But yet, on the other hand, it is a great result that the French have won the confidence and friendliness of the Savages, through the great familiarity and frequent intercourse which they have had with them. For the foundation must always be laid before raising the capital; that is, we must make them citizens, or good hosts and friends, before making them brothers. Now this confidence and this [308 i.e., 310] intimacy is already so great that we live among them with less fear than we would in Paris. For in Paris we can not sleep without having the doors well bolted; but there we close them against the wind only, and sleep no less securely for keeping them open. At first they fled from us, and feared us; now they wish us with them. When we first disembarked and visited St. Sauveur, and pretended that we did not like the place, and that we thought of going elsewhere, these simple natives wept and lamented. On the other hand, the Sagamore of Kadesquit, called "Betsabes,"8came to persuade us, with a thousand promises, to go to his place, having heard that we had some intention of making a settlement there. Is it a small thing to have such a foundation of Justice in our colonies, and this so [309 i.e., 311] sure pledge of great success? And we must not conclude that other nations have borne thisfriendship as well as we, for we are eyewitnesses to the fact that these Savages, having (as they supposed,) some advantage over the English, threw themselves upon them with fury, thinking, I believe, to get revenge for the injury that had been done us; but they were not successful in their attack. Likewise, towards the end of the year 1611, the Hollanders merely wishing to land at Cap de la Heve to take in some fresh water, our Savages assailed them fiercely, and made away with six of them, among whom was the Captain of the ship. It seems to me that we will be unworthy of this friendliness, if we do not so act that it may avail them in learning to love him, from whom we [310 i.e., 312] receive all our blessings.
But yet, on the other hand, it is a great result that the French have won the confidence and friendliness of the Savages, through the great familiarity and frequent intercourse which they have had with them. For the foundation must always be laid before raising the capital; that is, we must make them citizens, or good hosts and friends, before making them brothers. Now this confidence and this [308 i.e., 310] intimacy is already so great that we live among them with less fear than we would in Paris. For in Paris we can not sleep without having the doors well bolted; but there we close them against the wind only, and sleep no less securely for keeping them open. At first they fled from us, and feared us; now they wish us with them. When we first disembarked and visited St. Sauveur, and pretended that we did not like the place, and that we thought of going elsewhere, these simple natives wept and lamented. On the other hand, the Sagamore of Kadesquit, called "Betsabes,"8came to persuade us, with a thousand promises, to go to his place, having heard that we had some intention of making a settlement there. Is it a small thing to have such a foundation of Justice in our colonies, and this so [309 i.e., 311] sure pledge of great success? And we must not conclude that other nations have borne thisfriendship as well as we, for we are eyewitnesses to the fact that these Savages, having (as they supposed,) some advantage over the English, threw themselves upon them with fury, thinking, I believe, to get revenge for the injury that had been done us; but they were not successful in their attack. Likewise, towards the end of the year 1611, the Hollanders merely wishing to land at Cap de la Heve to take in some fresh water, our Savages assailed them fiercely, and made away with six of them, among whom was the Captain of the ship. It seems to me that we will be unworthy of this friendliness, if we do not so act that it may avail them in learning to love him, from whom we [310 i.e., 312] receive all our blessings.
Outre plus, quoy que les Iesuites n'ayent pas baptisé communement les adultes pour les raisons cy-deuant deduites: si les ont-ils catechisé tant qu'ils ont peu, & par les yeux, & par les oreilles. Par les yeux, dy-ie, leur faisant voir nos vs & ceremonies, & les y accoustumants. En nos Processions nous faisiõs aller les petits enfans au deuãt de la Croix, & faire quelque seruice, comme de porter les luminaires, ou autres choses; & tant eux que leurs peres y prenoyent du plaisir, comme s'ils eussent esté vrayement Chrestiens. Dieu mercy cela est ja communement gaigné, qu'ils ne veulent point mourir sans baptesme, se croyans estre miserables à iamais, s'ils trespassent sans iceluy, ou du moins, sans vne forte volonté d'iceluy, & sans douleur de leurs pechez.
Outre plus, quoy que les Iesuites n'ayent pas baptisé communement les adultes pour les raisons cy-deuant deduites: si les ont-ils catechisé tant qu'ils ont peu, & par les yeux, & par les oreilles. Par les yeux, dy-ie, leur faisant voir nos vs & ceremonies, & les y accoustumants. En nos Processions nous faisiõs aller les petits enfans au deuãt de la Croix, & faire quelque seruice, comme de porter les luminaires, ou autres choses; & tant eux que leurs peres y prenoyent du plaisir, comme s'ils eussent esté vrayement Chrestiens. Dieu mercy cela est ja communement gaigné, qu'ils ne veulent point mourir sans baptesme, se croyans estre miserables à iamais, s'ils trespassent sans iceluy, ou du moins, sans vne forte volonté d'iceluy, & sans douleur de leurs pechez.
Furthermore, although the Jesuits have not usually baptized adults, for the reasons heretofore stated, yet they have catechized them as well as they could, both through the eyes and the ears. Through the eyes, I say, making them see our usages and ceremonies and accustoming them thereto. In our Processions we had the little children march before the Cross, and perform some service, such as carrying the lights, or other things; and both they and their fathers take pleasure in this, as if they were really Christians. Thank God this much has already been accomplished, that they do not wish to die without baptism, believing that they will be forever miserable, if they pass away without it, or at least a strong desire for it, and without sorrow for their sins.
Furthermore, although the Jesuits have not usually baptized adults, for the reasons heretofore stated, yet they have catechized them as well as they could, both through the eyes and the ears. Through the eyes, I say, making them see our usages and ceremonies and accustoming them thereto. In our Processions we had the little children march before the Cross, and perform some service, such as carrying the lights, or other things; and both they and their fathers take pleasure in this, as if they were really Christians. Thank God this much has already been accomplished, that they do not wish to die without baptism, believing that they will be forever miserable, if they pass away without it, or at least a strong desire for it, and without sorrow for their sins.
[311 i.e., 313] Le Patriarche Flesche (comme a esté dit) en auoit baptisé peut estre quatre vingts, les Iesuites seulemẽt vne vingtaine, & iceux petits enfans,88hormis trois, qui ont esté baptisés en extreme necessité de maladie, & sont allés iouïr de la vie bien-heureuse, apres auoir esté regenerés à icelle, comme aussi aucũs des petits enfans. Nous auions composé nostre Catechisme en Sauuageois, & commencions aucunement à pouuoir iargonner auec nos Catechumenes. Nous dressions vne nouuelle peuplade fort commode: c'estoit nostre Automne, nostre temps des fruicts: & voila que sur ce poinct l'enuieux de tout bien, & specialement, du salut humain est venu de malice à mettre le feu à nos trauaux, & nous emporter hors du champ. Le victorieux Iesus de sa puissante main: & inuincible [312 i.e., 314] sapience le confonde. Ainsi soit-il.
[311 i.e., 313] Le Patriarche Flesche (comme a esté dit) en auoit baptisé peut estre quatre vingts, les Iesuites seulemẽt vne vingtaine, & iceux petits enfans,88hormis trois, qui ont esté baptisés en extreme necessité de maladie, & sont allés iouïr de la vie bien-heureuse, apres auoir esté regenerés à icelle, comme aussi aucũs des petits enfans. Nous auions composé nostre Catechisme en Sauuageois, & commencions aucunement à pouuoir iargonner auec nos Catechumenes. Nous dressions vne nouuelle peuplade fort commode: c'estoit nostre Automne, nostre temps des fruicts: & voila que sur ce poinct l'enuieux de tout bien, & specialement, du salut humain est venu de malice à mettre le feu à nos trauaux, & nous emporter hors du champ. Le victorieux Iesus de sa puissante main: & inuincible [312 i.e., 314] sapience le confonde. Ainsi soit-il.
[311 i.e., 313] The Patriarch Flesche (as has been said) baptized perhaps eighty of them, the Jesuits only about twenty, and these were little children, except three, who were baptized in the last extremity of sickness,and thence have gone to enjoy a life of bliss, after having been born again in this life; as have also some of the little children. We had composed our Catechism in the Savage language, and had begun to be able to talk some kind of a jargon with our Catechumens. We were founding a new and very pleasant colony, it was our Autumn, our time of harvest. And lo, at this moment, the one who is jealous of all good, and particularly of human salvation, came and, wickedly setting fire to all our work, bore us away from the field. May the victorious Jesus, with his powerful hand, and invincible [312 i.e., 314] wisdom, confound him. Amen.
[311 i.e., 313] The Patriarch Flesche (as has been said) baptized perhaps eighty of them, the Jesuits only about twenty, and these were little children, except three, who were baptized in the last extremity of sickness,and thence have gone to enjoy a life of bliss, after having been born again in this life; as have also some of the little children. We had composed our Catechism in the Savage language, and had begun to be able to talk some kind of a jargon with our Catechumens. We were founding a new and very pleasant colony, it was our Autumn, our time of harvest. And lo, at this moment, the one who is jealous of all good, and particularly of human salvation, came and, wickedly setting fire to all our work, bore us away from the field. May the victorious Jesus, with his powerful hand, and invincible [312 i.e., 314] wisdom, confound him. Amen.
90CHAPITRE XXXVI. [i.e., xxxv.]AUCUNES MERUEILLES, QUE DIEU A OPERÉ EN LA GUERISON DES SAUUAGES.MAIS comme Dieu appelle ceste nation de Sauuages par sa misericorde, & douceur conuenablement à leur portee, & necessités, ainsi luy a-il pleu se monstrer à eux benin & secourable. Ie vous remarqueray icy trois de ces marques bien euidentes, & certaines, faictes en la guerison des maladies corporelles.
