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DocumentsTravelers' Impressions of Slavery in America from 1750 to 1800From these writers, almost all of whom were foreigners, one would naturally expect such a portraiture of slavery as persons unaccustomed to the institution would give. Most Americans, of course, considered the institution as belonging to the natural order of things and, therefore, hardly ever referred to it except when they mentioned it unconsciously. Foreigners, however, as soon as they came into this new world began to compare the slaves with the lowest order of society in Europe. Finding the lot of the bondmen so much inferior to that of those of low estate in European countries, these travelers frequently made some interesting comparisons. We are indebted to them for valuable information which we can never hope to obtain from the literature of an essentially slaveholding people. Here we see how the American Revolution caused a change for the better in the condition of the Negroes in certain States, and how the rigorousness of slavery continued in the others. We learn too what enlightened Negroes thought about their state and what the white man believed should be done to prevent their reaching the point of self-assertion. That a large number of anti-slavery Americans were advocating and effecting the emancipation of slaves appears throughout these documents.Burnaby's View of the Situation in VirginiaSpeaking of Virginia, he said: "Their authority over their slaves renders them vain and imperious, and entire strangers to that elegance of sentiment, which is so peculiarly characteristic of refined and polished nations. Their ignorance of mankind and of learning, exposes them to many errors and prejudices, especially in regard to Indians and Negroes, whom they scarcely consider as ofhuman species; so that it is almost impossible in cases of violence, or even murder, committed upon those unhappy people by any of the planters, to have delinquents brought to justice: for either the grand jury refuse to find the bill, or the petit jury bring in the verdict of not guilty."--Andrew Burnaby, "Travels," 1759, p. 54.General Treatment of Slaves Among the Albanians--Consequent Attachment of Domestics.--Reflections on Servitude by an American LadyIn the society I am describing, even the dark aspect of slavery was softened into a smile. And I must, in justice to the best possible masters, say, that a great deal of that tranquility and comfort, to call it by no higher name, which distinguished this society from all others, was owing to the relation between master and servant being better understood here than in any other place. Let me not be detested as an advocate for slavery when I say that I think I have never seen people so happy in servitude as the domestics of the Albanians. One reason was, (for I do not now speak of the virtues of their masters,) that each family had a few of them, and that there were no field negroes. They would remind one of Abraham's servants, who were all born in the house, which was exactly their case. They were baptized too, and shared the same religious instruction with the children of the family; and, for the first years, there was little or no difference with regard to food or clothing between their children and those of their masters.When a negro-woman's child attained the age of three years, the first New Year's Day after, it was solemnly presented to a son or daughter, or other young relative of the family, who was of the same sex with the child so presented. The child to whom the young negro was given immediately presented it with some piece of money and a pair of shoes; and from that day the strongest attachment subsisted between the domestic and the destined owner. I have no where met with instances of friendship more tender and generous than that which here subsisted between the slaves and their masters and mistresses. Extraordinary proofs of them have been often given in the course of hunting or Indian trading, when a young man and his slave have gone to the trackless woods, together, in the case of fits of the ague, loss of a canoe, and other casualties happening near hostile Indians. The slave has been known, at the imminent risque of his life, to carry his disabled master through tracklesswoods with labour and fidelity scarce credible; and the master has been equally tender on similar occasions of the humble friend who stuck closer than a brother; who was baptized with the same baptism, nurtured under the same roof, and often rocked in the same cradle with himself. These gifts of domestics to the younger members of the family, were not irrevokable: yet they were very rarely withdrawn. If the kitchen family did not increase in proportion to that of the master, young children were purchased from some family where they abounded, to furnish those attached servants to the rising progeny. They were never sold without consulting their mothers, who if expert and sagacious, had a great deal to say in the family, and would not allow her child to go into any family with whose domestics she was not acquainted. These negro-women piqued themselves on teaching their children to be excellent servants, well knowing servitude to be their lot or life, and that it could only be sweetened by making themselves particularly useful, and excellent in their departments. If they did their work well, it is astonishing, when I recollect it, what liberty of speech was allowed to those active and prudent mothers. They would chide, reprove, and expostulate in a manner that we would not endure from our hired servants; and sometimes exert fully as much authority over the children of the family as the parents, conscious that they were entirely in their power. They did not crush freedom of speech and opinion in those by whom they knew they were beloved, and who watched with incessant care over their interest and comfort. Affectionate and faithful as these home-bred servants were in general, there were some instances (but very few) of those who, through levity of mind, or a love of liquor or finery, betrayed their trust, or habitually neglected their duty. In these cases, after every means had been used to reform them, no severe punishments were inflicted at home. But the terrible sentence, which they dreaded worse than death, was past--they were sold to Jamaica. The necessity of doing this was bewailed by the whole family as a most dreadful calamity, and the culprit was carefully watched on his way to New-York, lest he should evade the sentence by self-destruction.One must have lived among those placid and humane people to be sensible that servitude, hopeless, endless servitude, could exist with so little servility and fear on the one side, and so little harshness or even sternness of authority on the other. In Europe, the footing on which service is placed in consequence of the corruptions of society, hardens the heart, destroys confidence, and embitterslife. The deceit and venality of servants not absolutely dishonest, puts it out of one's power to love or trust them. And if, in hopes of having people attached to us, who will neither betray our confidence, nor corrupt our children, we are at pains to rear them from childhood, and give them a religious and moral education; after all our labour, others of their own class seduce them away to those who can afford to pay higher for their services. This is not the case in a few remote districts. Where surrounding mountains seem to exclude the contagion of the world, some traces of fidelity and affection among domestics still remain. But it must be remarked, that, in those very districts, it is usual to treat inferiors with courtesy and kindness, and to consider those domestics who marry out of the family as holding a kind of relation to it, and still claiming protection. In short, the corruption of that class of people is, doubtless, to be attributed to the example of their superiors. But how severely are those superiors punished? Why this general indifference about home; why are the household gods, why is the sacred hearth so wantonly abandoned? Alas! the charm of home is destroyed, since our children, educated in distant seminaries, are strangers in the paternal mansion; and our servants, like mere machines, move on their mercenary track without feeling or exciting one kind or generous sentiment. Home, thus despoiled of all its charms, is no longer the scene of any enjoyments but such as wealth can purchase. At the same time we feel there a nameless cold privation, and conscious that money can coin the same enjoyments with more variety elsewhere, we substitute these futile and evanescent pleasures for that perennial spring of calm satisfaction, "without o'erflowing full," which is fed by the exercise of the kindly affections, and soon indeed must those stagnate where there are not proper objects to excite them. I have been forced into this painful digression by unavoidable comparisons. To return:--Amidst all this mild and really tender indulgence to their negroes, these colonists had not the smallest scruple of conscience with regard to the right by which they held them in subjection. Had that been the case, their singular humanity would have been incompatible with continued injustice. But the truth is, that of law the generality of those people knew little; and of philosophy, nothing at all. They sought their code of morality in the Bible, and there imagined they found this hapless race condemned to perpetual slavery; and thought nothing remained for them but to lighten the chains of their fellow Christians, after having madethem such. This I neither "extenuate" nor "set down in malice," but merely record the fact. At the same time it is but justice to record also a singular instance of moral delicacy distinguishing this settlement from every other in the like circumstances: though, from their simple and kindly modes of life, they were from infancy in habits of familiarity with these humble friends, yet being early taught that nature had placed between them a barrier, which it was in a high degree criminal and disgraceful to pass, they considered a mixture of such distinct races with abhorrence, as a violation of her laws. This greatly conduced to the preservation of family happiness and concord. An ambiguous race, which the law does not acknowledge; and who (if they have any moral sense, must be as much ashamed of their parents as these last are of them) are certainly a dangerous, because degraded part of the community. How much more so must be those unfortunate beings who stand in the predicament of the bat in the fable, whom both birds and beasts disowned? I am sorry to say that the progress of the British army, when it arrived, might be traced by a spurious and ambiguous race of this kind. But of a mulatto born before their arrival I only remember a single instance; and from the regret and wonder it occasioned, considered it as singular. Colonel Schuyler, of whom I am to speak, had a relation so weak and defective in capacity, that he never was intrusted with any thing of his own, and lived an idle bachelor about the family. In process of time a favourite negro-woman, to the great offense and scandal of the family, bore a child to him, whose colour gave testimony to the relation. The boy was carefully educated; and when he grew up, a farm was allotted to him well stocked and fertile, but "in depth of woods embraced," about two miles back from the family seat. A destitute white woman, who had somehow wandered from the older colonies, was induced to marry him; and all the branches of the family thought it incumbent on them now and then to pay a quiet visit to Chalk (for so, for some unknown reason, they always called him). I have been in Chalk's house myself, and a most comfortable abode it was; but considered him as a mysterious and anomalous being.I have dwelt the longer on this singular instance of slavery, existing devoid of its attendant horrors, because the fidelity and affection resulting from a bond of union so early formed between master and servant, contributed so very much to the safety of individuals, as well as the general comfort of society, as will hereafterappear.--"Memoirs of An American Lady with Sketches of Manners and Customs In America as they existed previous to the Revolution," Chapter VII, pp. 26-32, by Mrs. Anne Grant.Impressions of an English Traveler"As I observed before, at least two thirds of the inhabitants are negroes...."It is fortunate for humanity that these poor creatures possess such a fund of contentment and resignation in their minds; for they indeed seem to be the happiest inhabitants in America, notwithstanding the hardness of their fare, the severity of their labour, and the unkindness, ignominy, and often barbarity of their treatment."--J.F.D., "A Tour in the United States of America, containing an account of the present situation of that country"; London, 1784, p. 39.Abbé Robin on Conditions in Virginia"The population of Virginia is computed at one hundred fifty thousand whites and five hundred thousand negroes. There is a still greater disproportion between the whites and blacks in Maryland, where there are not more than twenty thousand whites and at least two hundred thousand negroes. The English imported into these two provinces between seven and eight thousand yearly. Perhaps the lot of these slaves is not quite so hard as that of the negroes in the islands; their liberty, it is true, is irreparably lost in both places, but here they are treated with more mildness, and are supported upon the same kind of food with their masters; and if the earth which they cultivate, is moistened with their sweat, it has never been known to blush with their blood. The American, not at all industrious by nature, is considerate enough not to expect too much from his slave, who in such circumstances, has fewer motives to be laborious for himself."--Abbé Robin, "New Travels through North America in a series of letters," Boston, 1784, p. 48.Observations of St. John de Crèvecoeur"There, arranged like horses at a fair, they are branded like cattle, and then driven to toil, to starve and to languish for a few years on the different plantations of those citizens."If negroes are permitted to become fathers, this fatal indulgence only tends to increase their misery.... How many haveI seen cursing the irresistible propensity, and regretting that by having tasted of those joys, they had become the authors of double misery to their wives.... Their paternal fondness is embittered by considering that if their children live, they must live to be slaves like themselves: no time is allowed them to exercise their pious offices, the mothers must fasten them on their backs, and, with the double load follow their husbands in the fields, where they too often hear no other sound than that of the voice or whip of the taskmaster, and the cries of their infants, broiling in the sun.... It is said, I know, that they are much happier here than in the West Indies; because land being cheaper upon this continent than in those Islands, the field allowed them to raise their subsistence from, are in general more extensive."... We have slaves likewise in our northern provinces; I hope the time draws near when they will be all emancipated; but how different their lot, how different their situation, in every possible respect! They enjoy as much liberty as their masters, they are as well clad, and as well fed; in health and sickness they are tenderly taken care of; they live under the same roof, and are, truly speaking, a part of our families. Many of them are taught to read and write, and are well instructed in the principles of religion; they are the companions of our labours, and treated as such; they enjoy many perquisites, many established holidays, and are not obliged to work more than white people. They marry when their inclination leads them; visit their wives every week; are as decently clad as the common people; they are indulged in education, cherishing and chastising their children, who are taught subordination to them as to their lawful parents; in short, they participate in many of the benefits of our society without being obliged to bear any of its burdens. They are fat, healthy, and hearty, and far from repining at their fate; they think themselves happier than many of the lower class whites: they share with their master the wheat and meat provision, they help to raise; many of those whom the good Quakers have emancipated, have received that great benefit with tears of regret, and have never quitted, though free, their former masters and benefactors."--St. John de Crèvecoeur, "Letters from an American Farmer, 1782," pp. 226 et seq.Impressions of Johann D. Schoepf"The condition of the Carolina negro slaves is in general harder and more troublous than that of their northern brethren. On therice plantations, with wretched food, they are allotted more work and more tedious work; and the treatment which they experience at the hands of the overseers and owners is capricious and often tyrannical. In Carolina (and in no other of the North American states) their severe handling has already caused several uprisings among them. There is less concern here as to their moral betterment, education, and instruction, and South Carolina appears little inclined to initiate the praiseworthy and benevolent ordinances of its sister states in regard to the negro. It is sufficient proof of the bad situation in which these creatures find themselves here that they do not multiply in the same proportions as the white inhabitants, although the climate is more natural to them and agrees with them better. Their numbers must be continually kept up by fresh importations; to be sure, the constant taking up of new land requires more and more working hands, and the pretended necessity of bringing in additional slaves is thus warranted in part; but close investigation makes it certain that the increase of the blacks in the northern states, where they are handled more gently, is vastly more considerable. The gentlemen in the country have among their negroes as the Russian nobility among the serfs, the most necessary handicrafts-men, cobblers, tailors, carpenters, smiths, and the like, whose work they command at the smallest possible price or for nothing almost. There is hardly any trade or craft which has not been learned and is not carried on by negroes, partly free, partly slave; the latter are hired out by their owners for day's wages. Charleston swarms with blacks, mulattoes and mestizos; their number greatly exceeds that of the whites, but they are kept under strict order and discipline, and the police has a watchful eye upon them. These may nowhere assemble more than 7 male negro slaves; their dances and other assemblies must stop at 10 o'clock in the evening; without permission of their owners none of them may sell beer or wine or brandy. There are here many free negroes and mulattoes. They get their freedom if by their own industry they earn enough to buy themselves off, or their freedom is given them at the death of their masters or in other ways. Not all of them know how to use their freedom to their own advantage; many give themselves up to idleness and dissipation which bring them finally to crafty deceptions and thievery. They are besides extraordinarily given to vanity, and love to adorn themselves as much as they can and to conduct themselves importantly."