NOTES

The Lord having thus wonderfully delivered me even out of the trap, after I had overcome the hills I lodged myselfe in a wood hard by. For those hills had so exhausted me of all my strength that I was not able to march any whether that night, but I continued their that night and the next day. The night after I marched againe till I came in the morning before another market towne, where once I had marched through in the midst of the night being the third night after I came from Roan, but I was now come hither againe accidentally by a mistake caused by the cloudy weather (for having beene neer halfe the way to Caen, till I came to see the impossibillity of getting through, espetially my feet being spoiled by the frost, I was now upon my back way to Roan to seek some English ship for my last refuge); and finding the conveniency of a small wood neare to the said towne to conceale myselfe theirin all the day following I remained their with an intention to goe, like as I did two dayes before, in the duske of the evening into the said towne to buy some bread before any body would take notice of me, not fearing in the meane while any would be privy to my being their now.

Whether the two men that met me in the morning before day at the townes-end, or whether a boy that saw me by chance in the wood at noon had betrayed me I know not, but all the towne knew that I was in the wood, setting watchmen on the top of the hill, where they knew that I must needs come forth whensoever I left the wood unlesse I would goe through the towne (which they did not expect), while they sent for halfe a dozen of the Duke de Longevilles guard (which when I saw goe all in the Duke's livery having white crosses on their backs) on purpose to apprehend me in the wood, which might easily be affected, the wood being little and not very thick, runing up from the valley hard by the end of the towne to the top of the hill. Now before the guard came it was about sun-set, theirfore not to loose any more tyme many of the townes people great and small went with them to the top of the hill, their to begin to search for me and so continue downwards, for on the top of the hill were the thickest bushes, and their also was I discovered at noon by the boy; but being then frighted with the boy I was before evening crept downe into the valley under the banck side by the high way, and their I lay till I heard and saw the multitude with the guard to passe by me, then tarryingtill they were all got to the top of the hill, and seing no body to hinder me from coming into the towne, I rose and went into the towne, buying some bread while no body was their to opose me, though all those that saw me cryed out upon me, saying 'this is the theife they seeke,' calling for those that were appointed to take me, and sending after them to the top of the hill, which required above a quarter of an houre to get up. Yet because others had undertaken the charge to apprehend me, no body would make it his proper duty to lay hands on me, especially seing me armed with a sword and pistoll. Being thus fournished with bread I went out againe as free as I came in, getting out of the other end of the towne, and having the aproaching night to friend me I stole away under the hedges before any of the said guard or catchpools could retourne from the hill and be ready to follow me.

After this wonderfull deliverance and releife I marched the same and the next night till I came before Roan againe. And being within an English mile of the towne I searched for a place to hide myselfe among the bushes all the day longe till in the evening I might gett over the river, and goe into the towne, their to putt into practice my intentions before mentioned; but as I was thus busie theircame by unawarrs two travillers goeing into the Citty a little before daybreake, these hearing a noyse among the oake bushes fell a running and cryed 'a theife,' 'a theife in the bushes,' all the way alonge. This accident struck me againe with such new frights that I durst not goe to the Citty the next evening, according to my former intentions, for feare their should be waite laid for me at my enterance into the Citty. So I deferred my enterance for three dayes longer, although I were sure to fast all the tyme, for my bread that I lately bought before I came so farr was neare spent. For the said reason I lay their from Saturday morning till Munday night[30], and then I went in the name of the Lord into the towne, yet leaving my sword and cloake behinde me in the wood least they should betray me at the water side.

After I gott into the Citty my first care was to refresh my selfe with meate and drinke, and then I sought for a ship. The God of all comfort and Father of all mercyes, intending now to put a period to my longe continued afflictions, was pleased to prosper my endeavours, and to direct me to a man that was both faithfull and willing to take care for my security, granting me the use of his ship for mytransportation for the summe of fifty pounds sterling. Being got on ship board and come againe into warme lodgeing my feet began to be altogether uselesse to me, and full of raging paine, my frozen toes began now to rott, and were in great danger of loosing altogether, for I had hitherto no tyme for convenience to aply any thing to them, nor could I by what meanes soever recover the flesh that was cutt of the bones till the begining of May following. Because of the contrariety of windes and other impedements we were faine to lye in the River of Sceine till the 21thof March, then we set saile and came into the Downes on the 23dof the same, the same day after I came to London againe.