MAIS comme Dieu appelle ceste nation de Sauuages par sa misericorde, & douceur conuenablement à leur portee, & necessités, ainsi luy a-il pleu se monstrer à eux benin & secourable. Ie vous remarqueray icy trois de ces marques bien euidentes, & certaines, faictes en la guerison des maladies corporelles.
CHAPTER XXXVI. [i.e., xxxv.]SOME MIRACLES WHICH GOD PERFORMED IN THE CURE OF THE SAVAGES.BUT as God, being merciful and gentle, calls this nation of Savages according to their capacity and needs, so he has been pleased to show himself kind and helpful to them. I shall call to your attention here three proofs of this, very evident and sure, which were shown in the cure of bodily ills.
BUT as God, being merciful and gentle, calls this nation of Savages according to their capacity and needs, so he has been pleased to show himself kind and helpful to them. I shall call to your attention here three proofs of this, very evident and sure, which were shown in the cure of bodily ills.
La premiere soit ceste-cy. Le P. Biard estant allé à la riuiere de l'Eplan (ainsi qu'a esté dit cy-dessus,) on luy dit, qu'à deux lieües [313 i.e., 315] de là en la Baye S. Marie y auoit vne femme proche de la mort, laquelle desiroit fort de le voir, & luy parler. Le Pere pria vn certain nommé la Pierre, de l'y conduire: ce qu'il fit. Ils treuuerent ceste femme selon la coustume de leurs malades, estenduë au long du feu, & trauaillée de mal despuis trois sepmaines. Le Pere la Catechise du mieux qu'il peut, & l'encourage, faisant quelques prieres, puis s'en reuint, luy laissant vne croix penduë au col, par ce qu'il ne l'estima point estre si bas, qu'il la fallust baptiser, seulement il aduertit les assistants, que si elle continuoit en maladie trois ou quatre iours, ou qu'elle empirast, qu'õ le vint appeller. Il n'en fut pas de besoin: car le iour suiuant laditte femme se leua saine, & gaillarde, & s'en92alla trouuer son mary chargée d'vn pesant sac, & sa croix au [314 i.e., 316] col; iusques à quatre lieües de là. Celuy qui premier la vit fut vn huguenot de Dieppe, appellé Ieã Bachelard, qui en vint porter les nouuelles au susdit Iesuite.
La premiere soit ceste-cy. Le P. Biard estant allé à la riuiere de l'Eplan (ainsi qu'a esté dit cy-dessus,) on luy dit, qu'à deux lieües [313 i.e., 315] de là en la Baye S. Marie y auoit vne femme proche de la mort, laquelle desiroit fort de le voir, & luy parler. Le Pere pria vn certain nommé la Pierre, de l'y conduire: ce qu'il fit. Ils treuuerent ceste femme selon la coustume de leurs malades, estenduë au long du feu, & trauaillée de mal despuis trois sepmaines. Le Pere la Catechise du mieux qu'il peut, & l'encourage, faisant quelques prieres, puis s'en reuint, luy laissant vne croix penduë au col, par ce qu'il ne l'estima point estre si bas, qu'il la fallust baptiser, seulement il aduertit les assistants, que si elle continuoit en maladie trois ou quatre iours, ou qu'elle empirast, qu'õ le vint appeller. Il n'en fut pas de besoin: car le iour suiuant laditte femme se leua saine, & gaillarde, & s'en92alla trouuer son mary chargée d'vn pesant sac, & sa croix au [314 i.e., 316] col; iusques à quatre lieües de là. Celuy qui premier la vit fut vn huguenot de Dieppe, appellé Ieã Bachelard, qui en vint porter les nouuelles au susdit Iesuite.
Let the first be this one. Father Biard having gone to the river of Smelts9(as has been said before), was told, that two leagues [313 i.e., 315] from there at the Baye Ste. Marie, there was a woman very near death, who had a strong desire to see and speak with him. The Father begged a certain man named Pierre to accompany him thither, which he did. They found this woman, who had been afflicted by disease for three weeks, stretched out by the fire, according to the custom of their sick people. The Father Catechized her as well as he could, and encouraged her, offering some prayers: then he returned, leaving a cross hanging around her neck, for he did not consider her so low that it was necessary to baptize her; he only advised those present that if she continued ill three or four days, or if she became worse, they should summon him. There was no need, for the next day this woman arose healthy and happy, and, laden with a heavy bag, went to find her husband four leagues away, with her crosshanging around her [314 i.e., 316] neck. The one who first saw her was a huguenot of Dieppe, called Jean Bachelard, who came to bring the news to the Jesuit.
Let the first be this one. Father Biard having gone to the river of Smelts9(as has been said before), was told, that two leagues [313 i.e., 315] from there at the Baye Ste. Marie, there was a woman very near death, who had a strong desire to see and speak with him. The Father begged a certain man named Pierre to accompany him thither, which he did. They found this woman, who had been afflicted by disease for three weeks, stretched out by the fire, according to the custom of their sick people. The Father Catechized her as well as he could, and encouraged her, offering some prayers: then he returned, leaving a cross hanging around her neck, for he did not consider her so low that it was necessary to baptize her; he only advised those present that if she continued ill three or four days, or if she became worse, they should summon him. There was no need, for the next day this woman arose healthy and happy, and, laden with a heavy bag, went to find her husband four leagues away, with her crosshanging around her [314 i.e., 316] neck. The one who first saw her was a huguenot of Dieppe, called Jean Bachelard, who came to bring the news to the Jesuit.
La seconde fut à Pentegoet: le Pere Biard y estant en la compagnie du Sieur de Biencourt, & selon sa coustume visitant les malades du lieu, & recitant sur eux les saincts Euangiles, on luy en monstra vn, duquel on n'attendoit plus vie, malade despuis trois mois. Il estoit pour lors en vn fort accez, ne parlant qu'à grande peine, & suant d'vne suëur froide, presage de la mort. Le Iesuite luy fit baiser par plusieurs fois vne croix, qu'il luy attacha au col, luy annonçant le mieux qu'il pouuoit les bonnes nouuelles du salut acquis en icelle; il y auoit bonne compagnie de Sauuages, qui escoutoyent, & à leur contenance monstroyent [315 i.e., 317] grand contentement en ce qui se disoit: le Pere les laissa ainsi bien affectionnés, & s'en reuint à la barque. Or ce que Dieu fit en son absence apparoit, de ce que nous vismes vn iour apres. Car le Sieur de Biencourt faisant la trocque en sa barque, ce Sauuage y vint auec les autres, sain, & gaillard portant sa croix en parade, & fit recognoissance au Pere Biard deuant tous auec grande ioye.
La seconde fut à Pentegoet: le Pere Biard y estant en la compagnie du Sieur de Biencourt, & selon sa coustume visitant les malades du lieu, & recitant sur eux les saincts Euangiles, on luy en monstra vn, duquel on n'attendoit plus vie, malade despuis trois mois. Il estoit pour lors en vn fort accez, ne parlant qu'à grande peine, & suant d'vne suëur froide, presage de la mort. Le Iesuite luy fit baiser par plusieurs fois vne croix, qu'il luy attacha au col, luy annonçant le mieux qu'il pouuoit les bonnes nouuelles du salut acquis en icelle; il y auoit bonne compagnie de Sauuages, qui escoutoyent, & à leur contenance monstroyent [315 i.e., 317] grand contentement en ce qui se disoit: le Pere les laissa ainsi bien affectionnés, & s'en reuint à la barque. Or ce que Dieu fit en son absence apparoit, de ce que nous vismes vn iour apres. Car le Sieur de Biencourt faisant la trocque en sa barque, ce Sauuage y vint auec les autres, sain, & gaillard portant sa croix en parade, & fit recognoissance au Pere Biard deuant tous auec grande ioye.
The second was at Pentegoet; Father Biard being there in company with Sieur de Biencourt, and, according to his custom, visiting the sick people of the place, and reciting over them passages from the holy Gospels, they showed him a certain one who was not expected to live, having been sick for three months. He was then having a violent attack, speaking only with great difficulty, and bathed in a cold perspiration, the forerunner of death. The Jesuit had him kiss a cross several times, which he attached to his neck, announcing as well as he could the good tidings of the salvation acquired thereby; there were a number of Savages present, who listened, and, by their countenances, showed [315 i.e., 317] great satisfaction in what was being said. The Father left them thus kindly disposed, and returned to the barque. Now what God did in his absence was apparent from what we saw a day later. For when Sieur de Biencourt was trading in his barque, this Savage, with several others, came there healthy and happy, parading his cross, and, with great demonstrations of joy, expressed his gratitude to Father Biard before them all.
The second was at Pentegoet; Father Biard being there in company with Sieur de Biencourt, and, according to his custom, visiting the sick people of the place, and reciting over them passages from the holy Gospels, they showed him a certain one who was not expected to live, having been sick for three months. He was then having a violent attack, speaking only with great difficulty, and bathed in a cold perspiration, the forerunner of death. The Jesuit had him kiss a cross several times, which he attached to his neck, announcing as well as he could the good tidings of the salvation acquired thereby; there were a number of Savages present, who listened, and, by their countenances, showed [315 i.e., 317] great satisfaction in what was being said. The Father left them thus kindly disposed, and returned to the barque. Now what God did in his absence was apparent from what we saw a day later. For when Sieur de Biencourt was trading in his barque, this Savage, with several others, came there healthy and happy, parading his cross, and, with great demonstrations of joy, expressed his gratitude to Father Biard before them all.