--Johann D. Schoepf, "Travels in the Confederation," 1784, p. 220.Extracts from Anburey's Travels through North America"Thus the whole management of the plantation is left to the overseer, who as an encouragement to make the most of the crops, has a certain portion as his wages, but not having any interest in the negroes, any further than their labour, he drives and whips them about, and works them beyond their strength, and sometimes till they expire; he feels no loss in their death, he knows the plantation must be supplied, and his humanity is estimated by his interest, which rises always above freezing point."It is the poor negroes who alone work hard, and I am sorry to say, fare hard. Incredible is the fatigue which the poor wretches undergo, and that nature should be able to support it; there certainly must be something in their constitutions, as well as their color, different from us, that enables them to endure it."They are called up at day break, and seldom allowed to swallow a mouthful of homminy, or hoe cake, but are drawn out into the field immediately, where they continue at hard labour, without intermission, till noon, when they go to their dinners, and are seldom allowed an hour for that purpose; their meals consist of hominy and salt, and if their master is a man of humanity, touched by the finer feelings of love and sensibility, he allows them twice a week a little skimmed milk, fat rusty bacon, or salt herring, to relish this miserable and scanty fare. The man at this plantation, in lieu of these, grants his negroes an acre of ground, and all Saturday afternoon to raise grain and poultry for themselves. After they have dined, they return to labor in the field, until dusk in the evening; here one naturally imagines the daily labor of these poor creatures was over, not so, they repair to the tobacco houses, where each has a task of stripping allotted which takes them up some hours, or else they have such a quantity of Indian corn to husk, and if they neglect it, are tied up in the morning, and receive a number of lashes from those unfeeling monsters, the overseers, whose masters suffer them to exercise their brutal authority without constraint. Thus by their night task, it is late in the evening before these poor creatures return to their second scanty meal, and the time taken up at it encroaches upon their hours of sleep, which for refreshment of food and sleep together can never be reckoned to exceed eight."When they lay themselves down to rest, their comforts are equally miserable and limited, for they sleep on a bench, or on theground, with an old scanty blanket, which serves them at once for bed and covering, their cloathing is not less wretched, consisting of a shirt and trowsers of coarse, thin, hard, hempen stuff, in the Summer, with an addition of a very coarse woolen jacket, breeches and shoes in Winter. But since the war, their masters, for they cannot get the cloathing as usual, suffer them to go in rags, and many in a state of nudity."The female slaves share labor and repose just in the same manner, except a few who are term'd house negroes, and are employed in household drugery."These poor creatures are all submission to injuries and insults, and are obliged to be passive, nor dare they resist or defend themselves if attacked, without the smallest provocation, by a white person, as the law directs the negroe's arm to be cut off who raises it against a white person, should it be only in defence against wanton barbarity and outrage."Notwithstanding this humiliating state and rigid treatment to which this wretched race are subject, they are devoid of care, and appear jovial, contented and happy. It is a fortunate circumstance that they possess, and are blessed with such an easy satisfied disposition, otherwise they must inevitably sink under such a complication of misery and wretchedness; what is singularly remarkable, they always carry out a piece of fire, and kindle one near their work, let the weather be so hot and sultry."As I have several times mentioned homminy and hoe-cake, it may not be amiss to explain them: the former is made of Indian corn, which is coarsely broke, and boiled with a few French beans, till it is almost a pulp. Hoe-cake is Indian corn ground into meal, kneaded into a dough, and baked before a fire, but as the negroes bake theirs on the hoes that they work with, they have the appellation of hoe-cakes. These are in common use among the inhabitants, I cannot say they are palateable, for as to flavor, one made of sawdust would be equally good, and not unlike it in appearance, but they are certainly a very strong and hearty food."--Anburey,"Travels through America during the War," Vol. 2, pp. 330-5.Vindication of the Negroes: A ControversyFirst let me repeat your longest section relative to that people.'Below this class of inhabitants, (the whites of no property, in Virginia,) we must rank the Negroes, who would be still more to bepitied, if theirnatural insensibility did not in some measure alleviate the wretchedness inseparable from slavery. Seeing them ill lodged, ill clothed, and often overcome with labour, I concluded that their treatment had been as rigorous as it is elsewhere. Notwithstanding I have been assured that it is very mild, compared to what they suffer in the Sugar Colonies. And indeed one does not hear habitually, as at Jamaica and St. Domingo, the sound of whips, and the outcries of the wretched beings, whose bodies are torn piece meal by their strokes. It is because the people of Virginia are commonly milder than those of the Sugar Colonies, which consist chiefly of rapacious men, eager to amass fortunes, as soon as possible, and return to Europe. The produce of their labours being also less valuable, their tasks are not so rigorously exacted, and in justice to both, it must be allowed that the Negroes themselves are less treacherous and thievish, than they are in the Islands: for the propagation of the black species being very considerable here, most of them are born in the country, and it is remarked that these are in general less depraved than those imported from Africa. Besides, we must do the Virginians the justice to remark, that many of them treat their Negroes with a great deal of humanity, and what is still more to their honor, they appear sorry there are any among them, and are forever talking of abolishing slavery, and falling upon some other mode of improving their land, &c.'However this may be, it is fortunate that different motives concur to deter mankind from exercising such tyranny, at least upon their own species, if we cannot say, strictly speaking,their equals; for the more we observe the Negroes, the more we are convinced that the difference between usdoes not lie in the colour alone, &c.'Enough upon this subject, which has not escaped the attention of the politicians and philosophers of the present age: I have only to apologize for treating it without declamation; but I have always thought, that eloquence can only influence the resolutions of the moment, and that every thing which requires time, must be the work of reason. And besides, it will be an easy matter to add ten or twelve pages to these few reflections, which may be considered as a concert composed only of principal parts,con corni ad libertum.'Upon reading this passage attentively, I was surprised to find it contain a singular mixture of contradictory principles, and in the same breath, the sentiments of a philosopher and of a colonist; of an advocate for the Negroes, and of their enemy.It is evident that as a philosopher, and a friend to humanity, you are inclined to alleviate the lot of the Negroes, and commend those who do so, but this tenderness itself conceals a subtile venom that ought to be exposed. For you only bestow your pity upon the Negroes, while you owe them, if you are a philosopher, vindication and defense; you wish their masters to be humane; they ought to be just. Instead of praising such humanity, you ought to have blamed them for stopping there, in short, such a contempt for the Negroes pervades this whole article, as will necessarily encourage their tormentors to rivet their chains. Is not this contempt observable, for instance in the very first period?"Below this class of inhabitants (the meanest whites of Virginia) we must rank the Negroes, who would be still more to be pitied, if their natural insensibility did not in some measure alleviate the wretchedness inseparable from slavery."And who told you, Sir, that nature had created the Negroes with less feeling than other men? do you judge so because they have vegetated for three centuries in European fetters, and at this day have not altogether shaken off the horrid yoke? But do not their frequent risings, and the cruelties they from time to time retaliate upon their masters, give the lie to this natural insensibility? for an insensible being has no resentment. If he does not feel, how should he remember? Do you think the wretched Indians, who, since the discovery of the New world, are burried in the mines of Peru, are also naturally insensible, because they suffer patiently?You calumniate nature in making her grant favours to particulars; in giving her a system of inequality among her offspring. All men are cast in the same mould.--The varieties which distinguish individuals, are the sports of chance, or the result of different circumstances; but the black comes into the world with as much sensibility as the white, the Peruvian, as the European.What then degrades this natural and moral sensibility? The greater or less privation of liberty; in proportion as man loses it, he loses the powers of sensation; he loses the man; he sickens or becomes a brute. It is slavery alone which can reduce a man to a level with the brute creation, and sometimes deprives him of all sensibility; but you blame nature, that kind parent, who would have us all equal, free and happy, for the crime of social barbarity, and you pass by this crime, to extenuate another, to extenuate the horrid torments of slavery! Not satisfied with violating nature, byabusing her offspring, even in her name, you encourage slaveholders to torment them.Do you not arm their tyrants, when you tell them, the insensibility of the Negroes alleviates their torments?What! because greatness of soul raised Sidney above the terrors of death, the infernal Jefferies1who caused his execution, was less guilty! because the Quakers appeared insensible to insults, blows, or punishments, they are less to be pitied, and it was right to martyr them! A dangerous notion, whose consequences I am sure you would disapprove. If this insensibility with which you reproach the Negroes mitigated the cruelty of their masters, it were well: but their tormentors do not wish them not to feel; they would have them all feeling, for the pleasure of torturing them; and their punishments are increased in proportion to their insensibility.Seeing the Negroes, say you, "Ill lodged, ill cloathed, and often overcome with labour, I concluded that their treatment had been as rigorous as it is elsewhere. Notwithstanding I have been assured that it is very mild, compared to what they suffer in the Sugar Colonies."Why this comparison, which seems to insinuate a justification of the Virginians? does a misfortune cease to be such, because there is a greater elsewhere? Was Cartouche less detestable because Brinvilliers had existed before him? Let us not weaken by comparisons the idea of criminality, nor lessen the attention due to the miserable, this were to countenance the crime. The Negroes are ill lodged, ill cloathed, oppressed with labour in Virginia: this is the fact, this is the offence. It matters not whether they are worse treated elsewhere; in whatever degree they are so in Virginia, it is still outrage and injustice.And again, why are the Negroes of Virginia less cruelly treated? Humanity is not the motive, it is because covetousness cannot obtain so much from their labours, as in the Sugar Islands. Was it otherwise, they would be sacrificed to it here, as well as there; how can we praise such forced humanity? how, on the contrary, not give vent to all the indignation, which must naturally arise in every feeling mind?"And to do justice to both, you add, if the Virginians are not so severe, it is because the Negroes themselves are less treacherous and thievish than in the islands, because the propagation of the black species being very considerable here, most of the Negroes are born in the country, and it is remarked, that these are in general less depraved than those imported from Africa."Here is a strange confusion of causes and effects, and a strange abuse of words. First let us clear up the facts. Here are some valuable ones for the cause of the Negroes.You say they are not so thievish in Virginia, propagate faster, and are less depraved: Why? Because they are less cruelly treated.--Here is the cause and the effect, you have mistaken one for the other.We must conclude from this fact, that if the Virginians were no longer severe, and should treat the blacks like fellow-creatures, they would not be more vicious than their white servants.The degree of oppression is the measure of what is improperly called the viciousness of the slaves.--The more cruel their tyrants, the more treacherous, villainous and cruel are the slaves in return--Can we wonder that Macronius should assassinate his master Tiberius? This viciousness is a punishment that heaven inflicts upon tyranny.Can the efforts of a slave for the recovery of his liberty, be denominated vicious or criminal? From the moment you violate the laws of nature, in regard to them, why should not they shake them off in their relative duties to you? You rob them of liberty, and you would not have them steal your gold! You whip and cruelly torment them, and expect them not to struggle for deliverance! You assassinate them every day, and expect them not to assassinate you once! You call your outrages, rights, and the courage which repulses them, a crime! What a confusion of ideas! what horrid logic!And you, sir, a humane philosopher! are accessory to this injustice, by describing the blacks in the style of a dealer in human flesh! You call what are no more than natural consequences of the compression of the spring of liberty--treachery, theft and depravation.2But can a natural consequence be criminal? Remove the cause or is it not the only crime?For my part, sir, I firmly believe, that the barbarities committed by the Negroes, not merely against their masters, but even against others, will be attributed at the bar of eternal justice, to the slaveholders, and those infamous persons employed in the Guinea trade. I firmly believe, that no human justice has the right of putting a Negro slave to death for any crime whatever, because not being free, he is not sui juris, and should be regarded as a child or an idiot, being almost always under the lash. I believe that the real criminal, the cause of the crime, is the man who first seized him, sold him, or enslaved him.--And if ever I should fall under the knife of an unhappy runaway, I would not resent it upon him but upon those white men who keep blacks in slavery. I would tell them, your cruelty towards your Negroes, has endangered my life--they execrate you, they take me for a tyrant because I am white like you, and the vengeance due to your crimes has fallen upon me.God forbid, however, that I should undertake to encourage the blacks to take up arms against their masters! God forbid, however, that I should undertake to justify the excesses to which their resentments have sometimes hurried them, and which have often fallen on persons who were not accessary to their wretchedness! The slavery under which they groan, must be abolished by peaceable means; and thanks to the active spirit of benevolence which animates the Quakers, the pious undertaking is already begun. In most of the United States of America, the yoke has been taken from their necks; in others the Guinea-trade has been prohibited. Societies have been formed both at Paris and London, to collect and circulate information upon this interesting subject, to induce the European governments to put a stop to the Negro trade, and provide for their gradual emancipation in the West-India islands: No doubt success will crown their views, and the friends of liberty will enjoy the satisfaction of communicating its blessings to the blacks.But the blacks must wait for the happy moment that shall restore them to civil life, in silence and in peace; they must rely upon the unwearied diligence and zeal of the numerous writers who advocate their cause, and the efforts of the humane to second their endeavors; they must strive to justify and support the argumentsthat are adduced in their favour, by displaying virtue in the very bosom of slavery; they must endeavour, in a word, to render themselves worthy of liberty, that they may know how to use it when it shall be restored to them; for liberty itself is sometimes a burden, when slavery has stupefied the soul.Such blacks, therefore, as are so inconsiderate as to be concerned in insurrections, are guilty of retarding the execution of the general plan for their emancipation; for the question is not, at the present day, whether a million of slaves ought to be set at liberty, but whether they can when free, be put into a capacity of providing for the subsistence of themselves and their families. Insurrections, far from effecting this purpose, would destroy the means. Regard, therefore, to their own interests, if there were no other motive, should therefore engage the blacks to patient submission, and no doubt but they will yield it, if their masters and the ministers of the gospel in particular, to whom the task of comforting and instructing them, is committed, endeavour to prepare them for approaching freedom.You sir, have adopted the vulgar notion, that the Negroes born in Virginia, are less depraved than those imported from Africa. You call the firmness which is common in the early stages of their slaverygreater degeneracy;they are depraved, that is, in your language--they are wicked and treacherous to those who have purchased them, or brought them from their own country.--But in my mind, they are not depraved, because the acts of violence their genius inspires them to revenge themselves upon their tyrants, are justified by the rights of nature.And why are those imported, more wicked in your opinion? In mine, more quick, more ardent in their resentments? because, not having forgotten their former situation, they feel their loss the more sensibly; and having strong ideas, their resolutions are more firm and their actions more violent, they not having yet contracted the habits of slavery.They soon fall into that degree of apathy and insensibility, which you unjustly believe to be natural to them; that is, in your language, they become less depraved; but I would say that their depravity begins with this apathy and weakness.--For depravity is the loss of nature, and the want of those virtues inherent in man, courage and the love of liberty. Our readers may judge from this article, how strangely writers have wrested words to condemn these unhappy Negroes, and the unfortunate in general.I do not, however, pretend to say, that the Negroes of Africa are all good, or even that many of them are not depraved. But is this fact to be imputed to them as a personal crime? Ought you not rather to have ascribed it to the foreign source by which they are corrupted. Alike in them and in the whites, the depravity of man is a consequence of his wretchedness, and the usurpation of his rights. Wherever he is free and at ease, he is good; wherever the contrary, he is wicked. Neither his nature nor the climate corrupt him, but the government of his country. Now that of the Negroes is almost universally despotic, such as must necessarily debase and corrupt the Negro.How much is the depravity, occasioned by the government of his country, increased by his second slavery, far worse than the first--for he is no longer among friends in his native land--surrounded by the pleasing scenes of his childhood, he is among monsters who are going to live by, and trade in his blood, and has nothing before his eyes but death, or oppression equivalent to an endless punishment.How is it possible such horrid prospects should not fire his soul? How, if chance should present him with arms and liberty, should he resist using them, to put an end to his own existence, or that of his tormentors? What white man would be less cruel in his situation? Truly I think myself of a humane disposition, that I love my fellow-creatures and detest the effusion of blood, but if ever a villain, white or black, should snatch me from my freedom, my family, and my friends, should overwhelm me with outrages and blows, to gratify his caprice, should extend his barbarities to my wife and children--my blood boils at the thought--perhaps in a transport of revenge.... If such vengeance would be lawful in me, what makes the Negro more guilty? Why should that be called wickedness and depravity in him, which would be stiled virtue in me, in you, in every white man? Are not my rights the same as his? Is not nature our common parent? God his father as well as mine? His conscience an infallible guide as well as mine? Let us then no longer make other laws for the blacks than those we are bound by ourselves, since Heaven has placed them on a level with us, has made them like us, since they are our brethren and our fellow-creatures.Here you stop me, you say thatthe Negro is not our fellow-creature, that he is below the white.How could so shocking an opinion escape the pen of a memberof the Royal Academy, a writer who would be thought a friend of mankind!Do not you see the tormentors of St. Domingo, avail themselves of it already, redoubling their strokes, and regarding their slaves as mere machines, like the Cartesians do the brutes? They are not our fellow-creatures will they say: a philosopher of Paris has proved it?What! the blacks our equals! Have not they eyes, ears, a shape, and organs like ours? Does nature follow another order, other laws for them?--Have not they speech, that peculiar characteristic of humanity? But then the colour! What of that? Are the pale white Albinos, the olive or copper coloured Indians also of different species! Who does not know that colour is accidental. They are not our equals! Have not they the same faculties--reason, memory, imagination? Yes, you reply, but they have written no books. Who told you so? Who told you there were no learned blacks? And supposing it were so, if none but authors are men, the whole human race is different from us.Shall I tell you why there are no authors or men of learning among the Negroes? What has made you what you are? Education and circumstances!--Now where are the Negroes favoured by either? Consider them wherever they are to be found.--In Africa, wretchedly enslaved by domestic tyrants; in our islands perpetual martyrs; in the southern United States, the meanest of slaves; in the northern, domestics; in Europe, universally contemned, every where proscribed, like the Jews; in a word, every where in a state of debasement.I have been told that there are blacks of property in the northern parts of America; but these, like the other settlers, are no more than sensible farmers or traders.