions; nous sommes deualez sur le propos du Catechisme, [117] & sur la defense des Iesuites: non sans necessité à mon aduis, ny sans profit bien grand. Ores, puis que nous auons fait mention duFactum, escrit contre lesdits Iesuites, & qu'il nous faudra d'ores-en-auant coup sur coup, en conuaincre les mensonges: c'est icy à nous d'exposer, quel est ceFactum, qui son Escriuain, & quelles causes il se dit auoir eu de sortir au monde.

Now as to the Colonies, and their proper establishment, of which we were speaking; we have stepped down from them to the subject of the Catechism [117] and to the defense of the Jesuits, not without necessity in my opinion, nor without great profit. For since we have mentioned theFactumwritten against the said Jesuits, and as we must from now on expose, one by one, the lies therein contained, it is for us here to explain what thatFactumis, who was its Author, and what are said to have been the causes for its being issued to the world.

CHAPITRE XII. [i.e., xi.]A QUELLE OCCASION LES IESUITES ALLERENT EN LA NOUUELLE FRANCE, L'AN 1611. & CE QUE LES FRANÇOIS Y FIRENT DÉS L'AN 1608. IUSQUES À LEUR VENUË.156NOVS auons cy-deuant discouru des terres, & peuples de la Nouuelle France, & parlãts [118] du moyen de pouuoir ayder ces Nations: à ceste occasion nous sommes tombez sur leFactumescrit, & publié contre les Iesuites. Or d'autant, que ce difamateur, & factieux (ainsi le nommeray-ie d'ores-en-auant,) commençant dés l'embarquement des Iesuites, les poursuit, comme à la trace en Canada par boys, & riuieres, mer, & terres, de iour & de nuict, en tous leurs voyages & demeures, espiant par tout de tirer sur eux à couuert & proditoirement quelques impostures, & calomnies. A ceste cause il nous faut de necessité reprendre mesmes erres pour defendre l'innocence, & rapporter au vray ce qui est de leurs actions, & deportements: ainsi que i'ay promis de faire en l'Auant-propos. Et jaçoit qu'à cest'occasion nous serons contraincts souuent de particulariser plusieurs [119] petits affaires, non guiere bien conuenables à la grauité d'vn' histoire, ny à la dignité d'vn Lecteur honnorable; toutesfois i'estime que de ceste mienne diligẽce on pourra tirer trois grands fruicts, outre la recognoissance de la verité d'auec les fraudes, & bourdes, qui de soy mesme seroit fort profitable.

156NOVS auons cy-deuant discouru des terres, & peuples de la Nouuelle France, & parlãts [118] du moyen de pouuoir ayder ces Nations: à ceste occasion nous sommes tombez sur leFactumescrit, & publié contre les Iesuites. Or d'autant, que ce difamateur, & factieux (ainsi le nommeray-ie d'ores-en-auant,) commençant dés l'embarquement des Iesuites, les poursuit, comme à la trace en Canada par boys, & riuieres, mer, & terres, de iour & de nuict, en tous leurs voyages & demeures, espiant par tout de tirer sur eux à couuert & proditoirement quelques impostures, & calomnies. A ceste cause il nous faut de necessité reprendre mesmes erres pour defendre l'innocence, & rapporter au vray ce qui est de leurs actions, & deportements: ainsi que i'ay promis de faire en l'Auant-propos. Et jaçoit qu'à cest'occasion nous serons contraincts souuent de particulariser plusieurs [119] petits affaires, non guiere bien conuenables à la grauité d'vn' histoire, ny à la dignité d'vn Lecteur honnorable; toutesfois i'estime que de ceste mienne diligẽce on pourra tirer trois grands fruicts, outre la recognoissance de la verité d'auec les fraudes, & bourdes, qui de soy mesme seroit fort profitable.

CHAPTER XII. [i.e., xi.]ON THE CAUSES WHICH LED THE JESUITS TO GO TO NEW FRANCE IN 1611, AND WHAT HAD BEEN ACCOMPLISHED THERE BY THE FRENCH FROM THE YEAR 1608 UP TO THE TIME OF THEIR ARRIVAL.WE have discoursed above upon the countries and people of New France, and in speaking [118] of the means of aiding these Nations, we stumbled upon theFactum, written and published against the Jesuits. Now inasmuch as this slanderer and factionist (which I shall call him hereafter), beginning with the embarkation of the Jesuits, pursues them, dogging their footsteps in Canada through woods and rivers, upon sea and land, day and night, in all their travels and dwelling places,—everywhere spying them out, to draw down upon them, covertly and treacherously, his impostures and calumnies; for this reason we must of necessity go back upon our route, to defend the innocent and to give a true account of their actions and conduct, as I promised to do in the Preface. And although on this account we shall often be obliged to go into details about many [119] little things which are scarcely in harmony with the gravity of a history or the dignity of an honorable Reader; nevertheless I believe that if I give heed to these things three great results will be derived therefrom, besides the discrimination of truth from falsehood and imposition, which in itself would be very profitable.