La tierce est bien signalée, & partant ie la deduiray au long. Comme nous auons raconté cy-deuant le Sieur de la Mote, Simon l'interprete, & le Pere Biard estoyent allés visiter le lieu de S. Sauueur, pour recognoistre s'il seroit bon pour leur demeure. Or reuenants de ceste visite, & retournants aux Cabannes des Sauuages, ils ouyrent de bien loin, deux ou trois94fois vn grand, & [316 i.e., 318] lamentable hurlement, & demandans au Sauuage, qui les conduisoit, qu'est-ce que cela pourroit estre: le Sauuage leur respondit: que quelqu'vn estoit mort: & que c'en estoit les plaintes, qui fut cause, que nous ne nous en mismes point en esmoy. Or comme nous estions ja fort à la portée de la voix, voicy que ce mugissement s'entend de nouueau; & de fortune vn ieune garçon Sauuage se rencontrant sur le chemin, la curiosité poussa le P. Biard à luy demander, qui estoit ce mort, que l'on lamentoit? Le garçon respondit, que ce n'estoit pas vn mort, ains vn mourant: & adiouste de soy-mesme: court viste, à laduenture le pourras-tu baptiser auant qu'il meure tout à faict; lors comme si Dieu l'eust dit de sa bouche, nous nous mismes à courir de tout nostre possible. Arriués, nous [317 i.e., 319] trouuasmes tous les Sauuages hors de leurs Cabannes rangés en haye comme des soldarts en vne perte de ville, au milieu se promenoit vn miserable Pere tenant son enfant, qui se mouroit entre ses bras. Or quand l'enfant venoit à ietter des sanglots croyant qu'il vouloit rendre l'Ame, le Pere se prenoit à hurler pitoyablement, & toute la compagnie le suiuoit de mesme ton; car telle est leur coustume. Doncques le P. Biard voyant ce spectacle, s'adressa au desconforté Pere, & luy demanda s'il luy plairoit bien, qu'il baptisast son fils: le bon homme, qui estoit presque hors de soy, ne luy respondit rien de parole; mais en effect il luy mit son enfant entre les bras. Le P. cria que tost lon apportast de l'eau, ce qu'on fit, & remettant l'enfant entre les mains du Sieur de la Mote (qui de grand [318 i.e., 320] zele desiroit d'en estre parrain, le baptisa, l'appellant Nicolas, du nom dudict Sieur. Les Sauuages attendants quelque grand effect, se96presserent pour voir ce qu'en aduiendroit. Or le P. Biard apres auoir recité quelques oraisons à ce qu'il pleust a Dieu d'illuminer ces pauures Payens, print le baptisé des mains du Sieur de la Mote, & le donna à sa mere, qui estoit là, qui comme Mere, presenta incontinent le tetin a son fils, lequel teta de bon appetit. Quand les Sauuages virent ainsi cet enfant pendu aux mamelles de sa mere; si la terre eust fondu dessous leurs pieds, ie ne sçay s'ils eussent esté plus estonnés. Ils demeuroyent là fixes, & immobiles, sans sonner mot comme des Engelés. Le Pere leur dit quelques paroles d'edification, puis leur signifia de se retirer en leurs Cabanes. Et sçauez [319 i.e., 321] vous, s'il fut obey? Ces bonnes gens le regardoient lors comme s'il eust esté plus qu'homme, tremblants deuant luy, auec demonstration d'estre grandement touchez de Dieu. Cest enfant estoit encores sain & dispos vn mois apres ceste sienne guerison, peu auant nostre prinse par les Anglois: car sa mere l'apporta à nos tentes, & fut veu de la pluspart de nos gens. Voyla comme Dieu ne laisse point sa loy sans authentique tesmoignage; ny sa bonté sans admirables effects.
La tierce est bien signalée, & partant ie la deduiray au long. Comme nous auons raconté cy-deuant le Sieur de la Mote, Simon l'interprete, & le Pere Biard estoyent allés visiter le lieu de S. Sauueur, pour recognoistre s'il seroit bon pour leur demeure. Or reuenants de ceste visite, & retournants aux Cabannes des Sauuages, ils ouyrent de bien loin, deux ou trois94fois vn grand, & [316 i.e., 318] lamentable hurlement, & demandans au Sauuage, qui les conduisoit, qu'est-ce que cela pourroit estre: le Sauuage leur respondit: que quelqu'vn estoit mort: & que c'en estoit les plaintes, qui fut cause, que nous ne nous en mismes point en esmoy. Or comme nous estions ja fort à la portée de la voix, voicy que ce mugissement s'entend de nouueau; & de fortune vn ieune garçon Sauuage se rencontrant sur le chemin, la curiosité poussa le P. Biard à luy demander, qui estoit ce mort, que l'on lamentoit? Le garçon respondit, que ce n'estoit pas vn mort, ains vn mourant: & adiouste de soy-mesme: court viste, à laduenture le pourras-tu baptiser auant qu'il meure tout à faict; lors comme si Dieu l'eust dit de sa bouche, nous nous mismes à courir de tout nostre possible. Arriués, nous [317 i.e., 319] trouuasmes tous les Sauuages hors de leurs Cabannes rangés en haye comme des soldarts en vne perte de ville, au milieu se promenoit vn miserable Pere tenant son enfant, qui se mouroit entre ses bras. Or quand l'enfant venoit à ietter des sanglots croyant qu'il vouloit rendre l'Ame, le Pere se prenoit à hurler pitoyablement, & toute la compagnie le suiuoit de mesme ton; car telle est leur coustume. Doncques le P. Biard voyant ce spectacle, s'adressa au desconforté Pere, & luy demanda s'il luy plairoit bien, qu'il baptisast son fils: le bon homme, qui estoit presque hors de soy, ne luy respondit rien de parole; mais en effect il luy mit son enfant entre les bras. Le P. cria que tost lon apportast de l'eau, ce qu'on fit, & remettant l'enfant entre les mains du Sieur de la Mote (qui de grand [318 i.e., 320] zele desiroit d'en estre parrain, le baptisa, l'appellant Nicolas, du nom dudict Sieur. Les Sauuages attendants quelque grand effect, se96presserent pour voir ce qu'en aduiendroit. Or le P. Biard apres auoir recité quelques oraisons à ce qu'il pleust a Dieu d'illuminer ces pauures Payens, print le baptisé des mains du Sieur de la Mote, & le donna à sa mere, qui estoit là, qui comme Mere, presenta incontinent le tetin a son fils, lequel teta de bon appetit. Quand les Sauuages virent ainsi cet enfant pendu aux mamelles de sa mere; si la terre eust fondu dessous leurs pieds, ie ne sçay s'ils eussent esté plus estonnés. Ils demeuroyent là fixes, & immobiles, sans sonner mot comme des Engelés. Le Pere leur dit quelques paroles d'edification, puis leur signifia de se retirer en leurs Cabanes. Et sçauez [319 i.e., 321] vous, s'il fut obey? Ces bonnes gens le regardoient lors comme s'il eust esté plus qu'homme, tremblants deuant luy, auec demonstration d'estre grandement touchez de Dieu. Cest enfant estoit encores sain & dispos vn mois apres ceste sienne guerison, peu auant nostre prinse par les Anglois: car sa mere l'apporta à nos tentes, & fut veu de la pluspart de nos gens. Voyla comme Dieu ne laisse point sa loy sans authentique tesmoignage; ny sa bonté sans admirables effects.
The third is very remarkable and therefore I shall tell it at length. As we have related above, Sieur de la Mote, Simon the interpreter, and Father Biard had gone to visit the place called St. Sauveur, to find out whether it would be suitable for a settlement. Now coming back from this visit, and returning to the Cabins of the Savages, they heard two or three timescries and [316 i.e., 318] lamentations in the distance, and, asking the Savage who guided them what this might mean, he answered that some one was dead and this was the mourning; hence we did not hasten our footsteps. Now as we were already within easy hearing distance of the voice, lo, this howling begins anew; and, by chance, a young Savage boy being met upon the way, curiosity impelled Father Biard to ask him who this dead person was that was being mourned. The boy answered that no one was dead, but that some one was dying, and added, of his own accord, "Run fast, perhaps you can baptize him before he really dies;" then, as if God had said this with his own lips, we began to run with all our might. When we arrived we [317 i.e., 319] found all the Savages outside their Huts, drawn up in line like soldiers on the surrender of a city; in front of them walked an unhappy Father holding his child, who was dying, in his arms. Now when the child happened to sob, the Father, supposing that its Life was departing, began to groan pitifully; and the whole company followed him in the same tone, for such is their custom.10Accordingly, when Father Biard saw this spectacle, he addressed the disconsolate Father, and asked him if he would be glad to have his son baptized; the poor simple fellow, who was almost beside himself, answered him not a word, but put the child in his arms. The Father cried that they should bring him some water immediately, which was done, and putting the child in the arms of Sieur de la Mote (who was very [318 i.e., 320] zealous to be its godfather, baptized him, calling him Nicolas, the name of the said Sieur. The Savages, expecting some great results, crowded round to see what wouldhappen. Now Father Biard, after having recited some prayers to the effect that God might be pleased to enlighten these poor Heathen, took the baptized child from the hands of Sieur de la Mote, and gave him to his mother, who was there; she, as Mother, immediately offered the child the breast, and he received nourishment with great eagerness. When the Savages saw this child thus hanging upon the mother's breasts, if the earth had sunk beneath their feet, I do not think they could have been more astonished. They remained there, fixed and immovable, without saying a word, and as if Frozen. The Father uttered a few words of instruction to them and then motioned to them to return to their Cabins. Do you [319 i.e., 321] know whether he was obeyed or not? These good people looked upon him as though he were more than man, trembling before him, and seeming to have been strongly touched by God. This child was still healthy and active a month after this, its recovery, a little while before we were taken by the English; for the mother brought him to our tents, and was seen by the greater part of our people. See now that God does not leave his law without authentic testimonies, nor his goodness without admirable results.