--There are no authors3among them, because there are few rich and idle people in America.What spring of action could raise a Negro from his debased condition? the road to glory and honor is impassible to him: What then should he write for? Besides, the blacks have reason to detest the sciences, for their oppressors cultivate them but they do not make them better.Shall we say that the Indians or Arabs are not our equals, because they despise both our arts and our sciences? or the Quakers, because they neither respect academies nor wits?In short, if you will deny the Negroes souls, energy, sensibility, gratitude or beneficence, I oppose you to yourself, I might quote your own anecdote of Mr. Langdon's Negro, and abundance of other well known facts in favour of the blacks. You may find some striking ones in the Abbé Raynals' philosophical history. One of them would have been sufficient. The Negro who killed himself when his master who had injured him was in his power, was superior to Epictetus, and the existence of a single Negro of so sublime a character, ennobles all his kind.But how could you judge whether the blacks were different from the whites, who saw them only in a state of slavery and wretchedness? Do we estimate beauty by the figure of a Laplander? magnanimity by the soul of a courtier? or intelligence by the stupidity of an Esquimaux?If the traces of humanity were so much weakened and effaced in the Negroes, that you did not recognize them, I conclude not that they do not belong to our species, but that they must have been cruelly tormented to reduce them to this state of degeneracy. I do not conclude that they are not men, but that the Europeans who kidnap the blacks, are not worthy of the name.You consider what precautions it may be necessary to take to avoid the danger which might attend a general emancipation of the Negroes.I shall not now enter into a discussion of this nice question, but reserve it for another work: yet I must say in a word, that the Negroes will never be our friends, will never be men, until they are possessed of all our rights, until we are upon an equality. Civil liberty is the boundary between good and evil, order and disorder, happiness and misery, ignorance and knowledge. If we would make the Negroes worthy of us, we must raise them to our level by giving them this liberty.Thus, the chief inconvenience you expect will follow the emancipation of the Negroes, may be avoided; that although free, they will remain a distinct species, a distinct and dangerous body.This objection will vanish when we intermix with them, and boldly efface every distinction. Unless this is the case, I foresee torrents of blood spilt and the earth disputed between the whites and blacks, as America was between the Europeans and Savages.Perhaps, and it is no extravagant idea--perhaps it might be more prudent, more humane, to send the blacks back again to their native country, settle them there, encourage their industry, andassist them to form connections with Europe and America. The celebrated doctor Fothergill conceived this plan, and the society for the abolition of slavery, at London, have carried it into execution at Sierra Leone. Time and perseverance, will discover the policy and utility of this settlement. If it should succeed, the blacks will quit America insensibly, and Sierra Leone become the centre from whence general civilization will spread over all Africa.Perhaps, sir, you will place these thoughts upon the Negroes with those declamations you are pleased to ridicule: But what is the epithet of declaimer to me, if I am right, if I make an impression upon my readers, if I cause remorse into the breast of a single slave-holder; in a word, if I contribute to accelerate the general impulse toward liberty.You disapprove the application of eloquence to this subject; you think nothing can affect it but exertions of cool reason. What is eloquence but the language of reason and sensibility? When man is oppressed, he struggles, he complains, he moves our passions, and bears down all opposition. Such eloquence can perform wonders, and should be employed by those who undertake to plead the cause of the unfortunate who spend their days in continual agony, or he will make no impression.--I do not conceive how any man can display wit instead of feeling, upon this distracting subject, amuse with an antithesis, instead of forcible reasoning, and only dazzle where he ought to warm. I have no conception how a sensible and thinking being, can see a fellow-creature tortured and torn to pieces, perhaps his poor wife bathed in tears, with a wretched infant sucking her shriveled breast at his side; I say I have no conception how he can behold such a sight, with indifference; how, unagonized and convulsed with rage and indignation, he can have the barbarity to descend to jesting! Notwithstanding, your observations upon the Negroes, conclude with a jest.It will be an easy matter, say you, to add ten or twelve pages to these few reflections, which may be considered as a concert, composed only of principal parts, "con corni ad Libertum."I hope there is nothing cruel, because there is nothing studied in this connection, this inconsiderate manner: but how could such a comparison come into the head of a man of feeling? It is the sad effect of wit, as I said before; it contracts the soul. Ever glancing over agreeable objects, it is unfeeling when intruded upon by wretchedness--uneasy to obliterate the shocking idea, and elude the groans of nature, it rids itself of both by a jest. The humaneBenezet would never have connected this idea of harmony with the sound of a Negro driver's whip.Having proved that you have wronged the Quakers and the Negroes, I shall proceed to shew that you have equally injured mankind and the people.--Critical Examination of the Marquis de Chastellux's Travels in North-America, 1782. Translated from the French of Jean P. Verre Brissot de Warville, 1788, pp. 51-63.Footnotes[return]1. This Jefferies was the most infamous Chief Justice that ever existed in England. Charles II. and James II. well acquainted with his talents for chicane, his debauchery and blood-thirstiness, his baseness and his crimes, made use of him to exterminate, with the sword of law, all those worthy men who defended the constitution from their tyranny.I often quote the History of England; unhappily for us it is too little known in France.[return]2. Most authors who have not studied the rights of men, fall into this error. I have remarked elsewhere (Vol. II of theJourn. du Licee, No. 4, page 222) that a writer, who, notwithstanding, deserves our esteem, for having written against the despotism of the Turkish government, has suffered himself to be drawn into it. M. le Baron de Tott says that the Moldavians are thievish, mean and faithless. To translate these words into the language of truth, we must say, the Turks, the masters of the Moldavians, are unjust, robbers, villains, and tyrants; and that the Moldavians revenge themselves by opposing deceit to oppression, etc. Thus, the people are almost everywhere wrongfully accused.[return]3. There was, however, a Negro author at London, whose productions are not without merit, and were lately published in two volumes. His name was Ignatius Sancho. He wrote in the manner of Sterne.Sur L'état Général, Le Genre D'industrie, Les Moeurs, Le Caractère, Etc. Des Noirs, Dans Les États-unis"Dans les quatre états du nord et dans ceux du midi, les noirs libres sont, ou domestiques, ou tiennent de petites boutiques, ou cultivent la terre. Vous en voyez quelques-unes sur les bâtimens destinés au cabotage. Peu osent se hasarder sur les vaisseau employés aux voyages de long cours, parce qu'ils craignent d'être transportés et vendus dans les iles.--Au physique, tous ces noirs sont généralement vigoureux,1d'une forte constitution, capables des travaux les plus pénibles; ils sont généralement actifs.--Domestiques, ils sont sobres et fidèles.--Ce portrait s'applique aux femmes de cette couleur.--Je n'ai vu faire aucune distinction entr'eux à cet égard et les domestiques blancs, quoique ces derniers les traitent toujours avec mépris, comme étant d'une espèce inférieure.--Ceux qui tiennent des boutiques, vivent médiocrement, n'augmentent jamais leurs affaires au-dela d'un certain point. La raison en est simple: quoique partout on traite les noirs avec humanité, les blancs qui ont l'argent, ne sont pas disposés à faire aux noirs des avances, telles qu'elles les missent en état d'entreprendre le commerce en grand; d'ailleurs, il faut pour ce commerce quelques connoissances préliminaires, il faut faire un noviciat dans un comptoir, et la raison n'a pas encore ouvert aux noirs la porte du comptoir. On ne leur permet pas de s'y asseoir à côté des blancs.--Si donc les noirs sont bornés ici à un petit commerce de détail, n'en accusons pas leur impuissance, mais le préjugé des blancs, qui leur donnent des entraves. Les mémes causes empéchent les moirs qui vivent à la compagne d'avoir des plantations étendues; celles qu'ils cultivent sont bornées, mais généralement assez bien cultivées: de bons habits,une log house, ou maison de bois en bon état, des enfans plusnombreux les font remarquer des Européens voyageurs, et l'oeil du philosophe se plaît à considérer ces habitations, où la tyrannie ne fait point verser de pleurs. Dans cette partie de l'Amerique, les noirs sont certainement heureux; mais ayons le courage de l'avouer, leur bonheur et leurs talens ne sont pas encore au degré où ils pourroient atteindre.--Il existe encoure un trop grand intervalle entre eux et les blancs, sur-tout dans l'opinion publique, et cette difference humiliante arrête tous les efforts qu'ils feroient pour s'élever. Cette difference se montre par-tout. Par exemple, on admet les noirs aux écoles publiques; mais ils ne peuvent franchir le seuil d'un collège. Quoique libres, quoique indépendans, ils sont toujours eux-mêmes accoutumés à se regarder comme au-dessous du blanc; il y a des droits qu'ils n'out pas.2Concluons de là qu'on jugeroit mal de l'étendue, de la capacité des noirs, en prenant pour base celle des noirs libres dans les états du nord.Mais quand on les compare aux noirs, esclaves des états du midi, quelle prodigieuse différence les sépare! Dans le midi, les noirs sont dans un état d'abjection et d'abrutissement difficile à peindre. Beaucoup sont nuds, mal nourris, logés dans de miserables huttes, couchés sur la paille.3On ne leur donne aucune éducation; on neles instruit dans aucune religion; on ne les marie pas, on les accouple; aussi sont ils avilis, paresseux, sans idées, sans énergie.--Ills ne se donneroient aucune peine pour avoir des habits, ou de meilleures provisions; ils aiment mieux porter des haillons que de les raccommoder. Ills passent le dimanche, qui est le jour du repos, entièrement dans l'inaction.--L'inaction est leur souverain bonheur; aussi travaillent-ils pen et nonchalamment.Il faut rendre justice à la vérité; les Américains du midi traitent doucement les esclaves, et c'est un des effets produits par l'extension générale des idées sur la liberté; l'esclave travaille moins par-tout; mais on s'est borné là. Il n'en est pas mieux, ni pour la mourriture, ni pour son habillement, ni pour ses moeurs, ni pour ses idées; ainsi le maître perd, sans que l'esclaves acquière; et s'il suivoit l'exemple des Americains du nord, tous deux gagneroient au changement.On a cru généralment jusqu'à ces derniers temps, que les nègres avoient moins de capacité morale que les blancs; des auteurs même estimables l'ont imprimé.4Ce préjugé commence à disparoitre; les états du nord pourroient fournir des exemples du contraire. Je n'en citerai que deux frappans; le premier, prouvera, qu'avec l'instruction, on peut rendre les noirs propres à toutes les professions; le second, que la tête d'un nègre est organsée pour les calculs les plus étonans, et par conséquent pour toutes les sciences.J'ai vu, dans mon séjour à Philadelphie, un noir, appelé Jacques Derham, médecin, qui exerce dans la Nouvelle-Orleans, sur le Mississippi; et voici son histoire, telle qu'elle m'a été attestée par plusieurs médecins.--Ce noir a été élevé dans une famille de Philadelphie, où il a appris à lire, à écrire, et où on l'a instruit dans les principes du christianisme. Dans sa jeunesse, il fut vendu au feu docteur Jean Kearsley le jeune, de cette ville, qui l'employoit pour composer des médecines, et les administrer á ses malades.A la mort du docteur Kearsley, il passa dans différentes mains, et il devint enfin l'esclave du docteur George West, chirurgien du seizième regiment d'Angleterre, sous lequel, pendant la dernière guerre en Amérique, il remplit les fonctions les moins importantes de la médecine.A la fin de la guerre, le docteur West le vendit au Docteur Robert Dove, de la Nouvelle-Orleans, qui l'employa comme sonsecond. Dans cette condition, il gagna si bien la confiance et l'amité de son maître, que celui-ci consentit à l'affranchir deux ou trois ans après, et à des conditions modérées.--Derham s'étoit tellement perfectionné dans la medecine, qu'à l'époque de sa liberté, il fut en état de la pratiquer avec succès à la Nouvelle-Orleans.--Il a environ 26 ans; il est marié, mais il n'a point d'enfans; la medecine lui rapporte 3000 dollars, ou 16000 l. environ par an.J'ai causé, m'a dit le docteur Wistar, avec lui sur les maladies aiguës et épidémiques du pays où il vit, et je l'ai trouve bien versé dans la méthode simple, usitée par les modernes pour le traitement de ces maladies.--Je croyois pouvoir lui indiquer de nouveaux remèdes; mais ce fut lui qui me les indiqua.--Il est modeste, et a des manières très-engageantes; il parle francois avec facilité et a quelques connoisances de l'espagnol. -- Qoique né dans une famille religieuse, on avoit, par accident, oublié de le faire baptiser. En conséquence, il s'est adressé au docteur Withe pour recevoir le baptême; il le lui a conféré, apres l'en avoir jugé digne, non-seulement par ses connoisances, mais par son excellente conduite.Voice l'autre fait, tel qu'il m'a été attesté, et imprimé par le docteur Rush,5célèbre médecin et auteur, établi à Philadelphie et plusieurs détails m'en ont été confirmés par l'épouse de l'immortel Washington, dans le voisinage duquel ce nègre est depuis longtemps.Son nom est Thomas Fuller; il est né en Afrique, et ne sait ni lire ni écrire; il a maintenant soixante-dix ans, et a vécu toute sa vie sur la plantation de MmeCox, a quatre milles d'Alexandrie. Deux habitans respectables de Pensylvanie, MM. Hartshom et Samuel Coates, qui voyageoient en Virginie, ayant appris la facilité singuliere que ce noir avoit pour les calculus les plus compliques, l'envoyèrent chercher, et lui firent differentes questions.Première. Etant interrogé, combien de secondes il y avoit dans une année et demie, il repondit en deux minutes, 47,304,000, en comptant 365 jours dans l'année.Deuxième. Combien de secondes auroit vécu un homme âgé de soix-ante-dix ans dix-sept jours et douze heures? Il répondit dans une minute et demie, 2,210,500,800.Un des Americains qui l'interrogeoit et qui vérifioit ses calculs avec la plume, lui dit qu'il se trompoit, que la somme n'étoit pas si considerable; et cela étoit vrai: c'est qu'il n'avoit pas fait attention aux années bissextiles; il corrigea le calcul avec la plus grande célérité.Autre question. Supposez un laboureur qui a six truies, et que chaque truie en met bas six autres la première année, et qu'elles multiplient dans la même proportion jusqu'à, l' fin de la huitème année: combien alors de truies aura le laboureur, s'il n'en perd aucune? Le vieillard répondit en dix minutes, 34,588,806.La longueur du temps ne fut occasionée que parce qu'il n'avoit pas d'abord compris la question.Après avoir satisfait à toutes les questions, il raconta l'origine et les progrès de son talent en arithmétique.--Il compta a'abord jusqu'a 10, puis 100; et s'imaginoit alors, disoit-il, être un habile homme. Ensuite il s'amusa à compter tous les grains d'un boisseau de ble, et successivement il sut compter le nombre de rails ou morceaux de bois necessaires pour enclore un champ d'une telle étendue, ou de grains nécessaires pour le semer.--Sa maîtresse avoit tiré beaucoup d'advantages de son talen; il ne parloit d'elle qu'avec la plus grande reconnoissance, parce qu'elle ne l'avoit jamais voulu vendre, malgre les offres considerables qu'on lui avoit faites pour l'acheter.--Sa tête commençoit à foiblir.--Un des Americains lui ayant dit que c'étoit dommage qu'il n'eut pas recu de l'éducation: Non, maître, dit-il; il vaut mieux que je n'aie rien appris, car bien des savans ne sont que des sots.Ces exemples prouveront, sans doute, que la capacité des nègres peut s'étendre a tout; ils n'ont besoin que d'instruction et de liberté.--La différence qui se remarque entre ceux qui sont libres et instruits et les autres, se montre encore dans leurs travaux.--Les terres qu'habitent et les blancs et les noirs, soumis à ce rêgime, sont infiniment mieux cultivées, produisent plus abondamment, offrent par-tout l'image de l'aisance et du bonheur; et tel est, par exemple, l'aspect du Connecticut et de la Pensylvanie.--Passez dans le Maryland ou la Virginie, encore une fois, vous croyez être dans un autre monde. Ce ne sont plus des plaines bien cultivées, des maisons de campagne, propres et meme élégantes, des vastes granges bien distribuées; ce ne sont plus des troupeaux nombreux de bestiaux gras et vigoureux: non, tout dans le Maryland et la Virginia, porte l'empreinte de l'esclavage; sol brulé, culture mal entendue, maisons délabrées, bestiaux petits et peu nombreux, cadavres noirs ambulans; en un mot, vous y voyez une misère réelle a côté de l'apparence du luxe.On commence à s'appercevoir, même dans les états méridionaux, que nourrir mal un exclave est une chétive économie, et que le fonds placé dans l'esclavage ne rend pas son interêt. C'est peut-être plusà cette considération, plus encore à l'impossibilité pécuniaire de recruter; c'est plus, dis-je, à ces considérations qu'à l'humanité, qu'on doit l'introduction du travail libre dans une partie de la Virginie, dans celle qui avoisine la belle rivière de la Shenadore. Aussi croiroit-on, en la voyant, voir encore la Pensylvanie.Osons l'espérer, tel sera un jour le sort de la Virginie, quand elle ne sera plus souillée par l'esclavage; et ce terme n'est peut-être pas eloigné. Il n'y a des esclaves que parce qu'on les croit nécessaires á la culture du tabac, et cette culture décline tous les jours et doit décliner. Le tabac, qui se ciiltive près de l'Ohio et du Mississippi, est infiniment plus abondant, de meilleure qualité, exige moins de travaux. Quand ce tabac se sera ouvert le chemin de l'Europe, les Virginiens seront obligés de cesser sa culture, et de demander à la terre du blé, des pommes de terre, de faire des prairies et d'élever des bestiaux. Les Virginiens judicieux prévoient cette revolution, l'anticipent, et se livrent à la culture du blé.--A leur tête, on doit mettre cet homme étonnant, qui, général adoré, eut le courage d'être republican sincère; qui, couvert de gloire, seul, ne s'en souvient plus; héros dont la destinée unique sera d'avoir sauvé deux fois sa patrie, de lui ouvrir le chemin de la prospérité, apres avoir ouvert celui de la liberté. Maintenantentièrementoccupé6du soin d'améliorer ses terres, d'en varier le produit, d'ouvrir des routes, des communications, il donne à ses compatriotes un exemple utile, et qui sans doute sera suivi. Il a cependant, dois-je, le dire? une foule nombreuse d'esclaves noirs.--Mais ils sont traites avec la plus grande humanité. Bien nourris, bien vêtus, n'ayant qu'un travail modéré à faire, ils bénissent sans cesse le maître que le Ciel leur a donné.--Il est digne sans doute d'une âme aussi élevée, aussi pure, aussi désinteressé, de commencer la révolution en Virginie, d'y preparer l'affranchissement des nègres.--Ce grand homme, lorsque j'eus le bonheur de l'entretenir, m'avoua qu'il admiroit tout ce qui se faissoit dans les autres états, qu'il en desiroit l'extension dans son propre pays; mais il ne me cacha pas que de nombreux obstacles s'y opposoient encore, qu'il seroit dangereux de heurter de front un préjugé qui commencoit à diminuer.--Du temps, de la patience, des lumières, et on le convaincra, me dit-il. Presque tous les Virginiens, ajoutoit-il, ne croyent pas que la liberté des noirs puisse sitôt devenir générale.Voilà pourquoi ils ne veulent point former de société qui puisse donner des idées dangereuses à leurs esclaves. Un autre obstacle s'y oppose. Les grandes propriétés éloignent les hommes, rendent difficiles les assemblées, et vous ne trouverez ici que de grands propriétaires.Les Virginiens se trompent, lui disois-je; il est evident que tôt ou tard les nègres obtiendront par-tout leur liberté, que cette révolution s'étendra en Virginie. Il est done de l'intérêt de vos compatriotes de s'y préparer, de tacher de concilier la restitution des droits des nègres avec leur propriété. Les Moyens à prendre, pour cet effet, ne peuvent être l'ouvrage que d'une société, et il est digne du sauveur de l'Amerique d'en être le chef, et de rendre la liberté à 300,000 hommes malheureux dans son pays. Ce grand homme me dit qu'il en desiroit la formation, qu'il la seconderoit; mail il ne croyoit pas le moment favorable.--Sans doute des vues plus élévees absorboient alors son attention et remplissoient son âme; le destin de l'amerique étoit prêt à étre remis une seconde fois dans ses mains.C'est un malheur, n'en doutons pas, semblable société n'existe pas dans le Maryland et dans la Virginie; car c'est au zèle constant de celles de Philadelphie et de New-Yorck qu'on doit tous les progrès de cette révolution en Amerique, et la naissance de la société de Londres.Que ne puis-je ici vous peindre l'impression dont j'ai été frappé en assistant aux séances de ces trois sociétés!