WE have discoursed above upon the countries and people of New France, and in speaking [118] of the means of aiding these Nations, we stumbled upon theFactum, written and published against the Jesuits. Now inasmuch as this slanderer and factionist (which I shall call him hereafter), beginning with the embarkation of the Jesuits, pursues them, dogging their footsteps in Canada through woods and rivers, upon sea and land, day and night, in all their travels and dwelling places,—everywhere spying them out, to draw down upon them, covertly and treacherously, his impostures and calumnies; for this reason we must of necessity go back upon our route, to defend the innocent and to give a true account of their actions and conduct, as I promised to do in the Preface. And although on this account we shall often be obliged to go into details about many [119] little things which are scarcely in harmony with the gravity of a history or the dignity of an honorable Reader; nevertheless I believe that if I give heed to these things three great results will be derived therefrom, besides the discrimination of truth from falsehood and imposition, which in itself would be very profitable.

158Le premier emolument, que le sage Lecteur en tirera est, que de la practique, actions, voyages, & accidents, que nous luy specifierons l'vn apres l'autre, il recognoistra beaucoup mieux, ce qui est de ces terres, de leur naturel, du moyẽ de les aider, & les accidẽs de telles expeditions & entreprinses.

The first advantage that the wise Reader will derive from this, is that from the experiences, actions, journeys, and accidents which we shall relate to him, one after the other, he will understand much better what these countries are, their nature, the means of helping them, and the vicissitudes of such expeditions and enterprises.

Le second qu'il rencontrera tãt d'euenements, & si diuers, tant de fortunes, & incidents auec leurs moments & articles, que sa prudẽce pourra beaucoup s'y former. [120] Car en verité, c'est tout autre chose de philosopher en these, & de practiquer en hypothese: de mouler ses idees en chambre, & d'esclorre ses actions entre les hõmes: de faire son compte sur la liberté du genre, & se trouuer puis apres asseruy au lieu, temps, personnes, & mille petits incidents, mais qui estreignent bien fort; de nul prix, mais qui souuent neantmoins font changer de resolutiõ, & de fortune. Or c'est en l'exercice de ces particulieres circõstãces, & practique, qu'on acquiert la prudence; non en vne veuë, & recognoissance sommaire, & vniuerselle.

The second is that he will encounter so many and so different events, so many fortunes and incidents with their opportunities and details, that his discretion will be thus greatly strengthened. [120] For in truth, it is a very different thing for a man to philosophize in thesis, and to practice by hypothesis: to mould his ideas in his chamber, and to give form to his deeds among men: to count upon the liberty of the race, and then to find himself enslaved by place, time, people, and a thousand incidents which are trifling, but which very effectually bind him; of no value, yet they often change his purpose and his destiny. Now it is through experience with these particular circumstances and practices, that prudence is acquired; not in a comprehensive and general survey and examination.

Le tiers fruict sera de recognoistre vne vrayement paternelle, douce & admirable prouidence de Dieu sur ceux, qui l'inuoquent, & se fient en luy parmy les hazards, & varietés de ceste [121] vie, tels qu'on en verra icy beaucoup. Ces trois profits, à mon aduis, pourront bien contre-balancer la lõgueur du temps, qui s'employera en ceste lecture.

The third fruit will be in the recognition of a truly paternal, gentle, and admirable providence of God over those who invoke it, and trust themselves to him among the dangers and changes of this [121] life, such as will be often seen here. These three benefits, it seems to me, will certainly offset the tediousness of the time which will be employed in this reading.

Mais à celle fin, que le tout s'entende mieux, il nous conuient retourner à ceux, qu'auons ja dés si long temps laissés: sçauoir est, aux François, qui retournerent de Canada en leur pays, l'an 1607.

But to the end that all may be better understood, it is well for us to return to those whom we have left for so long a time, namely, to the French, who returned to their own country from Canada, in 1607.

Il vous a esté raconté, comme sur la fin de ladicte160année 1607. tout le train du sieur de Monts s'en reuint en France, & fut lors ceste nouuelle France entieremẽt abandonnée des François. Neantmoins l'an suiuant 1608. le sieur de Monts constitua son Lieutenãt le sieur Champlain, & le manda descouurir au long de la grande riuiere S. Laurens; Champlain y fit vaillamment, & fonda l'habitation de Kebec. Mais quant aux [122] faicts, voyages, & descouuertures dudit Champlain, il n'est ja besoin, que ie les vous crayonne, puis que luy mesme les a si bien, & si au long depeint en ses liures.

You have been told how, towards the end of the year 1607, sieur de Monts's entire company returned to France, and this new France was then entirely deserted by our countrymen. However, in the following year, 1608, sieur de Monts chose as his Lieutenant sieur de Champlain, and sent him on a tour of discovery along the great St. Lawrence river; Champlain did admirably there, establishing the settlement of Kebec.26But as to the [122] deeds, journeys, and discoveries of the said Champlain, there is no need of my outlining them to you, as he himself has given such long and excellent descriptions of them in his books.

Or le sieur Iean de Biencourt, appellé de Potrincourt auant que le sieur de Monts partist de la nouuelle France, luy demanda en don Port Royal. Le sieur de Monts le luy accorda, moyennant, que dans les deux ans prochains ledit de Potrincourt s'y transportast auec plusieurs autres familles pour le cultiuer, & habiter ainsi qu'il promettoit de faire. Doncques l'an 1607. tous les François estants reuenus (ainsi qu'a esté dict,) le sieur de Potrincourt presenta à feu d'immortelle memoire Henry le Grand la donnation à luy faicte par le sieur de Monts, requerant humblemẽt sa Majesté de la ratifier. Le Roy [123] eust pour agreable ladicte Requeste, & proiettant en soy de puissamment remettre sus ceste Françoise peuplade, dit au P. Coton, qu'il vouloit se seruir de leur Compagnie en la conuersion des Sauuages. Qu'il en escriuit au P. General: & qu'on designast aucuns, qui se disposassent à ces voyages. Qu'il les appelleroit au premier temps; promettant dés lors deux mille liures pour leur entretien.