The third is very remarkable and therefore I shall tell it at length. As we have related above, Sieur de la Mote, Simon the interpreter, and Father Biard had gone to visit the place called St. Sauveur, to find out whether it would be suitable for a settlement. Now coming back from this visit, and returning to the Cabins of the Savages, they heard two or three timescries and [316 i.e., 318] lamentations in the distance, and, asking the Savage who guided them what this might mean, he answered that some one was dead and this was the mourning; hence we did not hasten our footsteps. Now as we were already within easy hearing distance of the voice, lo, this howling begins anew; and, by chance, a young Savage boy being met upon the way, curiosity impelled Father Biard to ask him who this dead person was that was being mourned. The boy answered that no one was dead, but that some one was dying, and added, of his own accord, "Run fast, perhaps you can baptize him before he really dies;" then, as if God had said this with his own lips, we began to run with all our might. When we arrived we [317 i.e., 319] found all the Savages outside their Huts, drawn up in line like soldiers on the surrender of a city; in front of them walked an unhappy Father holding his child, who was dying, in his arms. Now when the child happened to sob, the Father, supposing that its Life was departing, began to groan pitifully; and the whole company followed him in the same tone, for such is their custom.10Accordingly, when Father Biard saw this spectacle, he addressed the disconsolate Father, and asked him if he would be glad to have his son baptized; the poor simple fellow, who was almost beside himself, answered him not a word, but put the child in his arms. The Father cried that they should bring him some water immediately, which was done, and putting the child in the arms of Sieur de la Mote (who was very [318 i.e., 320] zealous to be its godfather, baptized him, calling him Nicolas, the name of the said Sieur. The Savages, expecting some great results, crowded round to see what wouldhappen. Now Father Biard, after having recited some prayers to the effect that God might be pleased to enlighten these poor Heathen, took the baptized child from the hands of Sieur de la Mote, and gave him to his mother, who was there; she, as Mother, immediately offered the child the breast, and he received nourishment with great eagerness. When the Savages saw this child thus hanging upon the mother's breasts, if the earth had sunk beneath their feet, I do not think they could have been more astonished. They remained there, fixed and immovable, without saying a word, and as if Frozen. The Father uttered a few words of instruction to them and then motioned to them to return to their Cabins. Do you [319 i.e., 321] know whether he was obeyed or not? These good people looked upon him as though he were more than man, trembling before him, and seeming to have been strongly touched by God. This child was still healthy and active a month after this, its recovery, a little while before we were taken by the English; for the mother brought him to our tents, and was seen by the greater part of our people. See now that God does not leave his law without authentic testimonies, nor his goodness without admirable results.
98CHAPITRE XXXVII. [i.e., xxxvi.]LES RAISONS DES FRANÇOIS, PAR LESQUELLES ILS S'APPROPRIENT À BON DROICT LES TERRES DE LA NOUUELLE FRANCE, CONTRE LA PRETENSION DES ANGLOIS.MAINTENANT, que i'ay satisfaict aux deux premieres [320 i.e., 322] parties de ma promesse, sçauoir est, que i'ay faict ma Relation du naturel des terres & des habitans de la nouuelle France: & vous ay raconté les comportemẽs des Iesuites, & les accidents, qui leur y sont suruenus; Reste la tierce, d'exposer en quoy consiste la dispute, qui est ores suruenuë entre les François, & Anglois, touchant ces contrées, & les raisons de l'vn & de l'autre party. Car le curieux Lecteur, à mon aduis, sera bien aise, d'entendre en quoy gist ce poinct cõtentieux: & les raisons qu'on apporte de part & d'autre; mesmes que cela appartient à l'honneur des François, de faire cognoistre à toutes nations à combien iustes tiltres, pertinentes raisons, & syncere conscience, nos Roys se sont faits Maistres, & ont possedé ces terres iusques à ce temps.
MAINTENANT, que i'ay satisfaict aux deux premieres [320 i.e., 322] parties de ma promesse, sçauoir est, que i'ay faict ma Relation du naturel des terres & des habitans de la nouuelle France: & vous ay raconté les comportemẽs des Iesuites, & les accidents, qui leur y sont suruenus; Reste la tierce, d'exposer en quoy consiste la dispute, qui est ores suruenuë entre les François, & Anglois, touchant ces contrées, & les raisons de l'vn & de l'autre party. Car le curieux Lecteur, à mon aduis, sera bien aise, d'entendre en quoy gist ce poinct cõtentieux: & les raisons qu'on apporte de part & d'autre; mesmes que cela appartient à l'honneur des François, de faire cognoistre à toutes nations à combien iustes tiltres, pertinentes raisons, & syncere conscience, nos Roys se sont faits Maistres, & ont possedé ces terres iusques à ce temps.
CHAPTER XXXVII. [i.e., xxxvi.]THE REASONS WHY THE FRENCH HAVE APPROPRIATED BY GOOD RIGHT THE LANDS OF NEW FRANCE, AGAINST THE PRETENSIONS OF THE ENGLISH.NOW as I have fulfilled the first two [320 i.e., 322] parts of my promise, that is, I have given an Account of the character of the lands and the inhabitants of new France, and have described to you the conduct of the Jesuits, and the adventures that befell them; there remains then the third topic: the explanation of the dispute that has now arisen between the French and English in regard to these countries, and the arguments for and against both sides. For the curious Reader, I believe, will be glad to learn just what the point of contention is, and the arguments which are advanced by both parties; it is even due to the honor of the French people, to make known to all nations how just are the titles, how suitable the reasons, and in what sincerity of conscience our Kings have made themselves Masters, and have taken possession of these lands up to the present.
NOW as I have fulfilled the first two [320 i.e., 322] parts of my promise, that is, I have given an Account of the character of the lands and the inhabitants of new France, and have described to you the conduct of the Jesuits, and the adventures that befell them; there remains then the third topic: the explanation of the dispute that has now arisen between the French and English in regard to these countries, and the arguments for and against both sides. For the curious Reader, I believe, will be glad to learn just what the point of contention is, and the arguments which are advanced by both parties; it is even due to the honor of the French people, to make known to all nations how just are the titles, how suitable the reasons, and in what sincerity of conscience our Kings have made themselves Masters, and have taken possession of these lands up to the present.
[321 i.e., 323] Il faut doncques sçauoir tout premierement, que les Anglois ne nous disputent point toute la nouuelle France; Car ils n'osent nous denier, ce que tout le monde nous accorde; ains seulement ils contestent des confins. Ils nous accordent doncques100vne nouuelle France, mais limitée par les bords du Golfe, & grande riuiere de sainct Laurens, & nous restreignent dans les 47. 48. & 49. degrés d'eleuatiõ polaire. Du moins ils ne nous permettent pas de descendre plus bas vers le midy, que du quarantesixiesme degré; s'attribuans tout ce qui est dés la Floride, & le 33. degré iusques à Campseau, & les Isles de Cap Breton.
[321 i.e., 323] Il faut doncques sçauoir tout premierement, que les Anglois ne nous disputent point toute la nouuelle France; Car ils n'osent nous denier, ce que tout le monde nous accorde; ains seulement ils contestent des confins. Ils nous accordent doncques100vne nouuelle France, mais limitée par les bords du Golfe, & grande riuiere de sainct Laurens, & nous restreignent dans les 47. 48. & 49. degrés d'eleuatiõ polaire. Du moins ils ne nous permettent pas de descendre plus bas vers le midy, que du quarantesixiesme degré; s'attribuans tout ce qui est dés la Floride, & le 33. degré iusques à Campseau, & les Isles de Cap Breton.
[321 i.e., 323] Accordingly it must be understood that the English do not dispute with us all of new France. For they dare not refuse what everybody grants us, but they only contest some of the boundaries. They grant us then a new France, but boundit by the shores of the Gulf and great river saint Lawrence, and restrict us within the 47th, 48th, and 49th degrees of north latitude. At least they do not allow us to go farther south than the forty-sixth degree, claiming all that country from Florida and the 33rd degree up to Campseau and the Islands of Cape Breton.
[321 i.e., 323] Accordingly it must be understood that the English do not dispute with us all of new France. For they dare not refuse what everybody grants us, but they only contest some of the boundaries. They grant us then a new France, but boundit by the shores of the Gulf and great river saint Lawrence, and restrict us within the 47th, 48th, and 49th degrees of north latitude. At least they do not allow us to go farther south than the forty-sixth degree, claiming all that country from Florida and the 33rd degree up to Campseau and the Islands of Cape Breton.
Les fondements de ceste leur pretension sont parce que enuiron l'an 1694. il y a vingt deux ans, estants entrez dans ce grand sein [322 i.e., 324] de la mer Americane, que les Anciens appelloyent de Mocosa, & y ayants trouué vne riuiere, & païs, qui leur agrea: ils commencerent à le vouloir habiter, luy imposants le nom de Virginie: mais ayants esté contrariez par les naturels, & autres accidents leur estoyent arriuez, ils furẽt en fin contraints de le quitter entierement, n'y ayants pas demeuré plus de deux, ou trois ans. Neantmoins despuis le Serenissime Roy Iacques à present regnant, venu à la couronne, ils ont prins resolution de le reconquester, & cultiuer. A quoy ledit Roy fauorisant, a baillé des grands Priuileges à ceux, qui entreprenoyent ceste peuplade, & entre autres a estendu le droict de leur tenuë dés le 33. degré d'eleuation iusques au 45. leur donnãt puissance de courir sus à tous estrangers, qu'ils trouueroyẽt dans [323 i.e., 325] ce destroict de terre, & cinquante mille auant dedans la mer. Ces lettres du Roy on esté expediees l'an quatriesme de son règne, & de grace 1607. le 10. d'Auril, il y a sept ans: car ie descry cecy l'an 1614.