Now the Lord had tourned my mourning into joy and gladnesse againe, in granting me the sight of that day wherof I had many hundred tymes dispaired of before. Great and unspeakable have beene the sufferings of my body, but farr greater and even beyond all expression have beene the sufferings of my minde. Had I had a thousand worlds in my possession I would freely have given them all for my liberty, and made choyce besides to live in the condition of the meanest beggar all the dayes of my life, if I might have beene freed from those horrid feares which at severall tymes suppressed my spirit withsuch a weight as if heaven and earth had laid upon my shouldiers. My burthen was so much the heavier the lesse hopes that I had ever to be eased of it, when I tasted and felt in the highest degree all the greife and anguish that poverty, nakednesse, hunger, frost, and the most tiranicall persecution that cruell enimyes could ever inflict upon any mortall body. I could looke for ease no where but from death it selfe, who would have beene my most welcome friend, so it had not beene accompanied with so cruell and exquesite torments as my enimyes threatened me withall.

But blessed and for ever blessed be the Lord, who doth great and marvillous things without number; who disappointeth the devices of the crafty, so that their hands cannot performe their enterprize; who delivereth the poore from him that is too stronge for him; he woundeth and he healeth again; he bringeth downe to the grave and raiseth up againe; he hath not suffered my foes to rejoyce over me, nor given me as a prey to their teeth; he hath beene my sanctuary, my refuge, and my stronge tower from the enimye; he hath saved me from the reproach of those that would have swallowed me up; he hath revived me in the midst of my troubles; he hath delivered my soule from death, myne eyes from teares, my feet fromfalling; he hath not dispised the affliction of the afflicted, neither hath he hidden his face from me, but when I cryed unto him he heard me; he hath given me my harts desire, and added a length to my dayes. To him only belongeth all praise and thanksgiving for evermore. Amen.

P.5, l. 20. Blaye is on the east side of the estuary of the Gironde. It had in 1876, according to Reclus, a population of 4,500 souls.

P.15, l. 9. 'Graffe,' i.e. a ditch or moat. Richard Symonds describes Borstall house as defended by 'a pallazado without the graffe; a deepe graffe and wide, full of water.'Diary, p. 231.

P.17, l. 4. Pullitor, apparently the same place as Pulliac mentioned on p. 40, i.e. Pauillac or Pauilhac, a 'chef-lieu de canton' in the department of the Gironde, on the west side of the estuary nearer the mouth than Blaye. It contained in 1876 a population of 4,150.

P.31, l. 20. 'mandring,' i.e. maundering. Nares in his glossary defines maunder as meaning to mutter or grumble.

P.53, l. 21. 'pootered beef,' i.e. salt or spiced beef, usually termed 'powdered beef.'

P.54, l. 19. 'The Spanish fleet.' A Spanish fleet entered the mouth of the Gironde some weeks after the surrender of Bordeaux, and made several futile attempts to sail up to that city. It left the river about the end ofOctober, 1653, having accomplished nothing. In Israell Bernhard's (or rather Hane's) letter to Thurloe from Rochelle, dated November 15, 1653, he writes: 'The river of Bourdeaux is wholly cleered of the Spanish fleet, as I did relate unto you in my last, dated the 8 of this month; only we live in jealousies and feares lest they should return again, to the great hindrance of all trading from these parts.'Thurloe, i. 578; Chéruel,Ministère de Mazarin, ii. 85.

P.67, l. 13. 'fistling,' possibly whistling.

P.70, l. 22. 'luggish.' This word is explained in Halliwell's glossary as an adjective meaning dull or heavy. The sense here seems to require 'luggishness,' i.e. sluggishness or heaviness. 'Lugge,' meaning slug or sluggard, is applied by Ascham in hisToxophilusto a bow which is 'slow of cast.'

P.74, l. 18. 'burick,' compare p. 78, l. 1, 'beverick.' The word usually employed to describe this liquor is 'beverage,' which is defined in theNew English Dictionaryas: 'The liquor made by pouring water over the pressed grapes after the wine has been drawn off.'

P.79, l. 19. 'strick.' This word probably means a flat piece of board. Nares in his glossary (ed. Halliwell and Wright) explains 'strickle' as meaning an instrument for levelling corn, &c. in the measuring, and gives the following examples:

'Thestrickleris a thing that goes along with the measure, which is a straight board with a staffe fixed in the side, to draw over corn in measuring, that it exceed not the height of the measure.'—Randle Holme's Acad. of Armory, p. 337.'Astritchill: astricke: a long and round peece of wood like a rolling pinne (with us it is flat), wherewith measures are made even.'—Nomenclator.

'Thestrickleris a thing that goes along with the measure, which is a straight board with a staffe fixed in the side, to draw over corn in measuring, that it exceed not the height of the measure.'—Randle Holme's Acad. of Armory, p. 337.