Now sieur Jean de Biencourt, called de Potrincourt, before sieur de Monts left new France, asked from him the gift of Port Royal. Sieur de Monts granted it to him, stipulating that within the two succeeding years sieur de Potrincourt should go there with several other families to cultivate and inhabit it, which he promised to do. Now in 1607, all the French having returned (as has been said), sieur de Potrincourt presented to the late Henry the Great, of immortal memory, the deed of gift made to him by sieur de Monts, humbly requesting his Majesty to ratify it.27The King [123] favored the Request, and, contriving some way by which he could give effective aid to this French colony, told Father Coton that he would like to make use of his Society for the conversion of the Savages; that he should write to the Father-General about it; and that they should designate some persons who should prepare to undertake these voyages; that he would summon them at the first opportunity; promising henceforward two thousand livres for their support.

Le Pere Coton obeït à sa Majesté, & bien tost par tous les Colleges de la France fut entendu, qu'on en162deuoit choisir quelques vns pour ceste mission. Plusieurs se presenterent pour estre de la partie, comme est la coustume en telles expeditions beaucoup penibles, & peu honorables; & entre autres se presenta le P. Pierre Biard, enseignant [124] pour lors la Theologie à Lyon, Dieu voulust que ledit Pere fut choisi, & enuoyé à Bourdeaux sur la fin de l'an 1608. Parce qu'on pensoit à Lyon, que le project d'vn Prince tant efficace, ayant esté signifié dés tant de mois, l'execution n'en pouuoit estre que bien proche. Mais le P. Biard fut autant deceu du lieu, que du temps. Car à Bourdeaux on fut estonné, quand on ouyt ce pourquoy il y venoit. Nulle nouuelle d'embarquement pour Canada, ouy bien du debris, & desroute passée, de laquelle chacun philosophoit à sa façon. Nul apprest, nul bruit ou nouuelle.

Father Coton obeyed his Majesty, and soon through all the colleges of France it was understood that persons were to be chosen for this mission. Many offered themselves to take part in the work, as is usual in such expeditions, in which there is a great deal of work and very little honor; and among others who presented themselves was Father Pierre Biard, then teaching [124] Theology at Lyons; God willed that the said Father should be chosen and sent to Bourdeaux towards the end of the year 1608. For they thought at Lyons that the project of so powerful a Prince, having been known so many months before, could not be otherwise than speedily executed. But Father Biard was as much deceived in regard to the place, as the time. For at Bourdeaux they were very much surprised when they heard why he had come there. There was no news of any embarkation for Canada, but there was of the former wreck and ruin, upon which each one philosophized in his own fashion. No preparation, no reports or tidings.

Sur la fin de l'an suiuant 1609. Le sieur de Potrincourt vint à Paris, où sa Majesté ayant sceu, que contre son opinion ledit sieur n'auoit bougé de France (car le Roy le croyoit auoir passé la mer aussi [125] tost apres auoir obtenu la confirmation de Port Royal.) Il se fascha cõtre luy. Dequoy ledit sieur fort touché, respondit, que puis que sa Majesté auoit cest affaire tant à cœur deslors il prenoit congé d'elle, & que de ce pas il s'en alloit mettre ordre à s'equipper pour son voyage. Or le P. Coton, qui estoit en peine pour le Pere Biard, & pour la grande semonce, qu'il auoit faict au nom du Roy, ayant sceu le congé prins du sieur de Potrincourt, l'alla trouuer, & luy offrit compagnie d'aucuns de son Ordre. Il receut response que mieux seroit d'attendre l'an suiuant; qu'aussi tost estãt arriué à Port Royal il renuoyeroit son fils en France; & qu'auec iceluy toutes choses164estant mieux disposées, ceux-là viendroyẽt, qu'il plairoit au Roy d'enuoyer. Sur ce il partit de Paris, & consuma tout [126] l'Hyuer à se preparer.

Towards the end of the year 1609, sieur de Potrincourt came to Paris, where his Majesty, having learned that, contrary to his belief, the said sieur had not stirred from France, (for the King supposed that he had crossed the sea immediately [125] after having obtained confirmation of the Port Royal grant), was angry with him. Whereupon the said sieur, very much aggrieved, answered that, since his Majesty had this affair so much at heart, he would take leave of him at once, to go directly and look after the equipment for his voyage. Now Father Coton, who was troubled about Father Biard, and about the great invitation he had given him in the King's name, having heard of the farewell of sieurde Potrincourt, went to see him and offered him the company of some of his Order. He received the answer that it would be better to wait until the following year; that as soon as he arrived at Port Royal he would send his son back to France, and that with him, all things being better arranged, such persons should come as it might please the King to send. Thereupon he left Paris, and consumed the entire [126] Winter in making preparations.