Les fondements de ceste leur pretension sont parce que enuiron l'an 1694. il y a vingt deux ans, estants entrez dans ce grand sein [322 i.e., 324] de la mer Americane, que les Anciens appelloyent de Mocosa, & y ayants trouué vne riuiere, & païs, qui leur agrea: ils commencerent à le vouloir habiter, luy imposants le nom de Virginie: mais ayants esté contrariez par les naturels, & autres accidents leur estoyent arriuez, ils furẽt en fin contraints de le quitter entierement, n'y ayants pas demeuré plus de deux, ou trois ans. Neantmoins despuis le Serenissime Roy Iacques à present regnant, venu à la couronne, ils ont prins resolution de le reconquester, & cultiuer. A quoy ledit Roy fauorisant, a baillé des grands Priuileges à ceux, qui entreprenoyent ceste peuplade, & entre autres a estendu le droict de leur tenuë dés le 33. degré d'eleuation iusques au 45. leur donnãt puissance de courir sus à tous estrangers, qu'ils trouueroyẽt dans [323 i.e., 325] ce destroict de terre, & cinquante mille auant dedans la mer. Ces lettres du Roy on esté expediees l'an quatriesme de son règne, & de grace 1607. le 10. d'Auril, il y a sept ans: car ie descry cecy l'an 1614.
The reasons for these their pretensions are, that about the year 1694 [sic], twenty-two years ago, having entered that great gulf [322 i.e., 324] of the American sea which was formerly called Mocosa, and there having found a river and country which pleased them, they made attempts at settlement, giving it the name of Virginia; but, having been opposed by the natives, and other accidents having overtaken them, they were at last obliged to give it up entirely, not having lived there more than two or three years. Nevertheless since the Most Serene King James, now reigning, came to the throne, they resolved to reconquer and cultivate it. The King, favoring this project, granted some important Privileges to those who undertook this colony, and, among other things, extended their right of occupation from the 33rd degree of north latitude up to the 45th, giving them power to attack all foreigners whom they might find within [323 i.e., 325] these limits, and fifty miles out into the sea. These patents of the King were drawn up during the fourth year of his reign, and in the year of grace 1607 on the 10th of April, seven years ago, for I am writing this in 1614.11
The reasons for these their pretensions are, that about the year 1694 [sic], twenty-two years ago, having entered that great gulf [322 i.e., 324] of the American sea which was formerly called Mocosa, and there having found a river and country which pleased them, they made attempts at settlement, giving it the name of Virginia; but, having been opposed by the natives, and other accidents having overtaken them, they were at last obliged to give it up entirely, not having lived there more than two or three years. Nevertheless since the Most Serene King James, now reigning, came to the throne, they resolved to reconquer and cultivate it. The King, favoring this project, granted some important Privileges to those who undertook this colony, and, among other things, extended their right of occupation from the 33rd degree of north latitude up to the 45th, giving them power to attack all foreigners whom they might find within [323 i.e., 325] these limits, and fifty miles out into the sea. These patents of the King were drawn up during the fourth year of his reign, and in the year of grace 1607 on the 10th of April, seven years ago, for I am writing this in 1614.11
Voyla ce que i'en ay peu apprendre de toutes les parchartes & enseignements, que nos contendants apportent102pour se maintenir en droict, & cause; & nous confiner dans le destroict de la vieille Canada, eux se tenants au large, & à franches coudées, nous faisants la part à leur bon plaisir. Voicy ce que nous leur repartissons legalement.
Voyla ce que i'en ay peu apprendre de toutes les parchartes & enseignements, que nos contendants apportent102pour se maintenir en droict, & cause; & nous confiner dans le destroict de la vieille Canada, eux se tenants au large, & à franches coudées, nous faisants la part à leur bon plaisir. Voicy ce que nous leur repartissons legalement.
So that is what I have been able to learn from all the charters and instructions which our contestants bring forth to support them in their rights and claims; and, while we are being confined within thelimits of old Canada, they are holding themselves at large with plenty of elbow room, giving us our share at their good pleasure. Now this is how we would answer them according to law:
So that is what I have been able to learn from all the charters and instructions which our contestants bring forth to support them in their rights and claims; and, while we are being confined within thelimits of old Canada, they are holding themselves at large with plenty of elbow room, giving us our share at their good pleasure. Now this is how we would answer them according to law:
1. En premier lieu, que par vne prouidence admirable de Dieu leurs propres lettres Royaux sur lesquelles ils se fondent, les desdisent de leur pretention: Parce qu'il est dit expressement dans [324 i.e., 326] icelles auec exception specifique:Nous leur donnons toutes les terres iusques au 45. degré, lesquelles ne sont point actuellement possedées par aucun Prince Chrestien.Or est-il, que lors de la datte de ces lettres, le Roy de France actuellement & reellement possedoit pour le moins iusques au 39. degré desdictes terres. Tout le monde le sçait par les voyages de Champlain: car il conste par iceux, que l'an 1607. le sieur de Mõts estoit à port Royal, & par ses gens, & authorité gouuernoit tout iusques au 39. degré, comme Lieutenant de sa Majesté tres-Chrestienne.
1. En premier lieu, que par vne prouidence admirable de Dieu leurs propres lettres Royaux sur lesquelles ils se fondent, les desdisent de leur pretention: Parce qu'il est dit expressement dans [324 i.e., 326] icelles auec exception specifique:Nous leur donnons toutes les terres iusques au 45. degré, lesquelles ne sont point actuellement possedées par aucun Prince Chrestien.Or est-il, que lors de la datte de ces lettres, le Roy de France actuellement & reellement possedoit pour le moins iusques au 39. degré desdictes terres. Tout le monde le sçait par les voyages de Champlain: car il conste par iceux, que l'an 1607. le sieur de Mõts estoit à port Royal, & par ses gens, & authorité gouuernoit tout iusques au 39. degré, comme Lieutenant de sa Majesté tres-Chrestienne.
1. In the first place, as by an admirable providence of God, their own Royal patents, upon which they found their claims, contradict them in their pretensions. Because it is said expressly in these, [324 i.e., 326] with specific exception:We give them all the lands up to the 45th degree, which do not actually belong to any Christian Prince.Now it happens that at the time of the date of these letters, the King of France actually and really possessed the said lands at least up to the 39th degree. Every one knows this through the voyages of Champlain, for he relates in these that, in the year 1607, sieur de Monts was at port Royal, and, through his people and authority, ruled all the country to the 39th degree as Lieutenant of his most Christian Majesty.
1. In the first place, as by an admirable providence of God, their own Royal patents, upon which they found their claims, contradict them in their pretensions. Because it is said expressly in these, [324 i.e., 326] with specific exception:We give them all the lands up to the 45th degree, which do not actually belong to any Christian Prince.Now it happens that at the time of the date of these letters, the King of France actually and really possessed the said lands at least up to the 39th degree. Every one knows this through the voyages of Champlain, for he relates in these that, in the year 1607, sieur de Monts was at port Royal, and, through his people and authority, ruled all the country to the 39th degree as Lieutenant of his most Christian Majesty.
2. En apres, si les Anglois veulẽt dire, qu'ils n'ont pas commencé de posseder leur Virginie dés l'an seulement 1607, ains dés l'an 1594. qu'ils la trouuerent (comme nous auons dit:) Nous respondõs, que la riuiere, laquelle ils commencerent [325 i.e., 327] lors à posseder est au 36. degré, & que ceste leur allegation à l'auenture pourroit valoir, s'il n'estoit question, que de retenir ceste dicte riuiere, & sept ou huict lieües de l'vn, & l'autre costé d'icelle: car autant loin se peut porter nostre veuë pour l'ordinaire; mais que subitement vn vaisseau pour entrer dans vn fleuue enjambe par dominatiõ trente fois plus loin, qu'il ne peut estendre sa veuë; c'est vouloir auoir les bras, ou plustost la conuoitise bien monstrueuse, mais posons que cela se puisse faire.
2. En apres, si les Anglois veulẽt dire, qu'ils n'ont pas commencé de posseder leur Virginie dés l'an seulement 1607, ains dés l'an 1594. qu'ils la trouuerent (comme nous auons dit:) Nous respondõs, que la riuiere, laquelle ils commencerent [325 i.e., 327] lors à posseder est au 36. degré, & que ceste leur allegation à l'auenture pourroit valoir, s'il n'estoit question, que de retenir ceste dicte riuiere, & sept ou huict lieües de l'vn, & l'autre costé d'icelle: car autant loin se peut porter nostre veuë pour l'ordinaire; mais que subitement vn vaisseau pour entrer dans vn fleuue enjambe par dominatiõ trente fois plus loin, qu'il ne peut estendre sa veuë; c'est vouloir auoir les bras, ou plustost la conuoitise bien monstrueuse, mais posons que cela se puisse faire.
2. Again, if the English wish to say that they did not begin to take possession of their Virginia from the year 1607 only, but from the year 1594, when they discovered it (as we have said), we answer that the river, which they began [325 i.e., 327] then to possess [the James river], is in latitude 36 degrees, and that this their claim might perchance be of some value, if it were only a question of retaining this said river, and seven or eight leagues on either side of it, for our eyes can generally reach as far as that; but that a ship, merely because it had entered a river, should claim dominion thirty times farther than the eye can reach—this is wishing to have arms, or rather greediness, indeed monstrous. But let us suppose it could be done.
2. Again, if the English wish to say that they did not begin to take possession of their Virginia from the year 1607 only, but from the year 1594, when they discovered it (as we have said), we answer that the river, which they began [325 i.e., 327] then to possess [the James river], is in latitude 36 degrees, and that this their claim might perchance be of some value, if it were only a question of retaining this said river, and seven or eight leagues on either side of it, for our eyes can generally reach as far as that; but that a ship, merely because it had entered a river, should claim dominion thirty times farther than the eye can reach—this is wishing to have arms, or rather greediness, indeed monstrous. But let us suppose it could be done.
104Il s'ensuiura donc, que Ribaud & Laudoniere estans allez à la Floride en tres-bel arroy, par authorité du Roy Charles IX. l'an 1564. 1565. & 1566. pour cultiuer le païs; & y ayant edifié la Caroline au 30. degré d'eleuation: ils prindrent possession iusques au 38. & [326 i.e., 328] 39. degré, & par ainsi voila les Anglois hors de leur Virginie, suiuãt leurs propres maximes.