--Quelle gravité dans la contenance des membres! quelle simplicité dans leurs discours! quelle candeur dans leurs discussions! quelle bienfaisance! quelle énergie dans leur résolution! Chacun s'empressoit d'y prendre part, non pour briller, mais pour être utile.--Avec quelle joie ils apprirent qu'il s'élevoit une société semblable à la leur dans Paris, dans cette capitale immense, si célèbre en Amerique par l'opulence, le faste, l'influence sur un vaste royaume, et sur presque tous les états de l'Europe! Avec quel empressement ils publièrent cette nouvelle dans toutes leurs gazettes, et répandirent partout la traduction du premier discours lu dans cette société! Avec quelle joie ils virent dans la liste des membres de cette société, un nom cher à leurs coeurs, et qu'ils ne prononcent qu'aves attendrissement, et les noms d'autres personness connues par leur énergie et leur patriotisme! Ils ne doutoient point que si cette société s'étendoit, bravoit les obstacles, s'unissoit avec celle de Londres, les lumières repandues par elles sur le trafic des nègres et sur son infamie inutile, n'éclairassent les gouvernmens, et n'en determinassent la suppression.Ce fut, sans doute, à cet élan de joie et d'espoir, et aux recommendations flatteuses que j'avois emportées d'Europe, plus qu'à mes foibles travaux, que je dus l'honneur qu'ils me firent de m'associer à leur rang.Ces sociétés ne se bornèrent pas à ces démonstrations; elles nommèrent dés comités pour m'assister dans mes travaux; leurs archives me furent ouvertes.Ces sociétés bienfaisantes s'occupent maintenant de nouveaux prospects pour consommer leur oeuvre de justice et d'humanité; elles s'occupent à creer de nouvelles sociétés dans les états qui n'en out point; c'est ainsi qu'il vient de s'en élever une dans l'état de Delaware.--Elles forment de nouveaux projets pour décourager l'esclavage et le commerce des esclaves.--Cest ainsi que, pour arrêter les ventes scandaleuses qui s'en font encore dans New Yorck,7à des enchères publiques, tous les membres se sont engagés à ne jamais employer l'officier public, l'huissier-priseur qui présideroit à de pareilles ventes. Mais c'est sur-tout à sauver des mains de la cupidité des esclaves, qu'elle voudroit et ne doit pas retenir, que la société de Philadelphie est ingénieuse.--Un esclave est-il maltraité, il trouve dans elle une protection assurée et gratuite.--Un autre a fini son temps, et est toujours détenu; elle reclame ses droits.--Des étrangers amènent des noirs, et ne satisfont pas à la loi; la société en procure le benefice à ces malheureux nègres.--Un des plus célèbres avocats de Philadelphie, dont j'aime à vanter les talents et l'amitié qui nous unit, M.Myers Fisher, lui prête son ministère, presque toujours avec succès, et tojours avec désintéressement. Cette société s'est apperçue que de nombreuses assemblées, n'avoient pas d'action, parce que le mouvement se perdoit en se divisant en trop de membres; elle a créé plusiers comités, toujours en activite; elle sollicite des créations semblables dans tous les états; afin que par-tout les loix sur l'abolition de la traite et sur l'affranchissement soient executées; afin que par-tout on presente des pétitions aux legislatures, pour obtenir de nouvelles loix pour les cas non prévus. --Enfin, c'est a cette société, sand doute, que l'on devra un jour de semblables établissemens dans le midi. J. P. Brissot, (Warville). --"Nouveau Vouage dans les États-Unis de l'Amerique Septentrionale, 1788," Tome Second, 31-49.Footnotes[return]1. Les noirs maries font certainement autant d'enfans que les blancs; mais on a remarqué que dans les villes, il perissoit plus d'enfans noirs. Cette difference tient moins a leur nature qu'au défaut d'aisance et de soins, sur-tout des médecins et des chirurgiens.[return]2. N'y eut-il que l'aversion des blancs pour le mariage de leurs filles avec les noirs, ce seul sentiment suffiroit pour avilir ces deniers. Cependant il y a quelques exemples de ces mariages.Il existe a Pittsbourg sur l'Ohio une blanche d'origine françoise, menée a Londres, et enlevée, à l'âge de douze ans, par des corsaires qui faisoient métier d'enlever des enfans, et de les vendre en Amerique pour un temps fixé de leur travail.--Des circonstances singulieres l'engagèrent à épouser un nègre qui lui acheta sa liberté, et qui la tira des mains d'un blanc, maître barbare et libi-dineux, qui avoit tout employé pour la desuire.--Une mulâtresse, sortie de cette union, a épousé un chirurgien de Nantes, établi à Pittsburg.--Cette famille est une des plus respectables de cette ville; le nègre fait un très bon commerce, et la maîtresse se fait un devoir d'accueillir et de bien traiter les étrangers, et sur tout les François que le hasard amène de ce côté.Mais on n'a point d'idée d'une pareille union dans le nord; elle revolteroit.--Dans les etablissemens, le long de l'Ohio il y a bien des négresses qui vivent avec des blancs non mariés.--Cependant on m'assura que cette union est regardée de mauvais oeil par les nègres mêmes. Si une négresse a une-querelle avec une mulâtresse, elle lui reproche d'être d'un sang mêlé.[return]3. Le docteur Rush, qui a été portée de traiter ces noirs, m'a communiqué une observation bien importante, et qui prouve combien l'énergie morale et intellectuelle d'un individu influe sur sa santé et son état physique. Il m'a dit qu'il étoit bien plus difficile de traiter et de guérir ces noirs esclaves que les blancs; qu'ils résistoient bien moins aux maladies violentes ou longues. C'est qu'ils tiennent pen par l'âme à la vie: la vitalité ou le ressort de la vie est presque nul dans eux.[return]4. J'ai deja plusieurs fois refuté cette opinion et sur-tout dans mon Examen critique des voyages de M. Chatellux. Elle a d'alleurs été détruite dans une foule d'excellens ouvrages.[return]5. Ce médecin est aussi célèbre en Amerique, par de bons écrits politiques. C'est un apôtre infatigable de la liberté.[return]6. Il n'étoit pas alors président des Etats-Unis. J'anticipe ici sur plusieurs conversations que j'ai eues avec ce grand homme, et dont je parlerai par la suite.[return]7. A l'assemblée de la société de New-Yorck, du 9 novembre 1787, il a été arrêté qu'on donneroit une medaille d'or pour le meilleur discours qui seroit prononcé a l'ouverture du college de New-Yorck sur l'injustice et la cruaute de la traite des nègres, et sur les funestes effets de l'esclavage.Slavery as Seen by Henry Wansey"In this state (He was then at Worcester) the Negroes are free and happy, are electors, but not elected to offices of state; their education, however, is the same as the whites. ... No negro child is suffered to be endentured beyond twenty-four years of age."We observe a school by the road-side in almost every parish, and out of it run negro boys and girls as well as white children, without any distinction. ... A road branched off here to our right hand, leading to Albany about 60 miles distant. I now observe six or eight negroes working together in a field, well dressed as other people. Notwithstanding, they are here free, and admitted to equal privileges with the white people, yet they love to associate with each other. It is observed that they are naturally lazier, and will not work so hard as a white servant.--Perhaps, the remembrance of former compulsive service, may make them place a luxury in idleness. Nor do they yet seem to feel their importance in society; this is a portion of inheritance reserved to the next generation of them. ..."Came on to Hartford....Here I staid two days that I might have time to inspect the woolen manufactory of this place, and attend the debates of the House of Representatives of this state.... Two very interesting subjects were in debate:--a bill brought in to repeal a law, passed in October last to order 'That the money arising from the sale of their lands, between the Ohio and Lake Erie, should be appropriated to increase the salaries of the ministers of the gospel and the masters of schools;' and another bill (for its second reading) 'To provide for those poor and sick negroes, who having been freed from slavery might be unprovided for; and that till the master was exculpated, by receiving a certificate from the state, that negro was discharged in perfect health, it should be incumbent on the master to continue to take care of him during sickness, or, at least, pay the expenses of his cure.' I was much pleased to see a legislature extend its humanity and care so far.After our breakfast, which was not a very good one, we set off for Elizabeth Town, near which, on the right, is Governor Livingstone's handsome house. This is six miles from Newark....I observed several negro houses, (low buildings of one story) detached from the family house; for the slaves (from their pilfering disposition) are not allowed to sleep in the same houses with theirmasters. Slavery, although many regulations have been made to moderate its severity, is not yet abolished in the New Jerseys...."Most of the families of New York have black servants. I should suppose that nearly one fifth of the inhabitants are negroes, most of whom are free, and many in good circumstances."--Henry Wansey, F.A.S., "The Journal of an excursion to the United States of America in the summer of 1794 (Journey from New York to Boston)," pp. 53, 57, 58, 67, and 227.Esclavage Par La Rochefoucauld-LiancourtQuant à l'esclavage, l'État de New-Yorck est un de ceux où les idées m'ont paru le moins liberales. Il est donc naturel que les loix qui dans tous les pays suivent plus ou moins l'opinion générale, manquent aussi de libéralité à cet égard.On peut concevoir comment dans les États du Sud le grand nombre des esclaves rend leur émancipation difficile, et comment cette difficulté d'émancipation donne pretexte à l'opinion de la necessité de loix extrêmement sévères contre eux. Mais dans l'État de New-Yorck, où sur une population de plus de quatre cent mille âmes on ne compte pas vingt mille nègres; il est impossible de comprendre quels si grands obstacles l'emancipation peut rencontrer, et sur quoi l'on peut fonder l'opinion qui'il faut pour ce petit nombre de nègres des loix plus sévères que pour les hommes d'une autre couleur.Quoiqu'il en soit, une loi qui n'est pas plus ancienne que 1788, confirme l'état d'esclavage pour tout nègre, mulâtre our mêtif esclave à l'époque où elle a été rendue; déclare esclave tout enfant né ou à naître d'une femme esclave; autorise la vente des esclaves et les soumet pour les petits crimes, à un jugement, que l'on peut appeler prévotal, des juges de paix, qui peuvent les condamner à l'emprisonnement ou aux coups de fouet. Un article de cette loi les assuejétit à ce genre de jugement et à cette espèce de sentence pour avoir frappé un blanc, sans faire exception du cas où le blanc serait l'aggresseur. La faveur du jury est cependant accordée à l'esclave, si le crime dont il est accusé peut emporter peine de mort. Il est aussi admis en témoignage dans les affaires criminelles où d'autres nègres sont impliqués.La nouvelle jurisprudence criminelle, fondée sur les principes d'humanité et de justice, ne détruit aucune des dispositions réellement injustes et barbares, contenues dans cette loi. Cependant, les esclaves sont généralement traités avec plus de douceur par leursmaîtres dans l'État de New Yorck, et moins surchargés de travail que dans les États du Midi. Les moeurs prévalent à cet égard sur la rigidité des loix; mais les moeurs y sont aussi, comme dans beaucoup d'autres États de l'Amerique, imprégnées d'avidité et d'avarice. Cette disposition seule y empêche l'abolition de l'esclavage. Elle est fréquemment proposée dans la législature, et jusqu'ici tout moyen, même préparatoire, y a été rejetté. Quoique la proportion des hommes libres aux esclaves soit telle que le plus grand nombre des habitans de l'État de New-Yorck ne possède pas d'esclaves, le petit nombre de ceux qui en possèdent sont les plus riches, les plus grands propriétaires; et, dans l'État de New-Yorck comme ailleurs, ils ont la principale influence.Le respect dû àla propriété, est l'arme avec laquelle on combat toute proposition que tient à l'affranchissement. J'ai entendu un des hommes de loi les plus éclairés, et dont à tout autre égard les opinions sont libérales, soutenir que "ce serait attenter àla propriétéque de déclarer libres même les enfans à naître des femmes esclaves, parce que, disait-il, les maîtres qui out acheté ou hérité des esclaves, les possèdent dans la confiance que leurissuesera leur propriété utile et disponible."Ainsi, quand on dit en Virginie "qu'on ne peut y changer le sort de l'esclavage qu'en exportant a-la-fois tous les nègres de l'État"; on dit à New-Yorck "qu'on ne peut y penser à abolir l'esclage, ni rien faire de préparatoire à cette intention, sans payer à chaque possesseur d'esclaves le prix actuel de la valeur de ses nègres jeunes et vieux, et le prix estimé de leur descendance supposée." C'est sans doute opposer à l'abolition de l'esclavage tous les obstacles imaginables, c'est se montrer bien ennemi de cette abolition.Cependant l'obstacle présenté par les citoyens de New-Yorck, est moins difficile à vaincre. En admenttant le principe de la nécessité d'un dédommagement donné aux maîtres pour les nègres à affranchir, et en évaluant chaque nègre à cent trente dollars, la somme totale ne serait que de trois millions de dollars.Ce prix serait encore susceptible de reduction, par le puissant motif d'intérêt et d'honneur public auquel chaque membre de la société doit faire des sacrifices.La question de la propriété des enfans à naître ne tiendrait pas à un quart-d'heure de discussion, si elle était agitée devant la legislature; enfin cet affranchissement qui ne devrait être fait que par degrés, coûterait à l'État des sacrifices moins grands encore, etdont la succession les rendrait presqu'imperceptibles aux finances de l'État, qui ne pourraient d'ailleurs avoir un plus saint emploi.A New-Yorck comme ailleurs, l'affranchissement des nègres doit avoir pour but le bonheur de l'État, son bon ordre, le bonheur même des nègres qu'on veut affranchir. Un affranchissement trop prompt, trop subitement général, manquerait ces differens buts de premiere nécessité. Je ne répéterai pas ici ce que j'ai dit ailleurs à cet égard, et ce que tant d'autres ont dit avant moi. La dépense pour l'État serait donc réduite à de bien petites sommes, en les comparant avec l'utilité et le devoir de cette opération. Mais tant que l'État de New-Yorck, entouré des exemples du Connecticut, du Massachusetts et de Pensylvanie, ne fait rien qui conduise à cette libération, tant qu'il semble approuver par le silence ou les refus de sa legislature, la permanence de l'esclavage, il laisse sa constitution et ses loix flétries d'une tâche que l'on peut, sans exageration, dire deshonorante, puisqu'elle ne peut être excusée, ni palliée, par aucune des circonstances où se trouve cet État.L'importation dans l'État de New-Yorck d'esclaves étrangers est prohibée par la même loi qui confirme l'esclavage de ceux qui y existaient à l'époque où elle a été rendue; ainsi cette disposition de la loi, et la manière douce dont sont traités les esclaves en général, confirment dans l'opinion que l'intérêt pécuniaire, plus qu'une véritable approbation de l'esclavage empêche la legislature de New-Yorck, de procéder à cet égard avec la justice et les lumières qui dirigent généralement ses délibérations.--"Voyage dans Les États-Unis D'Amerique." Fait en 1795, 1796 et 1797. Par La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt. Tome Septième, 114-119.Observations Sur l'Esclavage Par La Rochefoucauld-LiancourtIl est natural de supposer qu'un nègre esclave, fatigué de travail depuis le commencement de l'année jusqu'à la fin, obligé, sous peine du fouet, d'aller aux champs, qu'il soit où non en état de santé, ne voye dans la liberté que la faculté de ne plus travailler. Tant qu'il était esclave, il était plus ou moins mal nourri, mais il l'était sans aucun soin de sa part, et sans qu'un travail plus assidu, plus actif, lui valut une meilleure nourriture ou un meilleur nourriture ou un meilleur vêtement. Le travail n'était donc pour lui qu'une peine, sans être jamais un moyen de bien être, il est donc, il doit donc être paresseux et imprévoyant. Il jouit des premiers momens de sa liberté, en ne travaillant point, car le fouet ne claque plus à ses oreilles; les besoins se font sentir; aucune éducation ne lui aété donnée que celle de l'esclavage, qui enseigne à tromper, à voler, comme à mentir; il cherche à satisfaire ses besoins, auxquels son travail n'a pas pourvu, en dérobant quelques bleds, quelques provisions à ses voisins; il devient recéleur des nègres esclaves.Tout cela peut et doit être, mais ne doit dégouter de l'affranchissement progressif des nègres que ceux ne veulent pas penser qu'avec des soins préparatoires, et sur-tout des soins généreux qui auraient pour objet une émancipation générale successive, appropriée au nombre des nègres dans le pays, et à plusieurs autres circonstances, la plus grande quantité de ces inconvéniens serait evitée, et le serait totalement pour la génération future si elle ne pouvait l'être pour la présente. Mais comment espérer une philanthropie si prévoyante de ceux qui ne voyent que leur intérêt du moment, et qui le croyent blessé.Dans L'État de Maryland les esclaves sont jugés par les mêmes tribunaux que les blancs, et comme eux par l'arbitrage des juris. Les punitions pour les noirs sont plus sévères; mais les moeurs sont douces au moins dans la partie du Maryland où je suis a présent, et elles prévalent sur la rigueur des loix. J'ai été témoin d'un fait qui prouve que l'humanité des juges et le désir de rendre une exacte justice les occupent pour les accusés esclaves, comme pour les blancs. Une négresse est en prison, accusée d'avoir voulu empoisonner sa maîtresse et d'avoir empoisonné un enfant. Sa maîtresse est son accusatrice. C'est une femme d'une bonne reputation dans le pays, appartenant à une famille très-etendue dans le comté, et y ayant d'ailleurs beaucoup d'influence; les juges craignant l'effet de cette influence sur les juris, ont profité de la faculté qu'ils out de renvoyer le jugement à la cour générale du district qui se tient à soixante milles de Chester, pour donner à l'accusée toute la chance possible d'un jugement sain et impartial.Il n'y a encore aucune mesure prise en Maryland pour l'affranchissement progressif des esclaves. Quelques hommes bien intentionnées espèrent amener la legislature dans peu de temps à une démarche à cet égard, mais l'opinion du pays n'y semble pas dispossée. --"Voyage dans Les États-Unis D'Amerique." Par La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt. Tome Sixième, 69-71.Les nègres libres se trouvent assez facilement pour le travail des champs. Us coûtent quatre-vingt dollars par an. Les nègres esclaves se louent à cinquante. Quelques planteurs préfèrent des ouvriers blancs et des nègres libres aux esclaves; ils ont moins d'embarras et plus de profit. Les vaches se vendent ici de quinze à vingt dollars, les boeufs quarante, les chevaux pour le labour cent; ceuxpour la voiture coutent souvent six cents dollars la paire. Le comté de Kent, dont Chester est le cheflieu, contient treize mille habitans, dont cinq mille six cents sont nègres esclaves; il fournit peu de betail aux marchés de Baltimore et de Philadelphie. Presque tout ce qu'il produit dans ce genre est consommé dans son enciente.