'Astritchill: astricke: a long and round peece of wood like a rolling pinne (with us it is flat), wherewith measures are made even.'—Nomenclator.

At a pinch such a bit of wood might serve as a paddle.

P.79, l. 22. 'Chartrux.' The Quai des Chartrons?

P.81, l. 19. 'progenety,' i.e. progenetrix.

P.91, l. 18. 'bouried.' The reading of the MS. is 'bourned,' but the sense seemed to require the alteration made in the text.

P.92, l. 5. 'Bullie,' probably Bully, a village in the department of Calvados, about eight or ten miles south of Caen.

P.98, l. 13. The MS. reads: 'came into the Downes the 23d of the same, the same day after I came to London againe.'

The punctuation of the manuscript has been altered wherever the sense seemed to require it, and missing words occasionally supplied by the editor.

THE END.

Oxford

HORACE HART, PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY

FOOTNOTES:[1]Cal. State Papers Dom.1649-50, pp. 418, 541.[2]Scotland and the Commonwealth, pp. 2, 11, 28, 154, 157, 161.[3]Guizot,Cromwell and the English Commonwealth, i. 267.[4]Report on the Duke of Portland's MSS., i. 641.[5]Guizot,Cromwell and the English Commonwealth, i. 212, 237.[6]Barrière to Condé, July 4, 1653.[7]Thurloe Papers, i. 320.[8]Cal. State Papers Dom.1654, p. 160.[9]Chéruel,La France sous le ministère de Mazarin, i. 56; Cousin,Madame de Longueville pendant la Fronde, p. 464.[10]King Charles his Case, 1649.[11]Thurloe, ii. 657.[12]Barrière to Condé, Feb. 20, 1654.[13]Chéruel,Histoire de France sous le Ministère de Mazarin, ii. 381; Guizot,Cromwell and the English Commonwealth, ii. 427, 460, 470, 496.[14]Burnet,Own Time, i. 120, 133, ed. 1833.[15]The date of Stouppe's mission is not easy to fix. M. Chéruel first puts it in 1651, but on second thoughts assigns it to 1653 (Ministère de Mazarin, i. 63, ii. 81). A letter from Barrière, dated Feb. 20, 1654, seems to refer to the sending of Stouppe, and he was certainly at Paris early in that year.[16]Barrière to Condé, Dec. 25, 1654.[17]Nicholas Papers, ii. 14.[18]The Interest of Princes and States, 1680, p. 319.[19]Ludlow,Memoirs, i. 415, ed. 1894.[20]Thurloe Papers, i. 553, 578.[21]On these events see Chéruel,Ministère de Mazarin, i. 44-7. The royalist sentiment in the letter is assumed.[22]For these extracts I am indebted to the kindness of Dr. S. R. Gardiner, who has allowed me to use the transcripts of Barrière's correspondence with Condé, placed at his disposal by the Duc d'Aumale. The originals of the letters are preserved at Chantilly, and the copies quoted were made by M. Gustave Macon, the librarian and archivist of the Duc d'Aumale.[23]Cal. State Papers Dom.1654, p. 160.[24]Commons Journals, vii. 343;Cal. State Papers Dom.1653-4, p. 23. In the index to the Calendar Hane is confused with Col. James Heane, governor of Weymouth.[25]Commons Journals, vii. 524; Burton'sParliamentary Diary, ii. 61;Cal. State Papers Dom.1654, pp. 220, 269.[26]Thurloe, vi. 525, 537, 547; vii. 306, 319, 328.[27]November 28.[28]Jan. 17.[29]Jan. 30.[30]Feb. 17.

FOOTNOTES:

[1]Cal. State Papers Dom.1649-50, pp. 418, 541.

[1]Cal. State Papers Dom.1649-50, pp. 418, 541.

[2]Scotland and the Commonwealth, pp. 2, 11, 28, 154, 157, 161.

[2]Scotland and the Commonwealth, pp. 2, 11, 28, 154, 157, 161.

[3]Guizot,Cromwell and the English Commonwealth, i. 267.

[3]Guizot,Cromwell and the English Commonwealth, i. 267.

[4]Report on the Duke of Portland's MSS., i. 641.

[4]Report on the Duke of Portland's MSS., i. 641.

[5]Guizot,Cromwell and the English Commonwealth, i. 212, 237.

[5]Guizot,Cromwell and the English Commonwealth, i. 212, 237.

[6]Barrière to Condé, July 4, 1653.

[6]Barrière to Condé, July 4, 1653.

[7]Thurloe Papers, i. 320.