L'an suiuant 1610. il s'embarqua sur la fin de Feurier, & n'arriua que bien tard à Port Royal, sçauoir est sur le commencement de Iuin, où ayant assemblé le plus de Sauuages qu'il peut, il en fit baptiser enuiron 24. ou 25. le iour de la sainct Iean, par vn Prestre appellé Messire Iossé Flesche, surnommé le Patriarche. Peu apres, il renuoya en France le sieur de Biencourt son fils, aagé d'enuiron 19. ans, pour apporter ces nouuelles du baptesme des Sauuages; & rapporter bien tost secours: car on estoit assez mal pourueu, pour passer l'Hyuer contre la faim.

The following year, 1610, he embarked towards the end of February, but arrived very late at Port Royal, to wit, about the beginning of June: here, having assembled as many Savages as he could, he had about 24 or 25 of them baptized on saint John's day, by a Priest named Messire Jossé Flesche,28surnamed "the Patriarch." A little while afterwards, he sent back to France sieur de Biencourt, his son, about nineteen years old, to take this news of the baptism of the Savages, and to speedily bring back relief: for they were very poorly provided against hunger for the coming Winter.

Le moyen de pouuoir trouuer secours estoit vne association, qu'il auoit contractée auec le Sr. Thomas Robin, dit de Coloignes, fils de famille, & en puissance de pere; par laquelle association il conuenoit [127] entre eux, que ledict de Coloignes fourniroit l'habitation de Port Royal durant cinq ans, de toutes choses necessaires, & sonseroit abondamment pour pouuoir trocquer auec les Sauuages; & que moyennant ce, il auroit les emoluments, qu'il seroit icy trop ennuyeux de raconter.

He was able to find assistance through an association which he had formed with Sr. Thomas Robin, called de Coloignes,29belonging to a good family, and under the authority of his father; through this association it was [127] agreed that the said de Coloignes should provide the settlement of Port Royal for five years, with all necessary things, and that he should furnish abundant means for traffic with the Savages; and in return for this he would have emoluments which it would be too tedious here to enumerate.

Lesdicts de Coloignes, & Biencourt arriuerent à Paris le moys d'Aoust suiuãt, & par eux on sceut en Court ces Baptesmes, & nouuelles conuersiõs que nous auons dit. Tous en furent bien-aises; mais le mal fut, que ceste feste ne se trouua pas estre celle des estreines.

De Coloignes and Biencourt arrived at Paris the following August, and through them the Courtlearned of these Baptisms, and new conversions which we have mentioned. All were very much pleased about it, but unfortunately this holiday was not the one of gifts.

Or Madame la Marquise de Guercheuille, comme entre ses autres rares & singulieres vertus, elle est ardamment zelée à la gloire de Dieu, & conuersion166des ames: voyant vne si belle occasion, [128] demanda au Pere Coton si à celle foys aucuns de leur compagnie ne s'en iroyent point à la nouuelle France. Le Pere Coton respondit, qu'il s'estonnoit fort du sieur de Potrincourt, qui luy auoit promis, que renuoyant son fils il appelleroit ceux de son ordre, qui auoyent esté destinés par le Roy; & ce nonobstant il ne faisoit aucune mention d'eux, ny par ses lettres, ny par ses commissions. Madame la Marquise voulut sçauoir comm'alloit tout cet affaire, & s'en enquit du sieur Robin: qui respondit, que toute la charge de l'embarquement luy auoit esté baillée, mais qu'il n'auoit point de commission particuliere pour les Iesuites; neantmoins qu'il sçauoit assez, que le sieur de Potrincourt se sentiroit fort honoré de les auoir aupres de soy, que pour leur entretenement luy [129] mesme s'en chargeroit, comme il faisoit aussi du reste de toute la despense: vous n'en serés point chargé respõdit madame la Marquise, parce que le Roy les defraye. Et auec tel propos enuoya ledit de Coloignes au P. Christofle Baltasar Prouincial. Lequel sur ces promesses manda au P. Pierre Biard, (qui lors estoit à Poictiers,) de venir à Paris, & luy fut donné pour compagnon le P. Enemond Massé, Lyonnois. Eux deux ainsi destinés à ce voyage de Canada, s'abboucherẽt auec les sieurs Robin & Biencourt, & partie faicte le rendez-vous fut assigné à Dieppe au 24. d'Octobre de la mesme année 1610. Car en ce temps là disoyent-ils, tout sera prest, si le vent, & la marée le sont.

Now Madame la Marquise de Guercheville, among her other rare and extraordinary virtues, is ardently zealous for the glory of God and the conversion of souls: seeing such an excellent opportunity, [128] she asked Father Coton if some of his order were not going to new France this time. Father Coton replied that he was very much surprised at sieur de Potrincourt, who had promised him that, when his son returned, he would summon those of his order who had been chosen by the King; but, in spite of this, he made no mention of them either in his letters, or in his commissions. Madame la Marquise, wishing to know all about the matter, made inquiries of sieur Robin: he answered that all the responsibility of embarkation had been delegated to him, but he had no especial commission for the Jesuits; that nevertheless he knew very well that sieur de Potrincourt would feel very highly honored to have them with him; and, as to their maintenance, he [129] himself would take charge of that, as he was doing in regard to all the rest of the expenses. "You will not be burdened with them," answered madame la Marquise, "because the King defrays their expenses." And with these words she sent de Coloignes to Father Christofle Baltasar, Provincial. He, upon hearing these promises, summoned Father Pierre Biard (who was then at Poictiers) to come to Paris, and to him was given, as a companion, Father Enemond Massé, of Lyons. These two, thus destined for the voyage to Canada, conferred with sieurs Robin and Biencourt,and having perfected arrangements, the meeting-place was appointed at Dieppe on the 24th of October of the same year, 1610. "For by that time," they said, "everything will be ready, if the wind and the tide are favorable."