--"Voyage dans Les États-Unis D'Amerique." Par La Rouchefoucauld-Liancourt. Tome Sixieme, 79-80.What Isaac Weld Observed in Slave States"The principal planters in Virginia have nearly every thing they can want on their estates. Amongst the slaves are found tailors, shoe-makers, carpenters, smiths, turners, wheelwrights, weavers, tanners, etc. I have seen patterns of excellent coarse woolen cloth made in the country by slaves, and a variety of cotton manufacturers, amongst the rest good nankeen. Cotton grows here extremely well; the plants are often killed by frost in winter, but they always produce abundantly the first year in which they are sown. The cotton from which nankeen is made is of a particular kind naturally of a yellowish color."The large estates are managed by stewards and overseers, the proprietors just amusing themselves with seeing what is going forward. The work is done wholly by slaves, whose numbers are in this part of the country more than double that of white persons. The slaves on the large plantations are in general very well provided for, and treated with mildness. During three months nearly, that I was in Virginia, but two or three instances of ill treatment towards them came under my observation. Their quarters, the name whereby their habitations are called, are usually situated one or two hundred yards from the dwelling house, which gives appearance of a village to the residence of every plantation in Virginia; when the estate, however, is so large as to be divided into several farms, then separate quarters are attached to the house of the overseer on each farm. Adjoining their little habitations, the slaves commonly have small gardens and yards of poultry, which are all of their property; they have ample time to attend to their own concerns, and their gardens are generally found well stocked, and their flocks of poultry numerous. Besides the food they raise for themselves, they are allowed liberal rations of salted pork and Indian corn. Many of their little huts are comfortably furnished, and they are themselves, in general, extremely well clothed. In short their condition is by no means so wretched as might be imagined. They are forced to work certain hours in the day; but inreturn they are clothed, dieted, and lodged comfortably, and saved all anxiety about provision for their offspring. Still, however, let the condition of the slave be made ever so comfortable, as long as he is conscious of being the property of another man, who has it in his power to dispose of him according to the dictates of caprice; as long as he hears people around him talking about the blessings of liberty, and considers that he is in a state of bondage, it is not to be supposed that he can feel equally happy with the freeman. It is immaterial under what form slavery presents itself, whenever it appears there is ample cause for humanity to weep at the sight, and to lament that men can be found so forgetful of their own situations, as to live regardless of the blessings of their fellow creatures."With respect to the policy of holding slaves in any country, on account of the depravity of morals which it necessarily occasions, besides the many other evil consequences attendant upon it, so much has already been said by others, that it is needless here to make comments on the subject."The number of the slaves increases most rapidly, so that there is scarcely any state but what is overstocked. This is a circumstance complained of by every planter as the maintenance of more than are requisite for the culture of the estate is attended with great expense. Motives ... of humanity deter them from selling the poor creatures, or turning them adrift from the spot where they have been born and brought up, in the midst of friends and relations."What I have here said, respecting the condition and treatment of slaves, appertains, it must be remembered, to those only who are upon the larger plantations in Virginia; the lot of such as are unfortunate enough to fall into the hands of the lower class of white people, and of hard task-masters in towns, is very different. In the Carolinas and Georgia again, slavery presents itself in very different colors from what it does even in its worst form in Virginia. I am told that it is no uncommon thing there, to see gangs of negroes staked at a horse race, and to see these unfortunate beings bandied about from one set of drunken gamblers to another for days together. How much to be deprecated are the laws which suffer such abuses to exist! Yet these are the laws enacted by the people who boast of their love of liberty and independence, and who presume to say, that it is in the breasts of Americans alone that the blessings of freedom are held in just estimation."--Isaac Weld, Jr., "Travels through the States of North America and theprovinces of Upper and Lower Canada," 1795, 1796, and 1797.(London, 1799.)John Davis's Thoughts on Slavery"The negroes on the plantation, including house-servants and children, amounted to a hundred; of whom the average price being respectively seventy pounds, made them aggregately worth seven thousand to their possessor."Two families lived in one hut, and such was their unconquerable propensity to steal, that they pilfered from each other. I have heard masters lament this defect in their negroes. But what else can be expected from man in so degraded a condition, that among the ancients the same word implied both a slave and a thief."Since the introduction of the culture of cotton in the State of South Carolina, the race of negroes has increased. Both men and women work in the field, and the labour of the rice plantation formerly prevented the pregnant negroes from bringing forth a long-lived offspring. It may be established as a maxim that on a plantation where there are many children, the work has been moderate. . . ."Of genius in negroes many instances may be recorded. It is true that Mr. Jefferson has pronounced the Poems of Phillis Wheatley, below the dignity of criticism, and it is seldom safe to differ in judgment from the author of Notes on Virginia. But her conceptions are often lofty, and her versification often surpasses with unexpected refinement. Ladd, the Carolina poet, in enumerating the bards of his country, dwells with encomium on "Wheatley's polished verse"; nor is his praise undeserved, for often it will be found to glide in the stream of melody. Her lines on Imagination have been quoted with rapture by Imley of Kentucky, and Steadman the Guinea Traveler; but I have ever thought her happiest production the Goliath of Gath."Of Ignatius Sancho, Mr. Jefferson also speaks neglectingly; and remarks, that he substitutes sentiment for argumentation. But I know not that argumentation is required in a familiar epistle; and Sancho, I believe, has only published his correspondence." --John Davis, "Travels of four years and a half in the United States of America during 1798, 1799, 1800, 1801, 1802," p. 86.Observations of Robert Sutcliff"I had the curiosity to look into some of their little habitations; but all that I examined were wretched in the extreme and far inferior to many Indian cottages I have seen."I slept at C. A.'s and this morning set out for Fredericksburg, being accompanied by his young man, our road lying through the woods the greater part of the way. At the place where we dined, we were waited on by two mulatto girls, whose only clothing appeared to be loose garments of cotton and woollen cloth, girt round the waist with a small cord. I had observed that this was the common dress of the working female negroes in the fields; but when engaged in business in the house it seemed hardly sufficient to cover them. In the yard, I observed a number of slaves engaged in the management of a still, employed in making spirits from cider. Here again I had the curiosity to look into some of the negro huts, which like those I had seen, presented little else but dirt and rags."We came to Fredericksburg and lodged at Fisher's Tavern. The next morning I was waked early by the cries of a poor negro, who was undergoing a severe correction, previously to his going to work. On taking a walk on the banks of the Rappahannock, the river on which the town is seated, I stepped into one of the large tobacco warehouses which are built here, for the reception and inspection of that plant before it is permitted to be exported. On entering into conversation with an inspector, as he was employed in looking over a parcel of tobacco, he lamented the licentiousness which he remarked so generally prevailed in this town. He said that in his remembrance, the principal part of the inhabitants were emigrants from Scotland, and that it was considered so reproachful to the white inhabitants, if they were found to have illicit connection with their female slaves, that their neighbors would shun the company of such, as of persons whom it was a reproach to be acquainted. The case was now so much altered that, he believed, there were but few slave holders in the place who were free from guilt in this respect: and that it was now thought but little of. Such was the brutality and hardness of heart which this evil produced, that many amongst them paid no more regard to selling their own children, by their females slaves, or even their brothers and sisters, in the same line, than they would do to the disposal of a cow or a horse, or any other property in the brute creation. To so low a degree of degradation does the system of negro slavery sink the white inhabitants, who are unhappily engaged in it."--Robert Sutcliff,Travels in some parts of North America in Years 1804, 1805, 1806, pp. 37-52.

DocumentsTravelers' Impressions of Slavery in America from 1750 to 1800From these writers, almost all of whom were foreigners, one would naturally expect such a portraiture of slavery as persons unaccustomed to the institution would give. Most Americans, of course, considered the institution as belonging to the natural order of things and, therefore, hardly ever referred to it except when they mentioned it unconsciously. Foreigners, however, as soon as they came into this new world began to compare the slaves with the lowest order of society in Europe. Finding the lot of the bondmen so much inferior to that of those of low estate in European countries, these travelers frequently made some interesting comparisons. We are indebted to them for valuable information which we can never hope to obtain from the literature of an essentially slaveholding people. Here we see how the American Revolution caused a change for the better in the condition of the Negroes in certain States, and how the rigorousness of slavery continued in the others. We learn too what enlightened Negroes thought about their state and what the white man believed should be done to prevent their reaching the point of self-assertion. That a large number of anti-slavery Americans were advocating and effecting the emancipation of slaves appears throughout these documents.Burnaby's View of the Situation in VirginiaSpeaking of Virginia, he said: "Their authority over their slaves renders them vain and imperious, and entire strangers to that elegance of sentiment, which is so peculiarly characteristic of refined and polished nations. Their ignorance of mankind and of learning, exposes them to many errors and prejudices, especially in regard to Indians and Negroes, whom they scarcely consider as ofhuman species; so that it is almost impossible in cases of violence, or even murder, committed upon those unhappy people by any of the planters, to have delinquents brought to justice: for either the grand jury refuse to find the bill, or the petit jury bring in the verdict of not guilty."--Andrew Burnaby, "Travels," 1759, p. 54.General Treatment of Slaves Among the Albanians--Consequent Attachment of Domestics.--Reflections on Servitude by an American LadyIn the society I am describing, even the dark aspect of slavery was softened into a smile. And I must, in justice to the best possible masters, say, that a great deal of that tranquility and comfort, to call it by no higher name, which distinguished this society from all others, was owing to the relation between master and servant being better understood here than in any other place. Let me not be detested as an advocate for slavery when I say that I think I have never seen people so happy in servitude as the domestics of the Albanians. One reason was, (for I do not now speak of the virtues of their masters,) that each family had a few of them, and that there were no field negroes. They would remind one of Abraham's servants, who were all born in the house, which was exactly their case. They were baptized too, and shared the same religious instruction with the children of the family; and, for the first years, there was little or no difference with regard to food or clothing between their children and those of their masters.When a negro-woman's child attained the age of three years, the first New Year's Day after, it was solemnly presented to a son or daughter, or other young relative of the family, who was of the same sex with the child so presented. The child to whom the young negro was given immediately presented it with some piece of money and a pair of shoes; and from that day the strongest attachment subsisted between the domestic and the destined owner. I have no where met with instances of friendship more tender and generous than that which here subsisted between the slaves and their masters and mistresses. Extraordinary proofs of them have been often given in the course of hunting or Indian trading, when a young man and his slave have gone to the trackless woods, together, in the case of fits of the ague, loss of a canoe, and other casualties happening near hostile Indians. The slave has been known, at the imminent risque of his life, to carry his disabled master through tracklesswoods with labour and fidelity scarce credible; and the master has been equally tender on similar occasions of the humble friend who stuck closer than a brother; who was baptized with the same baptism, nurtured under the same roof, and often rocked in the same cradle with himself. These gifts of domestics to the younger members of the family, were not irrevokable: yet they were very rarely withdrawn. If the kitchen family did not increase in proportion to that of the master, young children were purchased from some family where they abounded, to furnish those attached servants to the rising progeny. They were never sold without consulting their mothers, who if expert and sagacious, had a great deal to say in the family, and would not allow her child to go into any family with whose domestics she was not acquainted. These negro-women piqued themselves on teaching their children to be excellent servants, well knowing servitude to be their lot or life, and that it could only be sweetened by making themselves particularly useful, and excellent in their departments. If they did their work well, it is astonishing, when I recollect it, what liberty of speech was allowed to those active and prudent mothers. They would chide, reprove, and expostulate in a manner that we would not endure from our hired servants; and sometimes exert fully as much authority over the children of the family as the parents, conscious that they were entirely in their power. They did not crush freedom of speech and opinion in those by whom they knew they were beloved, and who watched with incessant care over their interest and comfort. Affectionate and faithful as these home-bred servants were in general, there were some instances (but very few) of those who, through levity of mind, or a love of liquor or finery, betrayed their trust, or habitually neglected their duty. In these cases, after every means had been used to reform them, no severe punishments were inflicted at home. But the terrible sentence, which they dreaded worse than death, was past--they were sold to Jamaica. The necessity of doing this was bewailed by the whole family as a most dreadful calamity, and the culprit was carefully watched on his way to New-York, lest he should evade the sentence by self-destruction.One must have lived among those placid and humane people to be sensible that servitude, hopeless, endless servitude, could exist with so little servility and fear on the one side, and so little harshness or even sternness of authority on the other. In Europe, the footing on which service is placed in consequence of the corruptions of society, hardens the heart, destroys confidence, and embitterslife. The deceit and venality of servants not absolutely dishonest, puts it out of one's power to love or trust them. And if, in hopes of having people attached to us, who will neither betray our confidence, nor corrupt our children, we are at pains to rear them from childhood, and give them a religious and moral education; after all our labour, others of their own class seduce them away to those who can afford to pay higher for their services. This is not the case in a few remote districts. Where surrounding mountains seem to exclude the contagion of the world, some traces of fidelity and affection among domestics still remain. But it must be remarked, that, in those very districts, it is usual to treat inferiors with courtesy and kindness, and to consider those domestics who marry out of the family as holding a kind of relation to it, and still claiming protection. In short, the corruption of that class of people is, doubtless, to be attributed to the example of their superiors. But how severely are those superiors punished? Why this general indifference about home; why are the household gods, why is the sacred hearth so wantonly abandoned? Alas! the charm of home is destroyed, since our children, educated in distant seminaries, are strangers in the paternal mansion; and our servants, like mere machines, move on their mercenary track without feeling or exciting one kind or generous sentiment. Home, thus despoiled of all its charms, is no longer the scene of any enjoyments but such as wealth can purchase. At the same time we feel there a nameless cold privation, and conscious that money can coin the same enjoyments with more variety elsewhere, we substitute these futile and evanescent pleasures for that perennial spring of calm satisfaction, "without o'erflowing full," which is fed by the exercise of the kindly affections, and soon indeed must those stagnate where there are not proper objects to excite them. I have been forced into this painful digression by unavoidable comparisons. To return:--Amidst all this mild and really tender indulgence to their negroes, these colonists had not the smallest scruple of conscience with regard to the right by which they held them in subjection. Had that been the case, their singular humanity would have been incompatible with continued injustice. But the truth is, that of law the generality of those people knew little; and of philosophy, nothing at all. They sought their code of morality in the Bible, and there imagined they found this hapless race condemned to perpetual slavery; and thought nothing remained for them but to lighten the chains of their fellow Christians, after having madethem such. This I neither "extenuate" nor "set down in malice," but merely record the fact. At the same time it is but justice to record also a singular instance of moral delicacy distinguishing this settlement from every other in the like circumstances: though, from their simple and kindly modes of life, they were from infancy in habits of familiarity with these humble friends, yet being early taught that nature had placed between them a barrier, which it was in a high degree criminal and disgraceful to pass, they considered a mixture of such distinct races with abhorrence, as a violation of her laws. This greatly conduced to the preservation of family happiness and concord. An ambiguous race, which the law does not acknowledge; and who (if they have any moral sense, must be as much ashamed of their parents as these last are of them) are certainly a dangerous, because degraded part of the community. How much more so must be those unfortunate beings who stand in the predicament of the bat in the fable, whom both birds and beasts disowned? I am sorry to say that the progress of the British army, when it arrived, might be traced by a spurious and ambiguous race of this kind. But of a mulatto born before their arrival I only remember a single instance; and from the regret and wonder it occasioned, considered it as singular. Colonel Schuyler, of whom I am to speak, had a relation so weak and defective in capacity, that he never was intrusted with any thing of his own, and lived an idle bachelor about the family. In process of time a favourite negro-woman, to the great offense and scandal of the family, bore a child to him, whose colour gave testimony to the relation. The boy was carefully educated; and when he grew up, a farm was allotted to him well stocked and fertile, but "in depth of woods embraced," about two miles back from the family seat. A destitute white woman, who had somehow wandered from the older colonies, was induced to marry him; and all the branches of the family thought it incumbent on them now and then to pay a quiet visit to Chalk (for so, for some unknown reason, they always called him). I have been in Chalk's house myself, and a most comfortable abode it was; but considered him as a mysterious and anomalous being.I have dwelt the longer on this singular instance of slavery, existing devoid of its attendant horrors, because the fidelity and affection resulting from a bond of union so early formed between master and servant, contributed so very much to the safety of individuals, as well as the general comfort of society, as will hereafterappear.--"Memoirs of An American Lady with Sketches of Manners and Customs In America as they existed previous to the Revolution," Chapter VII, pp. 26-32, by Mrs. Anne Grant.Impressions of an English Traveler"As I observed before, at least two thirds of the inhabitants are negroes...."It is fortunate for humanity that these poor creatures possess such a fund of contentment and resignation in their minds; for they indeed seem to be the happiest inhabitants in America, notwithstanding the hardness of their fare, the severity of their labour, and the unkindness, ignominy, and often barbarity of their treatment."--J.F.D., "A Tour in the United States of America, containing an account of the present situation of that country"; London, 1784, p. 39.Abbé Robin on Conditions in Virginia"The population of Virginia is computed at one hundred fifty thousand whites and five hundred thousand negroes. There is a still greater disproportion between the whites and blacks in Maryland, where there are not more than twenty thousand whites and at least two hundred thousand negroes. The English imported into these two provinces between seven and eight thousand yearly. Perhaps the lot of these slaves is not quite so hard as that of the negroes in the islands; their liberty, it is true, is irreparably lost in both places, but here they are treated with more mildness, and are supported upon the same kind of food with their masters; and if the earth which they cultivate, is moistened with their sweat, it has never been known to blush with their blood. The American, not at all industrious by nature, is considerate enough not to expect too much from his slave, who in such circumstances, has fewer motives to be laborious for himself."