[7]Thurloe Papers, i. 320.

[8]Cal. State Papers Dom.1654, p. 160.

[8]Cal. State Papers Dom.1654, p. 160.

[9]Chéruel,La France sous le ministère de Mazarin, i. 56; Cousin,Madame de Longueville pendant la Fronde, p. 464.

[9]Chéruel,La France sous le ministère de Mazarin, i. 56; Cousin,Madame de Longueville pendant la Fronde, p. 464.

[10]King Charles his Case, 1649.

[10]King Charles his Case, 1649.

[11]Thurloe, ii. 657.

[11]Thurloe, ii. 657.

[12]Barrière to Condé, Feb. 20, 1654.

[12]Barrière to Condé, Feb. 20, 1654.

[13]Chéruel,Histoire de France sous le Ministère de Mazarin, ii. 381; Guizot,Cromwell and the English Commonwealth, ii. 427, 460, 470, 496.

[13]Chéruel,Histoire de France sous le Ministère de Mazarin, ii. 381; Guizot,Cromwell and the English Commonwealth, ii. 427, 460, 470, 496.

[14]Burnet,Own Time, i. 120, 133, ed. 1833.

[14]Burnet,Own Time, i. 120, 133, ed. 1833.

[15]The date of Stouppe's mission is not easy to fix. M. Chéruel first puts it in 1651, but on second thoughts assigns it to 1653 (Ministère de Mazarin, i. 63, ii. 81). A letter from Barrière, dated Feb. 20, 1654, seems to refer to the sending of Stouppe, and he was certainly at Paris early in that year.

[15]The date of Stouppe's mission is not easy to fix. M. Chéruel first puts it in 1651, but on second thoughts assigns it to 1653 (Ministère de Mazarin, i. 63, ii. 81). A letter from Barrière, dated Feb. 20, 1654, seems to refer to the sending of Stouppe, and he was certainly at Paris early in that year.

[16]Barrière to Condé, Dec. 25, 1654.

[16]Barrière to Condé, Dec. 25, 1654.

[17]Nicholas Papers, ii. 14.

[17]Nicholas Papers, ii. 14.

[18]The Interest of Princes and States, 1680, p. 319.

[18]The Interest of Princes and States, 1680, p. 319.

[19]Ludlow,Memoirs, i. 415, ed. 1894.

[19]Ludlow,Memoirs, i. 415, ed. 1894.

[20]Thurloe Papers, i. 553, 578.

[20]Thurloe Papers, i. 553, 578.

[21]On these events see Chéruel,Ministère de Mazarin, i. 44-7. The royalist sentiment in the letter is assumed.

[21]On these events see Chéruel,Ministère de Mazarin, i. 44-7. The royalist sentiment in the letter is assumed.

[22]For these extracts I am indebted to the kindness of Dr. S. R. Gardiner, who has allowed me to use the transcripts of Barrière's correspondence with Condé, placed at his disposal by the Duc d'Aumale. The originals of the letters are preserved at Chantilly, and the copies quoted were made by M. Gustave Macon, the librarian and archivist of the Duc d'Aumale.

[22]For these extracts I am indebted to the kindness of Dr. S. R. Gardiner, who has allowed me to use the transcripts of Barrière's correspondence with Condé, placed at his disposal by the Duc d'Aumale. The originals of the letters are preserved at Chantilly, and the copies quoted were made by M. Gustave Macon, the librarian and archivist of the Duc d'Aumale.

[23]Cal. State Papers Dom.1654, p. 160.

[23]Cal. State Papers Dom.1654, p. 160.

[24]Commons Journals, vii. 343;Cal. State Papers Dom.1653-4, p. 23. In the index to the Calendar Hane is confused with Col. James Heane, governor of Weymouth.

[24]Commons Journals, vii. 343;Cal. State Papers Dom.1653-4, p. 23. In the index to the Calendar Hane is confused with Col. James Heane, governor of Weymouth.

[25]Commons Journals, vii. 524; Burton'sParliamentary Diary, ii. 61;Cal. State Papers Dom.1654, pp. 220, 269.

[25]Commons Journals, vii. 524; Burton'sParliamentary Diary, ii. 61;Cal. State Papers Dom.1654, pp. 220, 269.

[26]Thurloe, vi. 525, 537, 547; vii. 306, 319, 328.

[26]Thurloe, vi. 525, 537, 547; vii. 306, 319, 328.

[27]November 28.

[27]November 28.

[28]Jan. 17.

[28]Jan. 17.

[29]Jan. 30.

[29]Jan. 30.

[30]Feb. 17.

[30]Feb. 17.


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