Ainsi les Iesuites furent bientost en conche. Car la Royne leur fit deliurer cinq cents escus promis [130] par le feu Roy, & adiousta vne fort honnorable168recommandatiõ de bouche. Madame la Marquise de Vernueil les meubla richemẽt d'vtensiles & habits sacrés pour dire Messe; Madame de Sourdis les fournit liberalement de linge, & Madame de Guercheuille leur aumosna vn bien honneste viatique. Ainsi garnis ils se rendirent à Dieppe au temps assigné.

So the Jesuits were soon in a state of preparation. For the Queen had sent to them the five hundred écus promised [130] by the late King, and had added a very favorable recommendation by word of mouth. Madame la Marquise de Vernueil furnished them amply with sacred vessels and robes for saying Mass; Madame de Sourdis furnished them liberally with linen, and Madame de Guercheville granted them a very fair viaticum.30Thus provided for, they reached Dieppe at the time appointed.

CHAPITRE XIII. [i.e., xii.]LES CONTRADICTIONS, & DIFFICULTÉS, QUI S'ESLEUERENT À DIEPPE: ET COMMENT ELLES FURENT ROMPUËS.170LA persecutée, & triomphãte Dame, que S. Iean vit en son Apocalypse, sçauoir est, l'Eglise de Dieu, ou encores mystiquement toute ame esleuë,Cruciatur[131]vt pariat; endure beaucoup de conuulsions, & tranchées, à pouuoir enfanter. Aussi la conception, & le proiect de toute bonne œuure a besoin de grace. Car en fin sans ceste semence, & germe celeste nos cœurs ne peuuent rien concepuoir, ny former d'organique, fecond & viuant. Mais quand ce vient à esclorre le bon œuure, ie veux dire quand le terme de ce pieux enfantement de vertu approche, lors il semble que tout conspire à la suffocation de ceste diuine creature, lors faut-il sentir des douleurs, & trãses, que Satan suscite, & craindre plustost d'vn auortemẽt infructueux, qu'auoir esperance d'vn heureux accouchement. Les Iesuites ont experimenté cecy par tout, & nommémẽt aux effets salutaires, qu'ils ont desiré produire à la conuersion de la nouuelle France. Nous [132] auons dit cy deuant, que l'assignatiõ leur auoit esté baillée à Dieppe au 24. d'Octobre, qu'en ce temps-là le nauire deuoit estre cõme l'oiseau sur la branche n'attendant rien plus, que de voler. Mais bien loin de conte: Ils trouuerent à Dieppe, que le nauire n'estoit pas seulement radoubé. De plus, à leur arriuee grãd bruit172parmy la Reforme. Car le sieur Robin, qui (comme nous auons dit) soustenoit, toute la charge de l'embarquement, auoit donné cõmission à deux marchands de la Pretenduë, appellés du Chesne, & du Iardin, de vacquer au radoub & cargaison du nauire soubs promesse de satis-faire à leurs vacations, & parties, & ensemble de les associer à quelque part du profit, qui reuiendroit de la traicte de pelleterie, & de la pesche des molues. Or les Marchands n'auoyent [133] guieres auancé de la besongne iusques à lors, ie ne sçay pourquoy: & dés lors mesme ils commencerent encores à reculer. Car ils s'opiniastrerent, iurants par leur plus haut iuron, que si les Iesuites deuoyent entrer dans ce nauire, ils n'auoyent que faire d'y rien mettre. Qu'ils ne refusoyent point tous autres Prestres, ou Ecclesiastiques, voire qu'ils s'offroiẽt à les nourrir; mais que pour des Iesuites: insociable antipathie.

170LA persecutée, & triomphãte Dame, que S. Iean vit en son Apocalypse, sçauoir est, l'Eglise de Dieu, ou encores mystiquement toute ame esleuë,Cruciatur[131]vt pariat; endure beaucoup de conuulsions, & tranchées, à pouuoir enfanter. Aussi la conception, & le proiect de toute bonne œuure a besoin de grace. Car en fin sans ceste semence, & germe celeste nos cœurs ne peuuent rien concepuoir, ny former d'organique, fecond & viuant. Mais quand ce vient à esclorre le bon œuure, ie veux dire quand le terme de ce pieux enfantement de vertu approche, lors il semble que tout conspire à la suffocation de ceste diuine creature, lors faut-il sentir des douleurs, & trãses, que Satan suscite, & craindre plustost d'vn auortemẽt infructueux, qu'auoir esperance d'vn heureux accouchement. Les Iesuites ont experimenté cecy par tout, & nommémẽt aux effets salutaires, qu'ils ont desiré produire à la conuersion de la nouuelle France. Nous [132] auons dit cy deuant, que l'assignatiõ leur auoit esté baillée à Dieppe au 24. d'Octobre, qu'en ce temps-là le nauire deuoit estre cõme l'oiseau sur la branche n'attendant rien plus, que de voler. Mais bien loin de conte: Ils trouuerent à Dieppe, que le nauire n'estoit pas seulement radoubé. De plus, à leur arriuee grãd bruit172parmy la Reforme. Car le sieur Robin, qui (comme nous auons dit) soustenoit, toute la charge de l'embarquement, auoit donné cõmission à deux marchands de la Pretenduë, appellés du Chesne, & du Iardin, de vacquer au radoub & cargaison du nauire soubs promesse de satis-faire à leurs vacations, & parties, & ensemble de les associer à quelque part du profit, qui reuiendroit de la traicte de pelleterie, & de la pesche des molues. Or les Marchands n'auoyent [133] guieres auancé de la besongne iusques à lors, ie ne sçay pourquoy: & dés lors mesme ils commencerent encores à reculer. Car ils s'opiniastrerent, iurants par leur plus haut iuron, que si les Iesuites deuoyent entrer dans ce nauire, ils n'auoyent que faire d'y rien mettre. Qu'ils ne refusoyent point tous autres Prestres, ou Ecclesiastiques, voire qu'ils s'offroiẽt à les nourrir; mais que pour des Iesuites: insociable antipathie.