--Abbé Robin, "New Travels through North America in a series of letters," Boston, 1784, p. 48.Observations of St. John de Crèvecoeur"There, arranged like horses at a fair, they are branded like cattle, and then driven to toil, to starve and to languish for a few years on the different plantations of those citizens."If negroes are permitted to become fathers, this fatal indulgence only tends to increase their misery.... How many haveI seen cursing the irresistible propensity, and regretting that by having tasted of those joys, they had become the authors of double misery to their wives.... Their paternal fondness is embittered by considering that if their children live, they must live to be slaves like themselves: no time is allowed them to exercise their pious offices, the mothers must fasten them on their backs, and, with the double load follow their husbands in the fields, where they too often hear no other sound than that of the voice or whip of the taskmaster, and the cries of their infants, broiling in the sun.... It is said, I know, that they are much happier here than in the West Indies; because land being cheaper upon this continent than in those Islands, the field allowed them to raise their subsistence from, are in general more extensive."... We have slaves likewise in our northern provinces; I hope the time draws near when they will be all emancipated; but how different their lot, how different their situation, in every possible respect! They enjoy as much liberty as their masters, they are as well clad, and as well fed; in health and sickness they are tenderly taken care of; they live under the same roof, and are, truly speaking, a part of our families. Many of them are taught to read and write, and are well instructed in the principles of religion; they are the companions of our labours, and treated as such; they enjoy many perquisites, many established holidays, and are not obliged to work more than white people. They marry when their inclination leads them; visit their wives every week; are as decently clad as the common people; they are indulged in education, cherishing and chastising their children, who are taught subordination to them as to their lawful parents; in short, they participate in many of the benefits of our society without being obliged to bear any of its burdens. They are fat, healthy, and hearty, and far from repining at their fate; they think themselves happier than many of the lower class whites: they share with their master the wheat and meat provision, they help to raise; many of those whom the good Quakers have emancipated, have received that great benefit with tears of regret, and have never quitted, though free, their former masters and benefactors."--St. John de Crèvecoeur, "Letters from an American Farmer, 1782," pp. 226 et seq.Impressions of Johann D. Schoepf"The condition of the Carolina negro slaves is in general harder and more troublous than that of their northern brethren. On therice plantations, with wretched food, they are allotted more work and more tedious work; and the treatment which they experience at the hands of the overseers and owners is capricious and often tyrannical. In Carolina (and in no other of the North American states) their severe handling has already caused several uprisings among them. There is less concern here as to their moral betterment, education, and instruction, and South Carolina appears little inclined to initiate the praiseworthy and benevolent ordinances of its sister states in regard to the negro. It is sufficient proof of the bad situation in which these creatures find themselves here that they do not multiply in the same proportions as the white inhabitants, although the climate is more natural to them and agrees with them better. Their numbers must be continually kept up by fresh importations; to be sure, the constant taking up of new land requires more and more working hands, and the pretended necessity of bringing in additional slaves is thus warranted in part; but close investigation makes it certain that the increase of the blacks in the northern states, where they are handled more gently, is vastly more considerable. The gentlemen in the country have among their negroes as the Russian nobility among the serfs, the most necessary handicrafts-men, cobblers, tailors, carpenters, smiths, and the like, whose work they command at the smallest possible price or for nothing almost. There is hardly any trade or craft which has not been learned and is not carried on by negroes, partly free, partly slave; the latter are hired out by their owners for day's wages. Charleston swarms with blacks, mulattoes and mestizos; their number greatly exceeds that of the whites, but they are kept under strict order and discipline, and the police has a watchful eye upon them. These may nowhere assemble more than 7 male negro slaves; their dances and other assemblies must stop at 10 o'clock in the evening; without permission of their owners none of them may sell beer or wine or brandy. There are here many free negroes and mulattoes. They get their freedom if by their own industry they earn enough to buy themselves off, or their freedom is given them at the death of their masters or in other ways. Not all of them know how to use their freedom to their own advantage; many give themselves up to idleness and dissipation which bring them finally to crafty deceptions and thievery. They are besides extraordinarily given to vanity, and love to adorn themselves as much as they can and to conduct themselves importantly."--Johann D. Schoepf, "Travels in the Confederation," 1784, p. 220.Extracts from Anburey's Travels through North America"Thus the whole management of the plantation is left to the overseer, who as an encouragement to make the most of the crops, has a certain portion as his wages, but not having any interest in the negroes, any further than their labour, he drives and whips them about, and works them beyond their strength, and sometimes till they expire; he feels no loss in their death, he knows the plantation must be supplied, and his humanity is estimated by his interest, which rises always above freezing point."It is the poor negroes who alone work hard, and I am sorry to say, fare hard. Incredible is the fatigue which the poor wretches undergo, and that nature should be able to support it; there certainly must be something in their constitutions, as well as their color, different from us, that enables them to endure it."They are called up at day break, and seldom allowed to swallow a mouthful of homminy, or hoe cake, but are drawn out into the field immediately, where they continue at hard labour, without intermission, till noon, when they go to their dinners, and are seldom allowed an hour for that purpose; their meals consist of hominy and salt, and if their master is a man of humanity, touched by the finer feelings of love and sensibility, he allows them twice a week a little skimmed milk, fat rusty bacon, or salt herring, to relish this miserable and scanty fare. The man at this plantation, in lieu of these, grants his negroes an acre of ground, and all Saturday afternoon to raise grain and poultry for themselves. After they have dined, they return to labor in the field, until dusk in the evening; here one naturally imagines the daily labor of these poor creatures was over, not so, they repair to the tobacco houses, where each has a task of stripping allotted which takes them up some hours, or else they have such a quantity of Indian corn to husk, and if they neglect it, are tied up in the morning, and receive a number of lashes from those unfeeling monsters, the overseers, whose masters suffer them to exercise their brutal authority without constraint. Thus by their night task, it is late in the evening before these poor creatures return to their second scanty meal, and the time taken up at it encroaches upon their hours of sleep, which for refreshment of food and sleep together can never be reckoned to exceed eight."When they lay themselves down to rest, their comforts are equally miserable and limited, for they sleep on a bench, or on theground, with an old scanty blanket, which serves them at once for bed and covering, their cloathing is not less wretched, consisting of a shirt and trowsers of coarse, thin, hard, hempen stuff, in the Summer, with an addition of a very coarse woolen jacket, breeches and shoes in Winter. But since the war, their masters, for they cannot get the cloathing as usual, suffer them to go in rags, and many in a state of nudity."The female slaves share labor and repose just in the same manner, except a few who are term'd house negroes, and are employed in household drugery."These poor creatures are all submission to injuries and insults, and are obliged to be passive, nor dare they resist or defend themselves if attacked, without the smallest provocation, by a white person, as the law directs the negroe's arm to be cut off who raises it against a white person, should it be only in defence against wanton barbarity and outrage."Notwithstanding this humiliating state and rigid treatment to which this wretched race are subject, they are devoid of care, and appear jovial, contented and happy. It is a fortunate circumstance that they possess, and are blessed with such an easy satisfied disposition, otherwise they must inevitably sink under such a complication of misery and wretchedness; what is singularly remarkable, they always carry out a piece of fire, and kindle one near their work, let the weather be so hot and sultry."As I have several times mentioned homminy and hoe-cake, it may not be amiss to explain them: the former is made of Indian corn, which is coarsely broke, and boiled with a few French beans, till it is almost a pulp. Hoe-cake is Indian corn ground into meal, kneaded into a dough, and baked before a fire, but as the negroes bake theirs on the hoes that they work with, they have the appellation of hoe-cakes. These are in common use among the inhabitants, I cannot say they are palateable, for as to flavor, one made of sawdust would be equally good, and not unlike it in appearance, but they are certainly a very strong and hearty food."--Anburey,"Travels through America during the War," Vol. 2, pp. 330-5.Vindication of the Negroes: A ControversyFirst let me repeat your longest section relative to that people.'Below this class of inhabitants, (the whites of no property, in Virginia,) we must rank the Negroes, who would be still more to bepitied, if theirnatural insensibility did not in some measure alleviate the wretchedness inseparable from slavery. Seeing them ill lodged, ill clothed, and often overcome with labour, I concluded that their treatment had been as rigorous as it is elsewhere. Notwithstanding I have been assured that it is very mild, compared to what they suffer in the Sugar Colonies. And indeed one does not hear habitually, as at Jamaica and St. Domingo, the sound of whips, and the outcries of the wretched beings, whose bodies are torn piece meal by their strokes. It is because the people of Virginia are commonly milder than those of the Sugar Colonies, which consist chiefly of rapacious men, eager to amass fortunes, as soon as possible, and return to Europe. The produce of their labours being also less valuable, their tasks are not so rigorously exacted, and in justice to both, it must be allowed that the Negroes themselves are less treacherous and thievish, than they are in the Islands: for the propagation of the black species being very considerable here, most of them are born in the country, and it is remarked that these are in general less depraved than those imported from Africa. Besides, we must do the Virginians the justice to remark, that many of them treat their Negroes with a great deal of humanity, and what is still more to their honor, they appear sorry there are any among them, and are forever talking of abolishing slavery, and falling upon some other mode of improving their land, &c.'However this may be, it is fortunate that different motives concur to deter mankind from exercising such tyranny, at least upon their own species, if we cannot say, strictly speaking,their equals; for the more we observe the Negroes, the more we are convinced that the difference between usdoes not lie in the colour alone, &c.'Enough upon this subject, which has not escaped the attention of the politicians and philosophers of the present age: I have only to apologize for treating it without declamation; but I have always thought, that eloquence can only influence the resolutions of the moment, and that every thing which requires time, must be the work of reason. And besides, it will be an easy matter to add ten or twelve pages to these few reflections, which may be considered as a concert composed only of principal parts,con corni ad libertum.'Upon reading this passage attentively, I was surprised to find it contain a singular mixture of contradictory principles, and in the same breath, the sentiments of a philosopher and of a colonist; of an advocate for the Negroes, and of their enemy.It is evident that as a philosopher, and a friend to humanity, you are inclined to alleviate the lot of the Negroes, and commend those who do so, but this tenderness itself conceals a subtile venom that ought to be exposed. For you only bestow your pity upon the Negroes, while you owe them, if you are a philosopher, vindication and defense; you wish their masters to be humane; they ought to be just. Instead of praising such humanity, you ought to have blamed them for stopping there, in short, such a contempt for the Negroes pervades this whole article, as will necessarily encourage their tormentors to rivet their chains. Is not this contempt observable, for instance in the very first period?"Below this class of inhabitants (the meanest whites of Virginia) we must rank the Negroes, who would be still more to be pitied, if their natural insensibility did not in some measure alleviate the wretchedness inseparable from slavery."And who told you, Sir, that nature had created the Negroes with less feeling than other men? do you judge so because they have vegetated for three centuries in European fetters, and at this day have not altogether shaken off the horrid yoke? But do not their frequent risings, and the cruelties they from time to time retaliate upon their masters, give the lie to this natural insensibility? for an insensible being has no resentment. If he does not feel, how should he remember? Do you think the wretched Indians, who, since the discovery of the New world, are burried in the mines of Peru, are also naturally insensible, because they suffer patiently?You calumniate nature in making her grant favours to particulars; in giving her a system of inequality among her offspring. All men are cast in the same mould.--The varieties which distinguish individuals, are the sports of chance, or the result of different circumstances; but the black comes into the world with as much sensibility as the white, the Peruvian, as the European.What then degrades this natural and moral sensibility? The greater or less privation of liberty; in proportion as man loses it, he loses the powers of sensation; he loses the man; he sickens or becomes a brute. It is slavery alone which can reduce a man to a level with the brute creation, and sometimes deprives him of all sensibility; but you blame nature, that kind parent, who would have us all equal, free and happy, for the crime of social barbarity, and you pass by this crime, to extenuate another, to extenuate the horrid torments of slavery! Not satisfied with violating nature, byabusing her offspring, even in her name, you encourage slaveholders to torment them.Do you not arm their tyrants, when you tell them, the insensibility of the Negroes alleviates their torments?What! because greatness of soul raised Sidney above the terrors of death, the infernal Jefferies1who caused his execution, was less guilty! because the Quakers appeared insensible to insults, blows, or punishments, they are less to be pitied, and it was right to martyr them! A dangerous notion, whose consequences I am sure you would disapprove. If this insensibility with which you reproach the Negroes mitigated the cruelty of their masters, it were well: but their tormentors do not wish them not to feel; they would have them all feeling, for the pleasure of torturing them; and their punishments are increased in proportion to their insensibility.Seeing the Negroes, say you, "Ill lodged, ill cloathed, and often overcome with labour, I concluded that their treatment had been as rigorous as it is elsewhere. Notwithstanding I have been assured that it is very mild, compared to what they suffer in the Sugar Colonies."Why this comparison, which seems to insinuate a justification of the Virginians? does a misfortune cease to be such, because there is a greater elsewhere? Was Cartouche less detestable because Brinvilliers had existed before him? Let us not weaken by comparisons the idea of criminality, nor lessen the attention due to the miserable, this were to countenance the crime. The Negroes are ill lodged, ill cloathed, oppressed with labour in Virginia: this is the fact, this is the offence. It matters not whether they are worse treated elsewhere; in whatever degree they are so in Virginia, it is still outrage and injustice.And again, why are the Negroes of Virginia less cruelly treated? Humanity is not the motive, it is because covetousness cannot obtain so much from their labours, as in the Sugar Islands. Was it otherwise, they would be sacrificed to it here, as well as there; how can we praise such forced humanity? how, on the contrary, not give vent to all the indignation, which must naturally arise in every feeling mind?"And to do justice to both, you add, if the Virginians are not so severe, it is because the Negroes themselves are less treacherous and thievish than in the islands, because the propagation of the black species being very considerable here, most of the Negroes are born in the country, and it is remarked, that these are in general less depraved than those imported from Africa."Here is a strange confusion of causes and effects, and a strange abuse of words. First let us clear up the facts. Here are some valuable ones for the cause of the Negroes.You say they are not so thievish in Virginia, propagate faster, and are less depraved: Why? Because they are less cruelly treated.--Here is the cause and the effect, you have mistaken one for the other.We must conclude from this fact, that if the Virginians were no longer severe, and should treat the blacks like fellow-creatures, they would not be more vicious than their white servants.The degree of oppression is the measure of what is improperly called the viciousness of the slaves.--The more cruel their tyrants, the more treacherous, villainous and cruel are the slaves in return--Can we wonder that Macronius should assassinate his master Tiberius? This viciousness is a punishment that heaven inflicts upon tyranny.Can the efforts of a slave for the recovery of his liberty, be denominated vicious or criminal? From the moment you violate the laws of nature, in regard to them, why should not they shake them off in their relative duties to you? You rob them of liberty, and you would not have them steal your gold! You whip and cruelly torment them, and expect them not to struggle for deliverance! You assassinate them every day, and expect them not to assassinate you once! You call your outrages, rights, and the courage which repulses them, a crime! What a confusion of ideas! what horrid logic!And you, sir, a humane philosopher! are accessory to this injustice, by describing the blacks in the style of a dealer in human flesh! You call what are no more than natural consequences of the compression of the spring of liberty--treachery, theft and depravation.2But can a natural consequence be criminal? Remove the cause or is it not the only crime?For my part, sir, I firmly believe, that the barbarities committed by the Negroes, not merely against their masters, but even against others, will be attributed at the bar of eternal justice, to the slaveholders, and those infamous persons employed in the Guinea trade. I firmly believe, that no human justice has the right of putting a Negro slave to death for any crime whatever, because not being free, he is not sui juris, and should be regarded as a child or an idiot, being almost always under the lash. I believe that the real criminal, the cause of the crime, is the man who first seized him, sold him, or enslaved him.