104Il s'ensuiura donc, que Ribaud & Laudoniere estans allez à la Floride en tres-bel arroy, par authorité du Roy Charles IX. l'an 1564. 1565. & 1566. pour cultiuer le païs; & y ayant edifié la Caroline au 30. degré d'eleuation: ils prindrent possession iusques au 38. & [326 i.e., 328] 39. degré, & par ainsi voila les Anglois hors de leur Virginie, suiuãt leurs propres maximes.
It will follow, then, that Ribaud and Laudoniere,12—having gone to Florida in fine array by the authority of King Charles IX., in the years 1564, 1565, and 1566, to cultivate the land, and there having extended Carolina to the 30th parallel of north latitude,—took possession as far as the 38th and [326 i.e., 328] 39th parallels; and so behold the English out of their Virginia according to their own maxims.
It will follow, then, that Ribaud and Laudoniere,12—having gone to Florida in fine array by the authority of King Charles IX., in the years 1564, 1565, and 1566, to cultivate the land, and there having extended Carolina to the 30th parallel of north latitude,—took possession as far as the 38th and [326 i.e., 328] 39th parallels; and so behold the English out of their Virginia according to their own maxims.
3. Quoy que, si pour estre en vn lieu, lon possede aussi tost (selon la presupposition des Anglois) huict ou neuf degrez plus auant; Pourquoy est-ce, qu'eux estants au 36. auanceront plustost iusques au 45. que nous (comme ils confessent) estans ja au 46. ne descendrons iusques au 37. Quel droict y ont-ils plus que nous? Voila donc ce que nous respondons aux Anglois.
3. Quoy que, si pour estre en vn lieu, lon possede aussi tost (selon la presupposition des Anglois) huict ou neuf degrez plus auant; Pourquoy est-ce, qu'eux estants au 36. auanceront plustost iusques au 45. que nous (comme ils confessent) estans ja au 46. ne descendrons iusques au 37. Quel droict y ont-ils plus que nous? Voila donc ce que nous respondons aux Anglois.
3. Yet if being in a place gives possession (as the English presuppose) of eight or nine degrees farther on, why is it that they, being at the 36th, can advance to the 45th, better than we (as they acknowledge) being at the 46th, can go down to the 37th? What greater rights have they than we? So thus we answer the English.
3. Yet if being in a place gives possession (as the English presuppose) of eight or nine degrees farther on, why is it that they, being at the 36th, can advance to the 45th, better than we (as they acknowledge) being at the 46th, can go down to the 37th? What greater rights have they than we? So thus we answer the English.
4. Mais pour mieux declarer le fonds de nostre iustice; il faut se ressouuenir de ce que nous auons monstré cy-deuant; sçauoir est, que sa majesté tres-Chrestienne a prins possession de ces terres, auant tout autre Prince Chrestiẽ, par droict d'inuention premiere. Car il est asseuré, & confessé de [327 i.e., 329] tous, que les Bretons & Normãds trouuerent premierement le grãd Banq, & les Terres Neusues, rangeants la coste iusques au Cap de Sable, qui est au 43. degré, iusques où le grand Banq s'estend. Ceste inuention fut faicte l'an 1504. il y ja cent & dix ans.
4. Mais pour mieux declarer le fonds de nostre iustice; il faut se ressouuenir de ce que nous auons monstré cy-deuant; sçauoir est, que sa majesté tres-Chrestienne a prins possession de ces terres, auant tout autre Prince Chrestiẽ, par droict d'inuention premiere. Car il est asseuré, & confessé de [327 i.e., 329] tous, que les Bretons & Normãds trouuerent premierement le grãd Banq, & les Terres Neusues, rangeants la coste iusques au Cap de Sable, qui est au 43. degré, iusques où le grand Banq s'estend. Ceste inuention fut faicte l'an 1504. il y ja cent & dix ans.
4. But to better declare the justice of our cause, what we have explained above most be recalled; namely, that his most Christian Majesty took possession of these lands before any other Christian Prince, by right of first discovery. For it is true, and is acknowledged by [327 i.e., 329] all, that the Bretons and Normans first discovered the great Bank, and Newfoundland, sailing along fine coast to Cape Sable, which is in the 43rd degree, up to where the great Bank extends. This discovery was made in the year 1504, one hundred and ten years ago.
4. But to better declare the justice of our cause, what we have explained above most be recalled; namely, that his most Christian Majesty took possession of these lands before any other Christian Prince, by right of first discovery. For it is true, and is acknowledged by [327 i.e., 329] all, that the Bretons and Normans first discovered the great Bank, and Newfoundland, sailing along fine coast to Cape Sable, which is in the 43rd degree, up to where the great Bank extends. This discovery was made in the year 1504, one hundred and ten years ago.
5. D'auantage tous confessent, que par le commandement du grãd Roy François Iean Verazan print possession de cesdictes terres au nom de la France;106commençant dés le 33. degré d'eleuation iusques au 47. Ce fut par deux voyages desquels le dernier fut faict l'an 1523. il y a quatre vingts & dix ans.
5. D'auantage tous confessent, que par le commandement du grãd Roy François Iean Verazan print possession de cesdictes terres au nom de la France;106commençant dés le 33. degré d'eleuation iusques au 47. Ce fut par deux voyages desquels le dernier fut faict l'an 1523. il y a quatre vingts & dix ans.
5. Furthermore, all acknowledge that, by the command of the great King Francis, Jean Verazan took possession of these countries in the name of France, beginning at the 33rd degree of north latitude up to the 47th. This was done in two voyages, the last of which was made in the year 1523, ninety years ago.
5. Furthermore, all acknowledge that, by the command of the great King Francis, Jean Verazan took possession of these countries in the name of France, beginning at the 33rd degree of north latitude up to the 47th. This was done in two voyages, the last of which was made in the year 1523, ninety years ago.
6. Outre plus, Jacques Cartier entra premier dans la grande riuiere par deux voyages, qu'il y fut, & descouurit les terres de Canada. Son dernier voyage fut l'an 1534. Donc c'est merueille [328 i.e., 330] que les Anglois nous accordent les terres de la descouuerture de Jacques Cartier, nous voulants oster le 45. degré: car il est asseuré, que ceste descouuerture est de beaucoup posterieure aux autres cy-deuant dictes des parties plus meridionales. Et la grande riuiere est tellement situee, que la possession de ses terres est presque inutile à qui ne tiẽt du moins iusques au 40. degré. Qu'on regarde la charte.
6. Outre plus, Jacques Cartier entra premier dans la grande riuiere par deux voyages, qu'il y fut, & descouurit les terres de Canada. Son dernier voyage fut l'an 1534. Donc c'est merueille [328 i.e., 330] que les Anglois nous accordent les terres de la descouuerture de Jacques Cartier, nous voulants oster le 45. degré: car il est asseuré, que ceste descouuerture est de beaucoup posterieure aux autres cy-deuant dictes des parties plus meridionales. Et la grande riuiere est tellement situee, que la possession de ses terres est presque inutile à qui ne tiẽt du moins iusques au 40. degré. Qu'on regarde la charte.
6. In addition to this, Jacques Cartier13first entered the great river in two voyages that he made,and discovered the lands of Canada. His last voyage was in the year 1534. Now it is a wonder [328 i.e., 330] that the English grant us the lands of Jacques Cartier's discovery, wishing as they do to deprive us of the 45th degree; for it is very certain that this discovery dates back much farther than the others heretofore cited of the more southern parts. And the great river is so situated that the possession of these lands is almost useless to any one who does not possess at least as far as the 40th degree. Look at the map.
6. In addition to this, Jacques Cartier13first entered the great river in two voyages that he made,and discovered the lands of Canada. His last voyage was in the year 1534. Now it is a wonder [328 i.e., 330] that the English grant us the lands of Jacques Cartier's discovery, wishing as they do to deprive us of the 45th degree; for it is very certain that this discovery dates back much farther than the others heretofore cited of the more southern parts. And the great river is so situated that the possession of these lands is almost useless to any one who does not possess at least as far as the 40th degree. Look at the map.
7. Aussi est-ce merueille comme lesdicts Anglois disent nous accorder les Terres Neufues, & cependant ils y sont allez habiter despuis quatre ans, enuiron le 48. ou 49. degré.
7. Aussi est-ce merueille comme lesdicts Anglois disent nous accorder les Terres Neufues, & cependant ils y sont allez habiter despuis quatre ans, enuiron le 48. ou 49. degré.
7. Also it is wonderful how these English say they have granted us Newfoundland, and nevertheless went there to live four years ago, near the 48th or 49th degree.14
7. Also it is wonderful how these English say they have granted us Newfoundland, and nevertheless went there to live four years ago, near the 48th or 49th degree.14
8. Or est-ce le commun consentement de toute l'Europe, que de depeindre la nouuelle France, l'estendant au moins iusques au 38. ou 39. degré, ainsi qu'il appert [329 i.e., 331] par les mappemondes, imprimées en Espagne, Italie, Holande, Allemagne, & Angleterre mesme. Ce sont aussi les François, qui en ont faict description, ont imposé les noms, ont appriuoisez les Sauuages, ont trocqué, & tousiours conuersé auec eux dés la premiere inuention iusques à ce temps, & non point autres. Et ce fut au quarante troisiesme degré, que le Marquis de la Roche s'alla loger, dressant sa peuplade l'an 1598. Et despuis l'an 1603. le sieur de Mõts receut en don toutes ces terres dés le 40. degré iusques au 46. de feu d'heureuse memoire Henry le Grand, lequel aussi declara par lettres108expresses, que rien de ce qu'on apportoit de là, ou qu'on y emportoit ne deuoit traicte foraine, comme estant ce païs vne partie iuste, & legitime accreüe à ce Royaume, & nullemẽt estrãgere.