CHAPTER XIII. [i.e., xii.]THE OPPOSITIONS, AND DIFFICULTIES, WHICH AROSE AT DIEPPE: AND HOW THEY WERE OVERCOME.THE persecuted and triumphant Woman, whom St. John saw in his Revelation, namely, the Church of God, or more mystically, any heroic soul,Cruciatur[131]ut pariat; endures many convulsions and pains, in order that it may bear fruit. So the conception and development of every good work requires grace. For, in fine, without this celestial seed and germ, our hearts could not conceive nor fashion a living and fruitful organism. But when it comes time for the good work to ripen, I mean when the time of this pious birth of virtue approaches, then it seems that all conspire for the suffocation of this divine creature, then it seems necessary to experience the pains and torments which Satan arouses, and to fear a fruitless abortion, rather than to hope for a happy deliverance. The Jesuits have experienced this everywhere, and especially in regard to the beneficial results which they wished to obtain by the conversion of new France. We [132] have said before that the rendezvous had been appointed for them at Dieppe the 24th of October, for at that time the ship would be like the bird upon the branch, only waiting to fly. But very far from this; they found at Dieppe that the ship had not even been repaired. Furthermore, at their arrival therewas great excitement among those of the Reformed Religion. For sieur Robin, who (as we have said) took entire charge of the shipping, had given a commission to two merchants of the Pretended31Faith, called du Chesne and du Jardin, to attend to the repairing and loading of the ship, under promise to remunerate them for their time and expense, and to form a partnership with them to divide the profits which would be derived from the trade in skins, and from the cod fisheries. Now the Merchants had, [133] up to that time, advanced but little in the work, I know not why: and from then on they began to delay more than ever. For they were very obstinate, swearing with their loudest oaths, that, if the Jesuits had to enter the ship, they would simply put nothing in it; that they would not refuse all other Priests or Ecclesiastics, and would even support them, but as to the Jesuits, they would not abide them.

THE persecuted and triumphant Woman, whom St. John saw in his Revelation, namely, the Church of God, or more mystically, any heroic soul,Cruciatur[131]ut pariat; endures many convulsions and pains, in order that it may bear fruit. So the conception and development of every good work requires grace. For, in fine, without this celestial seed and germ, our hearts could not conceive nor fashion a living and fruitful organism. But when it comes time for the good work to ripen, I mean when the time of this pious birth of virtue approaches, then it seems that all conspire for the suffocation of this divine creature, then it seems necessary to experience the pains and torments which Satan arouses, and to fear a fruitless abortion, rather than to hope for a happy deliverance. The Jesuits have experienced this everywhere, and especially in regard to the beneficial results which they wished to obtain by the conversion of new France. We [132] have said before that the rendezvous had been appointed for them at Dieppe the 24th of October, for at that time the ship would be like the bird upon the branch, only waiting to fly. But very far from this; they found at Dieppe that the ship had not even been repaired. Furthermore, at their arrival therewas great excitement among those of the Reformed Religion. For sieur Robin, who (as we have said) took entire charge of the shipping, had given a commission to two merchants of the Pretended31Faith, called du Chesne and du Jardin, to attend to the repairing and loading of the ship, under promise to remunerate them for their time and expense, and to form a partnership with them to divide the profits which would be derived from the trade in skins, and from the cod fisheries. Now the Merchants had, [133] up to that time, advanced but little in the work, I know not why: and from then on they began to delay more than ever. For they were very obstinate, swearing with their loudest oaths, that, if the Jesuits had to enter the ship, they would simply put nothing in it; that they would not refuse all other Priests or Ecclesiastics, and would even support them, but as to the Jesuits, they would not abide them.

On escriuit de cecy en Cour: & la Royne mãda au sieur de Cigoigne, Gouuerneur de Dieppe, qu'il fit sçauoir aux surintendans Consistoriaux estre de sa volonté, ce que son feu Seigneur, & mary auoit projetté de son viuant, sçauoir est, que les Iesuites allassẽt en ses terres de la nouuelle France, & partant, que s'ils s'opposoyent à ce voyage, ils se bandoyent contre [134] son intention, & bon plaisir. Mais pauure esperon. Nos Marchands n'en auãcerent point d'vn pas, & à faute d'argent les sieurs Biencourt, & Robin estoyent cõtraincts de passer sous leur barre: qui à ceste cause leur promirent, & iurerent, que iamais les Iesuites n'entreroyent dans leur nauire. Sous ceste promesse les Marchãds se mirent à equipper, veu mesmement, que les Iesuites n'estoyent plus deuant174leurs yeux, car ils s'estoyent retirez à leur College d'Eu.