--And if ever I should fall under the knife of an unhappy runaway, I would not resent it upon him but upon those white men who keep blacks in slavery. I would tell them, your cruelty towards your Negroes, has endangered my life--they execrate you, they take me for a tyrant because I am white like you, and the vengeance due to your crimes has fallen upon me.God forbid, however, that I should undertake to encourage the blacks to take up arms against their masters! God forbid, however, that I should undertake to justify the excesses to which their resentments have sometimes hurried them, and which have often fallen on persons who were not accessary to their wretchedness! The slavery under which they groan, must be abolished by peaceable means; and thanks to the active spirit of benevolence which animates the Quakers, the pious undertaking is already begun. In most of the United States of America, the yoke has been taken from their necks; in others the Guinea-trade has been prohibited. Societies have been formed both at Paris and London, to collect and circulate information upon this interesting subject, to induce the European governments to put a stop to the Negro trade, and provide for their gradual emancipation in the West-India islands: No doubt success will crown their views, and the friends of liberty will enjoy the satisfaction of communicating its blessings to the blacks.But the blacks must wait for the happy moment that shall restore them to civil life, in silence and in peace; they must rely upon the unwearied diligence and zeal of the numerous writers who advocate their cause, and the efforts of the humane to second their endeavors; they must strive to justify and support the argumentsthat are adduced in their favour, by displaying virtue in the very bosom of slavery; they must endeavour, in a word, to render themselves worthy of liberty, that they may know how to use it when it shall be restored to them; for liberty itself is sometimes a burden, when slavery has stupefied the soul.Such blacks, therefore, as are so inconsiderate as to be concerned in insurrections, are guilty of retarding the execution of the general plan for their emancipation; for the question is not, at the present day, whether a million of slaves ought to be set at liberty, but whether they can when free, be put into a capacity of providing for the subsistence of themselves and their families. Insurrections, far from effecting this purpose, would destroy the means. Regard, therefore, to their own interests, if there were no other motive, should therefore engage the blacks to patient submission, and no doubt but they will yield it, if their masters and the ministers of the gospel in particular, to whom the task of comforting and instructing them, is committed, endeavour to prepare them for approaching freedom.You sir, have adopted the vulgar notion, that the Negroes born in Virginia, are less depraved than those imported from Africa. You call the firmness which is common in the early stages of their slaverygreater degeneracy;they are depraved, that is, in your language--they are wicked and treacherous to those who have purchased them, or brought them from their own country.--But in my mind, they are not depraved, because the acts of violence their genius inspires them to revenge themselves upon their tyrants, are justified by the rights of nature.And why are those imported, more wicked in your opinion? In mine, more quick, more ardent in their resentments? because, not having forgotten their former situation, they feel their loss the more sensibly; and having strong ideas, their resolutions are more firm and their actions more violent, they not having yet contracted the habits of slavery.They soon fall into that degree of apathy and insensibility, which you unjustly believe to be natural to them; that is, in your language, they become less depraved; but I would say that their depravity begins with this apathy and weakness.--For depravity is the loss of nature, and the want of those virtues inherent in man, courage and the love of liberty. Our readers may judge from this article, how strangely writers have wrested words to condemn these unhappy Negroes, and the unfortunate in general.I do not, however, pretend to say, that the Negroes of Africa are all good, or even that many of them are not depraved. But is this fact to be imputed to them as a personal crime? Ought you not rather to have ascribed it to the foreign source by which they are corrupted. Alike in them and in the whites, the depravity of man is a consequence of his wretchedness, and the usurpation of his rights. Wherever he is free and at ease, he is good; wherever the contrary, he is wicked. Neither his nature nor the climate corrupt him, but the government of his country. Now that of the Negroes is almost universally despotic, such as must necessarily debase and corrupt the Negro.How much is the depravity, occasioned by the government of his country, increased by his second slavery, far worse than the first--for he is no longer among friends in his native land--surrounded by the pleasing scenes of his childhood, he is among monsters who are going to live by, and trade in his blood, and has nothing before his eyes but death, or oppression equivalent to an endless punishment.How is it possible such horrid prospects should not fire his soul? How, if chance should present him with arms and liberty, should he resist using them, to put an end to his own existence, or that of his tormentors? What white man would be less cruel in his situation? Truly I think myself of a humane disposition, that I love my fellow-creatures and detest the effusion of blood, but if ever a villain, white or black, should snatch me from my freedom, my family, and my friends, should overwhelm me with outrages and blows, to gratify his caprice, should extend his barbarities to my wife and children--my blood boils at the thought--perhaps in a transport of revenge.... If such vengeance would be lawful in me, what makes the Negro more guilty? Why should that be called wickedness and depravity in him, which would be stiled virtue in me, in you, in every white man? Are not my rights the same as his? Is not nature our common parent? God his father as well as mine? His conscience an infallible guide as well as mine? Let us then no longer make other laws for the blacks than those we are bound by ourselves, since Heaven has placed them on a level with us, has made them like us, since they are our brethren and our fellow-creatures.Here you stop me, you say thatthe Negro is not our fellow-creature, that he is below the white.How could so shocking an opinion escape the pen of a memberof the Royal Academy, a writer who would be thought a friend of mankind!Do not you see the tormentors of St. Domingo, avail themselves of it already, redoubling their strokes, and regarding their slaves as mere machines, like the Cartesians do the brutes? They are not our fellow-creatures will they say: a philosopher of Paris has proved it?What! the blacks our equals! Have not they eyes, ears, a shape, and organs like ours? Does nature follow another order, other laws for them?--Have not they speech, that peculiar characteristic of humanity? But then the colour! What of that? Are the pale white Albinos, the olive or copper coloured Indians also of different species! Who does not know that colour is accidental. They are not our equals! Have not they the same faculties--reason, memory, imagination? Yes, you reply, but they have written no books. Who told you so? Who told you there were no learned blacks? And supposing it were so, if none but authors are men, the whole human race is different from us.Shall I tell you why there are no authors or men of learning among the Negroes? What has made you what you are? Education and circumstances!--Now where are the Negroes favoured by either? Consider them wherever they are to be found.--In Africa, wretchedly enslaved by domestic tyrants; in our islands perpetual martyrs; in the southern United States, the meanest of slaves; in the northern, domestics; in Europe, universally contemned, every where proscribed, like the Jews; in a word, every where in a state of debasement.I have been told that there are blacks of property in the northern parts of America; but these, like the other settlers, are no more than sensible farmers or traders.--There are no authors3among them, because there are few rich and idle people in America.What spring of action could raise a Negro from his debased condition? the road to glory and honor is impassible to him: What then should he write for? Besides, the blacks have reason to detest the sciences, for their oppressors cultivate them but they do not make them better.Shall we say that the Indians or Arabs are not our equals, because they despise both our arts and our sciences? or the Quakers, because they neither respect academies nor wits?In short, if you will deny the Negroes souls, energy, sensibility, gratitude or beneficence, I oppose you to yourself, I might quote your own anecdote of Mr. Langdon's Negro, and abundance of other well known facts in favour of the blacks. You may find some striking ones in the Abbé Raynals' philosophical history. One of them would have been sufficient. The Negro who killed himself when his master who had injured him was in his power, was superior to Epictetus, and the existence of a single Negro of so sublime a character, ennobles all his kind.But how could you judge whether the blacks were different from the whites, who saw them only in a state of slavery and wretchedness? Do we estimate beauty by the figure of a Laplander? magnanimity by the soul of a courtier? or intelligence by the stupidity of an Esquimaux?If the traces of humanity were so much weakened and effaced in the Negroes, that you did not recognize them, I conclude not that they do not belong to our species, but that they must have been cruelly tormented to reduce them to this state of degeneracy. I do not conclude that they are not men, but that the Europeans who kidnap the blacks, are not worthy of the name.You consider what precautions it may be necessary to take to avoid the danger which might attend a general emancipation of the Negroes.I shall not now enter into a discussion of this nice question, but reserve it for another work: yet I must say in a word, that the Negroes will never be our friends, will never be men, until they are possessed of all our rights, until we are upon an equality. Civil liberty is the boundary between good and evil, order and disorder, happiness and misery, ignorance and knowledge. If we would make the Negroes worthy of us, we must raise them to our level by giving them this liberty.Thus, the chief inconvenience you expect will follow the emancipation of the Negroes, may be avoided; that although free, they will remain a distinct species, a distinct and dangerous body.This objection will vanish when we intermix with them, and boldly efface every distinction. Unless this is the case, I foresee torrents of blood spilt and the earth disputed between the whites and blacks, as America was between the Europeans and Savages.Perhaps, and it is no extravagant idea--perhaps it might be more prudent, more humane, to send the blacks back again to their native country, settle them there, encourage their industry, andassist them to form connections with Europe and America. The celebrated doctor Fothergill conceived this plan, and the society for the abolition of slavery, at London, have carried it into execution at Sierra Leone. Time and perseverance, will discover the policy and utility of this settlement. If it should succeed, the blacks will quit America insensibly, and Sierra Leone become the centre from whence general civilization will spread over all Africa.Perhaps, sir, you will place these thoughts upon the Negroes with those declamations you are pleased to ridicule: But what is the epithet of declaimer to me, if I am right, if I make an impression upon my readers, if I cause remorse into the breast of a single slave-holder; in a word, if I contribute to accelerate the general impulse toward liberty.You disapprove the application of eloquence to this subject; you think nothing can affect it but exertions of cool reason. What is eloquence but the language of reason and sensibility? When man is oppressed, he struggles, he complains, he moves our passions, and bears down all opposition. Such eloquence can perform wonders, and should be employed by those who undertake to plead the cause of the unfortunate who spend their days in continual agony, or he will make no impression.--I do not conceive how any man can display wit instead of feeling, upon this distracting subject, amuse with an antithesis, instead of forcible reasoning, and only dazzle where he ought to warm. I have no conception how a sensible and thinking being, can see a fellow-creature tortured and torn to pieces, perhaps his poor wife bathed in tears, with a wretched infant sucking her shriveled breast at his side; I say I have no conception how he can behold such a sight, with indifference; how, unagonized and convulsed with rage and indignation, he can have the barbarity to descend to jesting! Notwithstanding, your observations upon the Negroes, conclude with a jest.It will be an easy matter, say you, to add ten or twelve pages to these few reflections, which may be considered as a concert, composed only of principal parts, "con corni ad Libertum."I hope there is nothing cruel, because there is nothing studied in this connection, this inconsiderate manner: but how could such a comparison come into the head of a man of feeling? It is the sad effect of wit, as I said before; it contracts the soul. Ever glancing over agreeable objects, it is unfeeling when intruded upon by wretchedness--uneasy to obliterate the shocking idea, and elude the groans of nature, it rids itself of both by a jest. The humaneBenezet would never have connected this idea of harmony with the sound of a Negro driver's whip.Having proved that you have wronged the Quakers and the Negroes, I shall proceed to shew that you have equally injured mankind and the people.--Critical Examination of the Marquis de Chastellux's Travels in North-America, 1782. Translated from the French of Jean P. Verre Brissot de Warville, 1788, pp. 51-63.Footnotes[return]1. This Jefferies was the most infamous Chief Justice that ever existed in England. Charles II. and James II. well acquainted with his talents for chicane, his debauchery and blood-thirstiness, his baseness and his crimes, made use of him to exterminate, with the sword of law, all those worthy men who defended the constitution from their tyranny.I often quote the History of England; unhappily for us it is too little known in France.[return]2. Most authors who have not studied the rights of men, fall into this error. I have remarked elsewhere (Vol. II of theJourn. du Licee, No. 4, page 222) that a writer, who, notwithstanding, deserves our esteem, for having written against the despotism of the Turkish government, has suffered himself to be drawn into it. M. le Baron de Tott says that the Moldavians are thievish, mean and faithless. To translate these words into the language of truth, we must say, the Turks, the masters of the Moldavians, are unjust, robbers, villains, and tyrants; and that the Moldavians revenge themselves by opposing deceit to oppression, etc. Thus, the people are almost everywhere wrongfully accused.[return]3. There was, however, a Negro author at London, whose productions are not without merit, and were lately published in two volumes. His name was Ignatius Sancho. He wrote in the manner of Sterne.Sur L'état Général, Le Genre D'industrie, Les Moeurs, Le Caractère, Etc. Des Noirs, Dans Les États-unis"Dans les quatre états du nord et dans ceux du midi, les noirs libres sont, ou domestiques, ou tiennent de petites boutiques, ou cultivent la terre. Vous en voyez quelques-unes sur les bâtimens destinés au cabotage. Peu osent se hasarder sur les vaisseau employés aux voyages de long cours, parce qu'ils craignent d'être transportés et vendus dans les iles.--Au physique, tous ces noirs sont généralement vigoureux,1d'une forte constitution, capables des travaux les plus pénibles; ils sont généralement actifs.--Domestiques, ils sont sobres et fidèles.--Ce portrait s'applique aux femmes de cette couleur.--Je n'ai vu faire aucune distinction entr'eux à cet égard et les domestiques blancs, quoique ces derniers les traitent toujours avec mépris, comme étant d'une espèce inférieure.--Ceux qui tiennent des boutiques, vivent médiocrement, n'augmentent jamais leurs affaires au-dela d'un certain point. La raison en est simple: quoique partout on traite les noirs avec humanité, les blancs qui ont l'argent, ne sont pas disposés à faire aux noirs des avances, telles qu'elles les missent en état d'entreprendre le commerce en grand; d'ailleurs, il faut pour ce commerce quelques connoissances préliminaires, il faut faire un noviciat dans un comptoir, et la raison n'a pas encore ouvert aux noirs la porte du comptoir. On ne leur permet pas de s'y asseoir à côté des blancs.--Si donc les noirs sont bornés ici à un petit commerce de détail, n'en accusons pas leur impuissance, mais le préjugé des blancs, qui leur donnent des entraves. Les mémes causes empéchent les moirs qui vivent à la compagne d'avoir des plantations étendues; celles qu'ils cultivent sont bornées, mais généralement assez bien cultivées: de bons habits,une log house, ou maison de bois en bon état, des enfans plusnombreux les font remarquer des Européens voyageurs, et l'oeil du philosophe se plaît à considérer ces habitations, où la tyrannie ne fait point verser de pleurs. Dans cette partie de l'Amerique, les noirs sont certainement heureux; mais ayons le courage de l'avouer, leur bonheur et leurs talens ne sont pas encore au degré où ils pourroient atteindre.--Il existe encoure un trop grand intervalle entre eux et les blancs, sur-tout dans l'opinion publique, et cette difference humiliante arrête tous les efforts qu'ils feroient pour s'élever. Cette difference se montre par-tout. Par exemple, on admet les noirs aux écoles publiques; mais ils ne peuvent franchir le seuil d'un collège. Quoique libres, quoique indépendans, ils sont toujours eux-mêmes accoutumés à se regarder comme au-dessous du blanc; il y a des droits qu'ils n'out pas.2Concluons de là qu'on jugeroit mal de l'étendue, de la capacité des noirs, en prenant pour base celle des noirs libres dans les états du nord.Mais quand on les compare aux noirs, esclaves des états du midi, quelle prodigieuse différence les sépare! Dans le midi, les noirs sont dans un état d'abjection et d'abrutissement difficile à peindre. Beaucoup sont nuds, mal nourris, logés dans de miserables huttes, couchés sur la paille.3On ne leur donne aucune éducation; on neles instruit dans aucune religion; on ne les marie pas, on les accouple; aussi sont ils avilis, paresseux, sans idées, sans énergie.--Ills ne se donneroient aucune peine pour avoir des habits, ou de meilleures provisions; ils aiment mieux porter des haillons que de les raccommoder. Ills passent le dimanche, qui est le jour du repos, entièrement dans l'inaction.--L'inaction est leur souverain bonheur; aussi travaillent-ils pen et nonchalamment.Il faut rendre justice à la vérité; les Américains du midi traitent doucement les esclaves, et c'est un des effets produits par l'extension générale des idées sur la liberté; l'esclave travaille moins par-tout; mais on s'est borné là. Il n'en est pas mieux, ni pour la mourriture, ni pour son habillement, ni pour ses moeurs, ni pour ses idées; ainsi le maître perd, sans que l'esclaves acquière; et s'il suivoit l'exemple des Americains du nord, tous deux gagneroient au changement.On a cru généralment jusqu'à ces derniers temps, que les nègres avoient moins de capacité morale que les blancs; des auteurs même estimables l'ont imprimé.4Ce préjugé commence à disparoitre; les états du nord pourroient fournir des exemples du contraire. Je n'en citerai que deux frappans; le premier, prouvera, qu'avec l'instruction, on peut rendre les noirs propres à toutes les professions; le second, que la tête d'un nègre est organsée pour les calculs les plus étonans, et par conséquent pour toutes les sciences.J'ai vu, dans mon séjour à Philadelphie, un noir, appelé Jacques Derham, médecin, qui exerce dans la Nouvelle-Orleans, sur le Mississippi; et voici son histoire, telle qu'elle m'a été attestée par plusieurs médecins.--Ce noir a été élevé dans une famille de Philadelphie, où il a appris à lire, à écrire, et où on l'a instruit dans les principes du christianisme. Dans sa jeunesse, il fut vendu au feu docteur Jean Kearsley le jeune, de cette ville, qui l'employoit pour composer des médecines, et les administrer á ses malades.A la mort du docteur Kearsley, il passa dans différentes mains, et il devint enfin l'esclave du docteur George West, chirurgien du seizième regiment d'Angleterre, sous lequel, pendant la dernière guerre en Amérique, il remplit les fonctions les moins importantes de la médecine.A la fin de la guerre, le docteur West le vendit au Docteur Robert Dove, de la Nouvelle-Orleans, qui l'employa comme sonsecond. Dans cette condition, il gagna si bien la confiance et l'amité de son maître, que celui-ci consentit à l'affranchir deux ou trois ans après, et à des conditions modérées.--Derham s'étoit tellement perfectionné dans la medecine, qu'à l'époque de sa liberté, il fut en état de la pratiquer avec succès à la Nouvelle-Orleans.--Il a environ 26 ans; il est marié, mais il n'a point d'enfans; la medecine lui rapporte 3000 dollars, ou 16000 l. environ par an.J'ai causé, m'a dit le docteur Wistar, avec lui sur les maladies aiguës et épidémiques du pays où il vit, et je l'ai trouve bien versé dans la méthode simple, usitée par les modernes pour le traitement de ces maladies.--Je croyois pouvoir lui indiquer de nouveaux remèdes; mais ce fut lui qui me les indiqua.