8. Or est-ce le commun consentement de toute l'Europe, que de depeindre la nouuelle France, l'estendant au moins iusques au 38. ou 39. degré, ainsi qu'il appert [329 i.e., 331] par les mappemondes, imprimées en Espagne, Italie, Holande, Allemagne, & Angleterre mesme. Ce sont aussi les François, qui en ont faict description, ont imposé les noms, ont appriuoisez les Sauuages, ont trocqué, & tousiours conuersé auec eux dés la premiere inuention iusques à ce temps, & non point autres. Et ce fut au quarante troisiesme degré, que le Marquis de la Roche s'alla loger, dressant sa peuplade l'an 1598. Et despuis l'an 1603. le sieur de Mõts receut en don toutes ces terres dés le 40. degré iusques au 46. de feu d'heureuse memoire Henry le Grand, lequel aussi declara par lettres108expresses, que rien de ce qu'on apportoit de là, ou qu'on y emportoit ne deuoit traicte foraine, comme estant ce païs vne partie iuste, & legitime accreüe à ce Royaume, & nullemẽt estrãgere.
8. Now, by the common consent of all Europe, new France is represented as extending at least as far as the 38th or 39th degree, as it appears [329 i.e., 331] on the maps of the world printed in Spain, Italy, Holland, Germany, and England itself.15Also, it is the French, and not others, who have made a description of it, have given it its names, have tamed the Savages, have traded and always had communication with them from the first discovery up to the present time. And it was in the forty-third degree that the Marquis de la Roche went to settle, establishing his colony in the year 1598. And, since the year 1603, sieur de Monts received as a gift all the lands from the 40th degree to the 46th degree, from the late Henry the Great, of happy memory, who also declared by express letters, that nothing which was brought away from there, or taken there, was liable to foreign custom duty, as that country was a just part and legitimate outgrowth of this Kingdom, and in no wise a foreign one.
8. Now, by the common consent of all Europe, new France is represented as extending at least as far as the 38th or 39th degree, as it appears [329 i.e., 331] on the maps of the world printed in Spain, Italy, Holland, Germany, and England itself.15Also, it is the French, and not others, who have made a description of it, have given it its names, have tamed the Savages, have traded and always had communication with them from the first discovery up to the present time. And it was in the forty-third degree that the Marquis de la Roche went to settle, establishing his colony in the year 1598. And, since the year 1603, sieur de Monts received as a gift all the lands from the 40th degree to the 46th degree, from the late Henry the Great, of happy memory, who also declared by express letters, that nothing which was brought away from there, or taken there, was liable to foreign custom duty, as that country was a just part and legitimate outgrowth of this Kingdom, and in no wise a foreign one.
[330 i.e., 332] 9. Et certes, outre les raisons apportées, l'equité naturelle fauorise à cette declaration; parce que ces terres là sont paralleles à nostre France, & non point à l'Angleterre. Elles sont dy-ie tout d'vne tenuë auecques nous: de maniere, qu'ayant esté trouuées vaquãtes par nous au delà de nostre riuage; elles accroissent à nostre heritage, ainsi que la loy des Alluuions en determine.ff. acq. rer. domin. l. 29. inter multos. & l. 30. Ergo.
[330 i.e., 332] 9. Et certes, outre les raisons apportées, l'equité naturelle fauorise à cette declaration; parce que ces terres là sont paralleles à nostre France, & non point à l'Angleterre. Elles sont dy-ie tout d'vne tenuë auecques nous: de maniere, qu'ayant esté trouuées vaquãtes par nous au delà de nostre riuage; elles accroissent à nostre heritage, ainsi que la loy des Alluuions en determine.ff. acq. rer. domin. l. 29. inter multos. & l. 30. Ergo.
[330 i.e., 332] 9. And surely, in addition to the reasons here given, common justice favors this declaration; for those lands are parallel to our France, and not to England. They are, I say, contiguous with us, so that having been found unoccupied by us and beyond our shores they accrue to our inheritance, as the law of Alluvions determines.ff. acq. rer. domin. l. 29. inter multos. & l. 30. Ergo.16
[330 i.e., 332] 9. And surely, in addition to the reasons here given, common justice favors this declaration; for those lands are parallel to our France, and not to England. They are, I say, contiguous with us, so that having been found unoccupied by us and beyond our shores they accrue to our inheritance, as the law of Alluvions determines.ff. acq. rer. domin. l. 29. inter multos. & l. 30. Ergo.16
10. En effect, feu Monsieur le Comte de Soyssons fut pourueu du gouvernement desdites contrées, & en a porté le tiltre de son viuant; & auiourd'huy Monsieur le Prince met ceste là au rang de ses autres prerogatiues, & principaux honneurs.
10. En effect, feu Monsieur le Comte de Soyssons fut pourueu du gouvernement desdites contrées, & en a porté le tiltre de son viuant; & auiourd'huy Monsieur le Prince met ceste là au rang de ses autres prerogatiues, & principaux honneurs.
10. Finally the late Comte de Soyssons was invested with the government of the said countries,17and bore the title to it in his lifetime; and to-day the Prince places this in the rank of his other prerogatives and principal honors.18
10. Finally the late Comte de Soyssons was invested with the government of the said countries,17and bore the title to it in his lifetime; and to-day the Prince places this in the rank of his other prerogatives and principal honors.18
110CHAPITRE XXXVIII. [i.e., xxxvii.][331 i.e., 333] RAISONS POUR LESQUELLES ON DEUROIT ENTREPRENDRE À BON ESCIENT LE CULTIUAGE DE LA NOUUELLE FRANCE.ICY deuant que finir, ie suis contrainct de cotter aucunes raisons qui m'esmeuuent l'ame, quand ie considere comme nous delaissons ceste pauure nouuelle Frãnce en frische, & quant au temporel, & quant au spirituel, en barbarie, & paganisme. Ie sçay prou, que ie profite biẽ plus de les alleguer aux oreilles de nostre Seigneur par feruente priere; que de les marquer aux yeux des hommes par escriture morte. Neantmoins tant plus ardamment ie m'escrie deuãt Dieu en les pesant, tant plus ie me sens [332 i.e., 334] pressé à les specifier aux hommes, les escriuant.
ICY deuant que finir, ie suis contrainct de cotter aucunes raisons qui m'esmeuuent l'ame, quand ie considere comme nous delaissons ceste pauure nouuelle Frãnce en frische, & quant au temporel, & quant au spirituel, en barbarie, & paganisme. Ie sçay prou, que ie profite biẽ plus de les alleguer aux oreilles de nostre Seigneur par feruente priere; que de les marquer aux yeux des hommes par escriture morte. Neantmoins tant plus ardamment ie m'escrie deuãt Dieu en les pesant, tant plus ie me sens [332 i.e., 334] pressé à les specifier aux hommes, les escriuant.
CHAPTER XXXVIII. [i.e., xxxvii.][331 i.e., 333] REASONS WHY THE CULTIVATION OF NEW FRANCE OUGHT TO BE UNDERTAKEN IN EARNEST.HERE, before finishing, I am obliged to set down some reasons which agitate my soul, when I consider how we are letting this poor new France lie fallow, both as to the temporal and the spiritual, in savagery and paganism. I know well that I may accomplish much more by advancing these reasons to the ear of our Lord in earnest prayer, than by presenting them to the eyes of men in cold letters. Nevertheless, the more ardently I cry to God in considering them, so much the more I feel myself [332 i.e., 334] urged to specify them to men in writing.
HERE, before finishing, I am obliged to set down some reasons which agitate my soul, when I consider how we are letting this poor new France lie fallow, both as to the temporal and the spiritual, in savagery and paganism. I know well that I may accomplish much more by advancing these reasons to the ear of our Lord in earnest prayer, than by presenting them to the eyes of men in cold letters. Nevertheless, the more ardently I cry to God in considering them, so much the more I feel myself [332 i.e., 334] urged to specify them to men in writing.
Et premierement, si lon considere le temporel, c'est vne autre France en influence, & condition du ciel, & des elements: en estenduë de pays dix ou douze fois plus grande, si nous voulons: en qualité, aussi bonne, si elle est cultiuée, du moins, il n'y a point d'apparence qu'elle doiue estre pire; en situation; à l'autre bord de nostre riuage, pour nous donner la science, & la seigneurie de la mer, & nauigage; ie dy mille biens, & vtilitez. En vn mot, quãd ie dy vne autre France, & vne autre Espagne à cultiuer.
Et premierement, si lon considere le temporel, c'est vne autre France en influence, & condition du ciel, & des elements: en estenduë de pays dix ou douze fois plus grande, si nous voulons: en qualité, aussi bonne, si elle est cultiuée, du moins, il n'y a point d'apparence qu'elle doiue estre pire; en situation; à l'autre bord de nostre riuage, pour nous donner la science, & la seigneurie de la mer, & nauigage; ie dy mille biens, & vtilitez. En vn mot, quãd ie dy vne autre France, & vne autre Espagne à cultiuer.
And first, if the temporal is considered, this country is another France in the influences and conditions of the heavens and of the elements; in extent of country, ten or twelve times larger, if you wish; in quality, as good if it be cultivated, at least there is no reason why it should be worse; in situation, upon the shore opposite to ours, to give us the knowledge and mastery of the sea, and of navigation; I say there are a thousand blessings and advantages. In a word, as it were, another France and another Spain to be cultivated.
And first, if the temporal is considered, this country is another France in the influences and conditions of the heavens and of the elements; in extent of country, ten or twelve times larger, if you wish; in quality, as good if it be cultivated, at least there is no reason why it should be worse; in situation, upon the shore opposite to ours, to give us the knowledge and mastery of the sea, and of navigation; I say there are a thousand blessings and advantages. In a word, as it were, another France and another Spain to be cultivated.