The Court was informed of this, and the Queen ordered sieur de Cigoigne, Governor of Dieppe, to signify to the superintendents of the Consistory,32that she desired what her deceased Lord and husband had planned in his lifetime, namely, that the Jesuits should go to the countries of new France; and therefore, if they opposed this voyage, they were opposing [134] her purpose and good pleasure. But this was a poor spur to action. Our Merchants would not advance one step, and for lack of money sieurs Biencourt and Robin were obliged to pass under their rod; and for this reason they promised and swore to them, that the Jesuits should never enter their ship. Under this promise, the Merchants set to work to equip it, especially as the Jesuits were no longer under their eyes, having retired to their College at Eu.

Or madame la Marquise de Guercheuille ayant ouy ce mespris formel des volontés de la Royne, comme ell'est d'vn cœur genereux, s'indigna que des petits mercadants fussent esté si outrecuidés; & partant estima qu'il les falloit punir iustement en ce qu'ils ont de plus sensible, c'est [135] qu'on se passast d'eux. Ayant dõscques sceu, que tout ce que lesdits Marchands pourroyẽt auoir fourni n'eust sceu monter plus haut de quatre mille liures, elle ne se desdaigna point (à fin que plusieurs eussent part à la bonne œuure) de faire vne queste par tous les plus grands Princes, & Seigneurs de la Cour; moyennant laquelle ceste dicte somme de quatre mille liures fut bien-tost cueillie.

Now madame la Marquise de Guercheville, having heard about this open contempt for the wishes of the Queen, as she is a generous-hearted woman, was indignant at seeing some insignificant peddlers so overbearing: and so she decided justly that they ought to be punished in a way that would hurt them most; namely, [135] that they should be set aside. Now having learned that all the Merchants could have furnished, would not amount to more than four thousand livres, she did not disdain (to the end that many might participate in the good work) to ask a contribution from all the greatest Princes and Grandees of the Court; in this way, the sum of four thousand livres was soon collected.

Or ladicte Dame s'auisa, comm'ell'est fort prudente, que ceste-dicte somme en payant les Marchands, qui auoyent faict la carguaison, & les deboutant de toute association, pourroit encores faire deux grands biens pour la nouuelle France. Le premier que ce seroit vn bon fonds pour y perpetuellemẽt entretenir les Iesuites, sans qu'ils fussent à charge au sieur de Potrincourt, ou autre [136] quelconque, où qu'il fallust tous les ans retourner pour eux à la queste. Le second que par ainsi le profit des pelleteries, & pesche, que ce nauire rapporteroit, ne reuiendroit point en France pour se perdre entre les mains des Marchands, ains redonderoit sur Canada, & là veu qu'il demeuroit en la possessiõ, & puissance des sieurs Robin, & Potrincourt, & s'employeroit à l'entretien de Port Royal, & des François y residants. A ceste cause fut conclud, que cest argent ayant esté mis, & employé au profit de Canada, les Iesuites auroyent part, & associatiõ176auec les sieurs Robin, & Biẽcourt, & partageroyent auec eux les emolumẽts, qui en prouiendroyẽt; le gouuernement & debite desdictes marchandises demeurant riere lesdits Robin, & Biencourt, ou leurs Agents. Voila le contract [137] d'associatiõ, duquel l'on a tãt crié iusques à l'enrouëment, si auec cause, on le peut voir. Dieu face, qu'on ne crie iamais contre nous auec plus de raison.

Now this Lady, being very discreet, considered that this sum, in paying the Merchants who had furnished the cargo, and in dismissing them from all association, would also accomplish two great benefits for new France. The first was, that this would always be a good fund with which to maintain the Jesuits there, so that they would not be a burden to sieur de Potrincourt, or any [136] one else, nor would it be necessary to repeat every year the taking up of collections for them. The second was, that by this arrangement the profit from peltries and fish, which this ship would bring back, would not return to France to be lost in the hands of the Merchants, but would redound to the interests of Canada, and there would remain in the possession and power of sieurs Robin and Potrincourt, and would be used for the maintenance of Port Royal and the French residing there. For this reason, it was concluded that this money, having been applied and used for the benefit of Canada, the Jesuits should participate in the businesswith sieurs Robin, and Biencourt, and should share with them the profits which would be derived therefrom; the management and sales of said merchandise to remain with said Robin and Biencourt or their Agents. This was the contract [137] of partnership,33over which they have cried until they are hoarse, whether or not with reason, may be seen. God grant, that they never have greater cause to rail at us.

CHAPITRE XIV. [i.e., xiii.]LE VOYAGE, & L'ARRIUÉE À PORT ROYAL.178IAMAIS forte marée n'arriua plus à propos à nauire assablé pour le degager des basses eaux, & le remettre en haute mer pour gaigner païs, que l'associatiõ des Iesuites se rencontra propice au sieur Robin, pour auoir cõmodité de fournir sõ vaisseau de Canada, & le deliurer des barres, entre lesquelles il se trouuoit arresté. Car il estoit fils de famille, & partant vous pouuez estimer qu'il n'auoit pas les millions à commãdement; [138] son pere aussi n'auoit que faire d'entendre aux nauigations d'outre-mer, ayãt tout fraischement entrepris le grand party du sel, qui requiert vn fonds, & vne occupatiõ si grande, que chacun sçait. Ie dis cecy, parce que le factieux escriuain, iugeãt mal des benefices de Dieu, impute aux Iesuites, que le sieur de Biẽcourt ne partit plustost de Dieppe pour la nouuelle France, estãtneatmoinsle contraire: car à leur occasion lon trouua de l'argẽt pour mettre viste la voile au vent: ce qu'on ne pouuoit faire sans cela. On desmare donques le vingt sixieme de Ianuier l'an 1611, auec d'autãt plus de reiouissance, que les disputes & l'attente auoyent causé d'ennuy. Encores partit-on trop tost, pour arriuer si tard: car on cõsuma quatre moys en la nauigation; & alla on surgir premierement [139] à Campseau, à cause de quoy on fut contraint puis apres de costoyer la terre auec surseance en plusieurs endroits. Ceste180coste iusques à Port Royal est d'enuiron six vingts lieües.

178IAMAIS forte marée n'arriua plus à propos à nauire assablé pour le degager des basses eaux, & le remettre en haute mer pour gaigner païs, que l'associatiõ des Iesuites se rencontra propice au sieur Robin, pour auoir cõmodité de fournir sõ vaisseau de Canada, & le deliurer des barres, entre lesquelles il se trouuoit arresté. Car il estoit fils de famille, & partant vous pouuez estimer qu'il n'auoit pas les millions à commãdement; [138] son pere aussi n'auoit que faire d'entendre aux nauigations d'outre-mer, ayãt tout fraischement entrepris le grand party du sel, qui requiert vn fonds, & vne occupatiõ si grande, que chacun sçait. Ie dis cecy, parce que le factieux escriuain, iugeãt mal des benefices de Dieu, impute aux Iesuites, que le sieur de Biẽcourt ne partit plustost de Dieppe pour la nouuelle France, estãtneatmoinsle contraire: car à leur occasion lon trouua de l'argẽt pour mettre viste la voile au vent: ce qu'on ne pouuoit faire sans cela. On desmare donques le vingt sixieme de Ianuier l'an 1611, auec d'autãt plus de reiouissance, que les disputes & l'attente auoyent causé d'ennuy. Encores partit-on trop tost, pour arriuer si tard: car on cõsuma quatre moys en la nauigation; & alla on surgir premierement [139] à Campseau, à cause de quoy on fut contraint puis apres de costoyer la terre auec surseance en plusieurs endroits. Ceste180coste iusques à Port Royal est d'enuiron six vingts lieües.

CHAPTER XIV. [i.e., xiii.]THE VOYAGE, AND ARRIVAL AT PORT ROYAL.NEVER was the coming of the high tide more opportune to a stranded ship to free it from the shallow waters, and place it again upon the high sea with its prow turned toward home, than was the meeting of the Jesuit partners with sieur Robin, to arrange for the equipment of his vessel for Canada, and to deliver it from the bars among which it was entangled. For he was the son of a gentleman and you may judge that he did not have millions at command; [138] his father also did not want to hear about the voyages beyond the sea, having quite recently undertaken the great salt enterprise, which required so great a capital and investment, as every one knows. I say this because the factionist writer, misjudging the blessings of God, lays it at the door of the Jesuits that sieur de Biencourt did not depart sooner from Dieppe to new France; it was, however, just the contrary, since it was for their sake that money was found to unfurl the sails to the wind, which could not have been done without it. So they left their moorings the twenty-sixth of January, 1611, with all the more joy since the disputes and delays had caused so much vexation. Yet they departed too soon for such a late arrival, for four months were consumed in the voyage; and first they went to land [139] at Campseau, on account of which they were compelled thereafter to keep near the shore, with stops atseveral places. Along this coast to Port Royal, it is about one hundred and twenty leagues.

NEVER was the coming of the high tide more opportune to a stranded ship to free it from the shallow waters, and place it again upon the high sea with its prow turned toward home, than was the meeting of the Jesuit partners with sieur Robin, to arrange for the equipment of his vessel for Canada, and to deliver it from the bars among which it was entangled. For he was the son of a gentleman and you may judge that he did not have millions at command; [138] his father also did not want to hear about the voyages beyond the sea, having quite recently undertaken the great salt enterprise, which required so great a capital and investment, as every one knows. I say this because the factionist writer, misjudging the blessings of God, lays it at the door of the Jesuits that sieur de Biencourt did not depart sooner from Dieppe to new France; it was, however, just the contrary, since it was for their sake that money was found to unfurl the sails to the wind, which could not have been done without it. So they left their moorings the twenty-sixth of January, 1611, with all the more joy since the disputes and delays had caused so much vexation. Yet they departed too soon for such a late arrival, for four months were consumed in the voyage; and first they went to land [139] at Campseau, on account of which they were compelled thereafter to keep near the shore, with stops atseveral places. Along this coast to Port Royal, it is about one hundred and twenty leagues.

Back to Index Next