2. En apres, les tentatiues, que nous auons ja faict112tant de fois dés cent, & dix ans, nous obligent à constance; si nous ne voulons auec la mocquerie des estrangers perdre encores le fruict de [333 i.e., 335] tant de temps consumé, & des pertes de tant & d'hommes, & de biens, qu'il a conuenu faire pour acquerir la cognoissance de ces terres, Costes, Golfes, & diuers endroits, laquelle (Dieu mercy) nous auons acquis auec la bienvueillance, & familiarité du peuple. Peuple debonnaire, qui nous tend les mains auec vn desir incroyable, & vne douleur bien grande de nous y voir mastinés; non pour autre raison, sinon que les entreprinses, qui ont esté faictes iusques à maintenant, ayant esté quasi soustenuës par des particuliers; il n'est pas de merueille s'ils ont succombé au faix, & aux frais, qu'vne telle œuure requiert.
2. En apres, les tentatiues, que nous auons ja faict112tant de fois dés cent, & dix ans, nous obligent à constance; si nous ne voulons auec la mocquerie des estrangers perdre encores le fruict de [333 i.e., 335] tant de temps consumé, & des pertes de tant & d'hommes, & de biens, qu'il a conuenu faire pour acquerir la cognoissance de ces terres, Costes, Golfes, & diuers endroits, laquelle (Dieu mercy) nous auons acquis auec la bienvueillance, & familiarité du peuple. Peuple debonnaire, qui nous tend les mains auec vn desir incroyable, & vne douleur bien grande de nous y voir mastinés; non pour autre raison, sinon que les entreprinses, qui ont esté faictes iusques à maintenant, ayant esté quasi soustenuës par des particuliers; il n'est pas de merueille s'ils ont succombé au faix, & aux frais, qu'vne telle œuure requiert.
2. Next, the attempts which we have already made so many times for a hundred and ten years, oblige usto continue, unless we wish, to the scorn of strangers, to yet lose the fruit of [333 i.e., 335] so much time consumed, and to suffer the loss both of so many men and so much wealth, as has been necessary in acquiring a knowledge of these lands, Coasts, Gulfs and different places, which (thank God) we have obtained, as well as the good will and intimacy of the people,—a gentle people, who extend to us their hands with an incredible longing, and with a profound grief to see us defeated,—for no other reason than that the enterprises which have been undertaken up to the present, having been almost entirely sustained by private individuals, have sunk—and it is not to be wondered at—under the burden and the expenses, which such a work requires.
2. Next, the attempts which we have already made so many times for a hundred and ten years, oblige usto continue, unless we wish, to the scorn of strangers, to yet lose the fruit of [333 i.e., 335] so much time consumed, and to suffer the loss both of so many men and so much wealth, as has been necessary in acquiring a knowledge of these lands, Coasts, Gulfs and different places, which (thank God) we have obtained, as well as the good will and intimacy of the people,—a gentle people, who extend to us their hands with an incredible longing, and with a profound grief to see us defeated,—for no other reason than that the enterprises which have been undertaken up to the present, having been almost entirely sustained by private individuals, have sunk—and it is not to be wondered at—under the burden and the expenses, which such a work requires.
3. Que si nous nous lassons, ou languissons, nous auons deuant les yeux prou d'autres, qui nous ont monstré d'auoir courage. Et certes en cas que nous n'y faisions [334 i.e., 336] nostre deuoir, il n'y a point de raison d'empescher autruy. Considerons donc si cela nous est fort aduantageux de perdre le profit, que rapportent de ces contrées to[9] les ans plus de cinq cẽs de nos nauires, qui y vont, soit à la pesche des baleines, soit à celle des moluës & autres poissons, soit à la traicte, de la pelleterie des Castors, Elans, Martres, Loups marins, Loutres, &c. Car il ne faut pas attendre d'y auoir part, si d'autres saisissent le domaine, ainsi qu'a bien declaré ces annees la dispute arriuée à Spitsbergen, & autrepart.
3. Que si nous nous lassons, ou languissons, nous auons deuant les yeux prou d'autres, qui nous ont monstré d'auoir courage. Et certes en cas que nous n'y faisions [334 i.e., 336] nostre deuoir, il n'y a point de raison d'empescher autruy. Considerons donc si cela nous est fort aduantageux de perdre le profit, que rapportent de ces contrées to[9] les ans plus de cinq cẽs de nos nauires, qui y vont, soit à la pesche des baleines, soit à celle des moluës & autres poissons, soit à la traicte, de la pelleterie des Castors, Elans, Martres, Loups marins, Loutres, &c. Car il ne faut pas attendre d'y auoir part, si d'autres saisissent le domaine, ainsi qu'a bien declaré ces annees la dispute arriuée à Spitsbergen, & autrepart.
3. If we give up or become indifferent, we have before our eyes many others, who have shown us that they have courage. And certainly, in case we did not do [334 i.e., 336] our duty, there is nothing to prevent others from doing theirs. Now let us consider whether it is very advantageous to lose the profit, which is brought from these countries every year by more than five hundred of our ships, which go there, either on whaling expeditions, or for cod and other fish, or for trade in furs of the Beaver, Elk, Marten, Seal, Otter, etc.19For we must not expect to have any share in this, if others seize the property, as has been very clearly shown during these years by the disputes which occurred at Spitsbergen and elsewhere.
3. If we give up or become indifferent, we have before our eyes many others, who have shown us that they have courage. And certainly, in case we did not do [334 i.e., 336] our duty, there is nothing to prevent others from doing theirs. Now let us consider whether it is very advantageous to lose the profit, which is brought from these countries every year by more than five hundred of our ships, which go there, either on whaling expeditions, or for cod and other fish, or for trade in furs of the Beaver, Elk, Marten, Seal, Otter, etc.19For we must not expect to have any share in this, if others seize the property, as has been very clearly shown during these years by the disputes which occurred at Spitsbergen and elsewhere.
4. Voila pour le temporel: mais pour le spirituel, auquel l'indicible, grace de Dieu nous surhausse iusques au surnom & gloire de tres-Chrestiens. Calculons & supputons les benefices qui nous accompaignent & obligent [335 i.e., 337] incessamment en114suite de ce premier la vocation à l'Eglise Saincte & cognoissance de nostre Sauueur Iesus-Christ; & lors nous pourrons sommer combien grande seroit l'ingratitude, & combiẽ horrible chastiment elle porteroit encroupe, si nous ne taschions de faire priser ceste grace, la communiquant à nos proches à la proportion de nos moyens, & redeuances. Tel chastiment a esté sagement remarqué par le venerable Bede. Car quelque peu auant son aage, les Escossois furent illustrés de diuine lumiere, à ce qu'ils se recogneussent estre tombés en heresie par illusion, & mesgarde; là où les Bretons, ou ceux de la Prouince de Galles, furent precipités en l'abysme, & tenebres des faux-bourgs d'Enfer, les heresies, desquels deux effects si contraires, & si opposés ce grand Sainct, [336 i.e., 338] & cognoissant veritable des œuures de la prouidence, & Iustice Eternelle; en rapporte les causes à deux dispositions diuerses de l'vn, & l'autre peuple. Parce, dit-il, que les Escossois auoyent aumosné aux Anglois auparauant par grande charité, & deuotion ce qu'ils auoyent reçeu de la verité Euangelique; & partant Dieu leur volut faire misericorde à mesure comble, & entassee, leur ouurant les yeux, pour y se voir deceus, & trompés. Là où les Bretons, soit par negligence, soit par autre intemperie d'ame, ne s'estoient guieres souciez de voir lesdicts Anglois perir miserablement en leur infidelité; Et partant meriterent cõme seruiteurs ingrats de perdre le talent de la foy Catholique, lequel ils n'auoyent daigné mettre à profit, & d'autruy, & d'eux mesmes. O que [337 i.e., 339] de choses nous aurions à penser, & dire sur ce sujet.
4. Voila pour le temporel: mais pour le spirituel, auquel l'indicible, grace de Dieu nous surhausse iusques au surnom & gloire de tres-Chrestiens. Calculons & supputons les benefices qui nous accompaignent & obligent [335 i.e., 337] incessamment en114suite de ce premier la vocation à l'Eglise Saincte & cognoissance de nostre Sauueur Iesus-Christ; & lors nous pourrons sommer combien grande seroit l'ingratitude, & combiẽ horrible chastiment elle porteroit encroupe, si nous ne taschions de faire priser ceste grace, la communiquant à nos proches à la proportion de nos moyens, & redeuances. Tel chastiment a esté sagement remarqué par le venerable Bede. Car quelque peu auant son aage, les Escossois furent illustrés de diuine lumiere, à ce qu'ils se recogneussent estre tombés en heresie par illusion, & mesgarde; là où les Bretons, ou ceux de la Prouince de Galles, furent precipités en l'abysme, & tenebres des faux-bourgs d'Enfer, les heresies, desquels deux effects si contraires, & si opposés ce grand Sainct, [336 i.e., 338] & cognoissant veritable des œuures de la prouidence, & Iustice Eternelle; en rapporte les causes à deux dispositions diuerses de l'vn, & l'autre peuple. Parce, dit-il, que les Escossois auoyent aumosné aux Anglois auparauant par grande charité, & deuotion ce qu'ils auoyent reçeu de la verité Euangelique; & partant Dieu leur volut faire misericorde à mesure comble, & entassee, leur ouurant les yeux, pour y se voir deceus, & trompés. Là où les Bretons, soit par negligence, soit par autre intemperie d'ame, ne s'estoient guieres souciez de voir lesdicts Anglois perir miserablement en leur infidelité; Et partant meriterent cõme seruiteurs ingrats de perdre le talent de la foy Catholique, lequel ils n'auoyent daigné mettre à profit, & d'autruy, & d'eux mesmes. O que [337 i.e., 339] de choses nous aurions à penser, & dire sur ce sujet.