--Il est modeste, et a des manières très-engageantes; il parle francois avec facilité et a quelques connoisances de l'espagnol. -- Qoique né dans une famille religieuse, on avoit, par accident, oublié de le faire baptiser. En conséquence, il s'est adressé au docteur Withe pour recevoir le baptême; il le lui a conféré, apres l'en avoir jugé digne, non-seulement par ses connoisances, mais par son excellente conduite.Voice l'autre fait, tel qu'il m'a été attesté, et imprimé par le docteur Rush,5célèbre médecin et auteur, établi à Philadelphie et plusieurs détails m'en ont été confirmés par l'épouse de l'immortel Washington, dans le voisinage duquel ce nègre est depuis longtemps.Son nom est Thomas Fuller; il est né en Afrique, et ne sait ni lire ni écrire; il a maintenant soixante-dix ans, et a vécu toute sa vie sur la plantation de MmeCox, a quatre milles d'Alexandrie. Deux habitans respectables de Pensylvanie, MM. Hartshom et Samuel Coates, qui voyageoient en Virginie, ayant appris la facilité singuliere que ce noir avoit pour les calculus les plus compliques, l'envoyèrent chercher, et lui firent differentes questions.Première. Etant interrogé, combien de secondes il y avoit dans une année et demie, il repondit en deux minutes, 47,304,000, en comptant 365 jours dans l'année.Deuxième. Combien de secondes auroit vécu un homme âgé de soix-ante-dix ans dix-sept jours et douze heures? Il répondit dans une minute et demie, 2,210,500,800.Un des Americains qui l'interrogeoit et qui vérifioit ses calculs avec la plume, lui dit qu'il se trompoit, que la somme n'étoit pas si considerable; et cela étoit vrai: c'est qu'il n'avoit pas fait attention aux années bissextiles; il corrigea le calcul avec la plus grande célérité.Autre question. Supposez un laboureur qui a six truies, et que chaque truie en met bas six autres la première année, et qu'elles multiplient dans la même proportion jusqu'à, l' fin de la huitème année: combien alors de truies aura le laboureur, s'il n'en perd aucune? Le vieillard répondit en dix minutes, 34,588,806.La longueur du temps ne fut occasionée que parce qu'il n'avoit pas d'abord compris la question.Après avoir satisfait à toutes les questions, il raconta l'origine et les progrès de son talent en arithmétique.--Il compta a'abord jusqu'a 10, puis 100; et s'imaginoit alors, disoit-il, être un habile homme. Ensuite il s'amusa à compter tous les grains d'un boisseau de ble, et successivement il sut compter le nombre de rails ou morceaux de bois necessaires pour enclore un champ d'une telle étendue, ou de grains nécessaires pour le semer.--Sa maîtresse avoit tiré beaucoup d'advantages de son talen; il ne parloit d'elle qu'avec la plus grande reconnoissance, parce qu'elle ne l'avoit jamais voulu vendre, malgre les offres considerables qu'on lui avoit faites pour l'acheter.--Sa tête commençoit à foiblir.--Un des Americains lui ayant dit que c'étoit dommage qu'il n'eut pas recu de l'éducation: Non, maître, dit-il; il vaut mieux que je n'aie rien appris, car bien des savans ne sont que des sots.Ces exemples prouveront, sans doute, que la capacité des nègres peut s'étendre a tout; ils n'ont besoin que d'instruction et de liberté.--La différence qui se remarque entre ceux qui sont libres et instruits et les autres, se montre encore dans leurs travaux.--Les terres qu'habitent et les blancs et les noirs, soumis à ce rêgime, sont infiniment mieux cultivées, produisent plus abondamment, offrent par-tout l'image de l'aisance et du bonheur; et tel est, par exemple, l'aspect du Connecticut et de la Pensylvanie.--Passez dans le Maryland ou la Virginie, encore une fois, vous croyez être dans un autre monde. Ce ne sont plus des plaines bien cultivées, des maisons de campagne, propres et meme élégantes, des vastes granges bien distribuées; ce ne sont plus des troupeaux nombreux de bestiaux gras et vigoureux: non, tout dans le Maryland et la Virginia, porte l'empreinte de l'esclavage; sol brulé, culture mal entendue, maisons délabrées, bestiaux petits et peu nombreux, cadavres noirs ambulans; en un mot, vous y voyez une misère réelle a côté de l'apparence du luxe.On commence à s'appercevoir, même dans les états méridionaux, que nourrir mal un exclave est une chétive économie, et que le fonds placé dans l'esclavage ne rend pas son interêt. C'est peut-être plusà cette considération, plus encore à l'impossibilité pécuniaire de recruter; c'est plus, dis-je, à ces considérations qu'à l'humanité, qu'on doit l'introduction du travail libre dans une partie de la Virginie, dans celle qui avoisine la belle rivière de la Shenadore. Aussi croiroit-on, en la voyant, voir encore la Pensylvanie.Osons l'espérer, tel sera un jour le sort de la Virginie, quand elle ne sera plus souillée par l'esclavage; et ce terme n'est peut-être pas eloigné. Il n'y a des esclaves que parce qu'on les croit nécessaires á la culture du tabac, et cette culture décline tous les jours et doit décliner. Le tabac, qui se ciiltive près de l'Ohio et du Mississippi, est infiniment plus abondant, de meilleure qualité, exige moins de travaux. Quand ce tabac se sera ouvert le chemin de l'Europe, les Virginiens seront obligés de cesser sa culture, et de demander à la terre du blé, des pommes de terre, de faire des prairies et d'élever des bestiaux. Les Virginiens judicieux prévoient cette revolution, l'anticipent, et se livrent à la culture du blé.--A leur tête, on doit mettre cet homme étonnant, qui, général adoré, eut le courage d'être republican sincère; qui, couvert de gloire, seul, ne s'en souvient plus; héros dont la destinée unique sera d'avoir sauvé deux fois sa patrie, de lui ouvrir le chemin de la prospérité, apres avoir ouvert celui de la liberté. Maintenantentièrementoccupé6du soin d'améliorer ses terres, d'en varier le produit, d'ouvrir des routes, des communications, il donne à ses compatriotes un exemple utile, et qui sans doute sera suivi. Il a cependant, dois-je, le dire? une foule nombreuse d'esclaves noirs.--Mais ils sont traites avec la plus grande humanité. Bien nourris, bien vêtus, n'ayant qu'un travail modéré à faire, ils bénissent sans cesse le maître que le Ciel leur a donné.--Il est digne sans doute d'une âme aussi élevée, aussi pure, aussi désinteressé, de commencer la révolution en Virginie, d'y preparer l'affranchissement des nègres.--Ce grand homme, lorsque j'eus le bonheur de l'entretenir, m'avoua qu'il admiroit tout ce qui se faissoit dans les autres états, qu'il en desiroit l'extension dans son propre pays; mais il ne me cacha pas que de nombreux obstacles s'y opposoient encore, qu'il seroit dangereux de heurter de front un préjugé qui commencoit à diminuer.--Du temps, de la patience, des lumières, et on le convaincra, me dit-il. Presque tous les Virginiens, ajoutoit-il, ne croyent pas que la liberté des noirs puisse sitôt devenir générale.Voilà pourquoi ils ne veulent point former de société qui puisse donner des idées dangereuses à leurs esclaves. Un autre obstacle s'y oppose. Les grandes propriétés éloignent les hommes, rendent difficiles les assemblées, et vous ne trouverez ici que de grands propriétaires.Les Virginiens se trompent, lui disois-je; il est evident que tôt ou tard les nègres obtiendront par-tout leur liberté, que cette révolution s'étendra en Virginie. Il est done de l'intérêt de vos compatriotes de s'y préparer, de tacher de concilier la restitution des droits des nègres avec leur propriété. Les Moyens à prendre, pour cet effet, ne peuvent être l'ouvrage que d'une société, et il est digne du sauveur de l'Amerique d'en être le chef, et de rendre la liberté à 300,000 hommes malheureux dans son pays. Ce grand homme me dit qu'il en desiroit la formation, qu'il la seconderoit; mail il ne croyoit pas le moment favorable.--Sans doute des vues plus élévees absorboient alors son attention et remplissoient son âme; le destin de l'amerique étoit prêt à étre remis une seconde fois dans ses mains.C'est un malheur, n'en doutons pas, semblable société n'existe pas dans le Maryland et dans la Virginie; car c'est au zèle constant de celles de Philadelphie et de New-Yorck qu'on doit tous les progrès de cette révolution en Amerique, et la naissance de la société de Londres.Que ne puis-je ici vous peindre l'impression dont j'ai été frappé en assistant aux séances de ces trois sociétés!--Quelle gravité dans la contenance des membres! quelle simplicité dans leurs discours! quelle candeur dans leurs discussions! quelle bienfaisance! quelle énergie dans leur résolution! Chacun s'empressoit d'y prendre part, non pour briller, mais pour être utile.--Avec quelle joie ils apprirent qu'il s'élevoit une société semblable à la leur dans Paris, dans cette capitale immense, si célèbre en Amerique par l'opulence, le faste, l'influence sur un vaste royaume, et sur presque tous les états de l'Europe! Avec quel empressement ils publièrent cette nouvelle dans toutes leurs gazettes, et répandirent partout la traduction du premier discours lu dans cette société! Avec quelle joie ils virent dans la liste des membres de cette société, un nom cher à leurs coeurs, et qu'ils ne prononcent qu'aves attendrissement, et les noms d'autres personness connues par leur énergie et leur patriotisme! Ils ne doutoient point que si cette société s'étendoit, bravoit les obstacles, s'unissoit avec celle de Londres, les lumières repandues par elles sur le trafic des nègres et sur son infamie inutile, n'éclairassent les gouvernmens, et n'en determinassent la suppression.Ce fut, sans doute, à cet élan de joie et d'espoir, et aux recommendations flatteuses que j'avois emportées d'Europe, plus qu'à mes foibles travaux, que je dus l'honneur qu'ils me firent de m'associer à leur rang.Ces sociétés ne se bornèrent pas à ces démonstrations; elles nommèrent dés comités pour m'assister dans mes travaux; leurs archives me furent ouvertes.Ces sociétés bienfaisantes s'occupent maintenant de nouveaux prospects pour consommer leur oeuvre de justice et d'humanité; elles s'occupent à creer de nouvelles sociétés dans les états qui n'en out point; c'est ainsi qu'il vient de s'en élever une dans l'état de Delaware.--Elles forment de nouveaux projets pour décourager l'esclavage et le commerce des esclaves.--Cest ainsi que, pour arrêter les ventes scandaleuses qui s'en font encore dans New Yorck,7à des enchères publiques, tous les membres se sont engagés à ne jamais employer l'officier public, l'huissier-priseur qui présideroit à de pareilles ventes. Mais c'est sur-tout à sauver des mains de la cupidité des esclaves, qu'elle voudroit et ne doit pas retenir, que la société de Philadelphie est ingénieuse.--Un esclave est-il maltraité, il trouve dans elle une protection assurée et gratuite.--Un autre a fini son temps, et est toujours détenu; elle reclame ses droits.--Des étrangers amènent des noirs, et ne satisfont pas à la loi; la société en procure le benefice à ces malheureux nègres.--Un des plus célèbres avocats de Philadelphie, dont j'aime à vanter les talents et l'amitié qui nous unit, M.Myers Fisher, lui prête son ministère, presque toujours avec succès, et tojours avec désintéressement. Cette société s'est apperçue que de nombreuses assemblées, n'avoient pas d'action, parce que le mouvement se perdoit en se divisant en trop de membres; elle a créé plusiers comités, toujours en activite; elle sollicite des créations semblables dans tous les états; afin que par-tout les loix sur l'abolition de la traite et sur l'affranchissement soient executées; afin que par-tout on presente des pétitions aux legislatures, pour obtenir de nouvelles loix pour les cas non prévus. --Enfin, c'est a cette société, sand doute, que l'on devra un jour de semblables établissemens dans le midi. J. P. Brissot, (Warville). --"Nouveau Vouage dans les États-Unis de l'Amerique Septentrionale, 1788," Tome Second, 31-49.Footnotes[return]1. Les noirs maries font certainement autant d'enfans que les blancs; mais on a remarqué que dans les villes, il perissoit plus d'enfans noirs. Cette difference tient moins a leur nature qu'au défaut d'aisance et de soins, sur-tout des médecins et des chirurgiens.[return]2. N'y eut-il que l'aversion des blancs pour le mariage de leurs filles avec les noirs, ce seul sentiment suffiroit pour avilir ces deniers. Cependant il y a quelques exemples de ces mariages.Il existe a Pittsbourg sur l'Ohio une blanche d'origine françoise, menée a Londres, et enlevée, à l'âge de douze ans, par des corsaires qui faisoient métier d'enlever des enfans, et de les vendre en Amerique pour un temps fixé de leur travail.--Des circonstances singulieres l'engagèrent à épouser un nègre qui lui acheta sa liberté, et qui la tira des mains d'un blanc, maître barbare et libi-dineux, qui avoit tout employé pour la desuire.--Une mulâtresse, sortie de cette union, a épousé un chirurgien de Nantes, établi à Pittsburg.--Cette famille est une des plus respectables de cette ville; le nègre fait un très bon commerce, et la maîtresse se fait un devoir d'accueillir et de bien traiter les étrangers, et sur tout les François que le hasard amène de ce côté.Mais on n'a point d'idée d'une pareille union dans le nord; elle revolteroit.--Dans les etablissemens, le long de l'Ohio il y a bien des négresses qui vivent avec des blancs non mariés.--Cependant on m'assura que cette union est regardée de mauvais oeil par les nègres mêmes. Si une négresse a une-querelle avec une mulâtresse, elle lui reproche d'être d'un sang mêlé.[return]3. Le docteur Rush, qui a été portée de traiter ces noirs, m'a communiqué une observation bien importante, et qui prouve combien l'énergie morale et intellectuelle d'un individu influe sur sa santé et son état physique. Il m'a dit qu'il étoit bien plus difficile de traiter et de guérir ces noirs esclaves que les blancs; qu'ils résistoient bien moins aux maladies violentes ou longues. C'est qu'ils tiennent pen par l'âme à la vie: la vitalité ou le ressort de la vie est presque nul dans eux.[return]4. J'ai deja plusieurs fois refuté cette opinion et sur-tout dans mon Examen critique des voyages de M. Chatellux. Elle a d'alleurs été détruite dans une foule d'excellens ouvrages.[return]5. Ce médecin est aussi célèbre en Amerique, par de bons écrits politiques. C'est un apôtre infatigable de la liberté.[return]6. Il n'étoit pas alors président des Etats-Unis. J'anticipe ici sur plusieurs conversations que j'ai eues avec ce grand homme, et dont je parlerai par la suite.[return]7. A l'assemblée de la société de New-Yorck, du 9 novembre 1787, il a été arrêté qu'on donneroit une medaille d'or pour le meilleur discours qui seroit prononcé a l'ouverture du college de New-Yorck sur l'injustice et la cruaute de la traite des nègres, et sur les funestes effets de l'esclavage.Slavery as Seen by Henry Wansey"In this state (He was then at Worcester) the Negroes are free and happy, are electors, but not elected to offices of state; their education, however, is the same as the whites. ... No negro child is suffered to be endentured beyond twenty-four years of age."We observe a school by the road-side in almost every parish, and out of it run negro boys and girls as well as white children, without any distinction. ... A road branched off here to our right hand, leading to Albany about 60 miles distant. I now observe six or eight negroes working together in a field, well dressed as other people. Notwithstanding, they are here free, and admitted to equal privileges with the white people, yet they love to associate with each other. It is observed that they are naturally lazier, and will not work so hard as a white servant.--Perhaps, the remembrance of former compulsive service, may make them place a luxury in idleness. Nor do they yet seem to feel their importance in society; this is a portion of inheritance reserved to the next generation of them. ..."Came on to Hartford....Here I staid two days that I might have time to inspect the woolen manufactory of this place, and attend the debates of the House of Representatives of this state.... Two very interesting subjects were in debate:--a bill brought in to repeal a law, passed in October last to order 'That the money arising from the sale of their lands, between the Ohio and Lake Erie, should be appropriated to increase the salaries of the ministers of the gospel and the masters of schools;' and another bill (for its second reading) 'To provide for those poor and sick negroes, who having been freed from slavery might be unprovided for; and that till the master was exculpated, by receiving a certificate from the state, that negro was discharged in perfect health, it should be incumbent on the master to continue to take care of him during sickness, or, at least, pay the expenses of his cure.' I was much pleased to see a legislature extend its humanity and care so far.After our breakfast, which was not a very good one, we set off for Elizabeth Town, near which, on the right, is Governor Livingstone's handsome house. This is six miles from Newark....I observed several negro houses, (low buildings of one story) detached from the family house; for the slaves (from their pilfering disposition) are not allowed to sleep in the same houses with theirmasters. Slavery, although many regulations have been made to moderate its severity, is not yet abolished in the New Jerseys...."Most of the families of New York have black servants. I should suppose that nearly one fifth of the inhabitants are negroes, most of whom are free, and many in good circumstances."--Henry Wansey, F.A.S., "The Journal of an excursion to the United States of America in the summer of 1794 (Journey from New York to Boston)," pp. 53, 57, 58, 67, and 227.Esclavage Par La Rochefoucauld-LiancourtQuant à l'esclavage, l'État de New-Yorck est un de ceux où les idées m'ont paru le moins liberales. Il est donc naturel que les loix qui dans tous les pays suivent plus ou moins l'opinion générale, manquent aussi de libéralité à cet égard.On peut concevoir comment dans les États du Sud le grand nombre des esclaves rend leur émancipation difficile, et comment cette difficulté d'émancipation donne pretexte à l'opinion de la necessité de loix extrêmement sévères contre eux. Mais dans l'État de New-Yorck, où sur une population de plus de quatre cent mille âmes on ne compte pas vingt mille nègres; il est impossible de comprendre quels si grands obstacles l'emancipation peut rencontrer, et sur quoi l'on peut fonder l'opinion qui'il faut pour ce petit nombre de nègres des loix plus sévères que pour les hommes d'une autre couleur.Quoiqu'il en soit, une loi qui n'est pas plus ancienne que 1788, confirme l'état d'esclavage pour tout nègre, mulâtre our mêtif esclave à l'époque où elle a été rendue; déclare esclave tout enfant né ou à naître d'une femme esclave; autorise la vente des esclaves et les soumet pour les petits crimes, à un jugement, que l'on peut appeler prévotal, des juges de paix, qui peuvent les condamner à l'emprisonnement ou aux coups de fouet. Un article de cette loi les assuejétit à ce genre de jugement et à cette espèce de sentence pour avoir frappé un blanc, sans faire exception du cas où le blanc serait l'aggresseur. La faveur du jury est cependant accordée à l'esclave, si le crime dont il est accusé peut emporter peine de mort. Il est aussi admis en témoignage dans les affaires criminelles où d'autres nègres sont impliqués.La nouvelle jurisprudence criminelle, fondée sur les principes d'humanité et de justice, ne détruit aucune des dispositions réellement injustes et barbares, contenues dans cette loi. Cependant, les esclaves sont généralement traités avec plus de douceur par leursmaîtres dans l'État de New Yorck, et moins surchargés de travail que dans les États du Midi. Les moeurs prévalent à cet égard sur la rigidité des loix; mais les moeurs y sont aussi, comme dans beaucoup d'autres États de l'Amerique, imprégnées d'avidité et d'avarice. Cette disposition seule y empêche l'abolition de l'esclavage. Elle est fréquemment proposée dans la législature, et jusqu'ici tout moyen, même préparatoire, y a été rejetté. Quoique la proportion des hommes libres aux esclaves soit telle que le plus grand nombre des habitans de l'État de New-Yorck ne possède pas d'esclaves, le petit nombre de ceux qui en possèdent sont les plus riches, les plus grands propriétaires; et, dans l'État de New-Yorck comme ailleurs, ils ont la principale influence.Le respect dû àla propriété, est l'arme avec laquelle on combat toute proposition que tient à l'affranchissement. J'ai entendu un des hommes de loi les plus éclairés, et dont à tout autre égard les opinions sont libérales, soutenir que "ce serait attenter àla propriétéque de déclarer libres même les enfans à naître des femmes esclaves, parce que, disait-il, les maîtres qui out acheté ou hérité des esclaves, les possèdent dans la confiance que leurissuesera leur propriété utile et disponible."Ainsi, quand on dit en Virginie "qu'on ne peut y changer le sort de l'esclavage qu'en exportant a-la-fois tous les nègres de l'État"; on dit à New-Yorck "qu'on ne peut y penser à abolir l'esclage, ni rien faire de préparatoire à cette intention, sans payer à chaque possesseur d'esclaves le prix actuel de la valeur de ses nègres jeunes et vieux, et le prix estimé de leur descendance supposée." C'est sans doute opposer à l'abolition de l'esclavage tous les obstacles imaginables, c'est se montrer bien ennemi de cette abolition.Cependant l'obstacle présenté par les citoyens de New-Yorck, est moins difficile à vaincre. En admenttant le principe de la nécessité d'un dédommagement donné aux maîtres pour les nègres à affranchir, et en évaluant chaque nègre à cent trente dollars, la somme totale ne serait que de trois millions de dollars.Ce prix serait encore susceptible de reduction, par le puissant motif d'intérêt et d'honneur public auquel chaque membre de la société doit faire des sacrifices.La question de la propriété des enfans à naître ne tiendrait pas à un quart-d'heure de discussion, si elle était agitée devant la legislature; enfin cet affranchissement qui ne devrait être fait que par degrés, coûterait à l'État des sacrifices moins grands encore, etdont la succession les rendrait presqu'imperceptibles aux finances de l'État, qui ne pourraient d'ailleurs avoir un plus saint emploi.A New-Yorck comme ailleurs, l'affranchissement des nègres doit avoir pour but le bonheur de l'État, son bon ordre, le bonheur même des nègres qu'on veut affranchir. Un affranchissement trop prompt, trop subitement général, manquerait ces differens buts de premiere nécessité. Je ne répéterai pas ici ce que j'ai dit ailleurs à cet égard, et ce que tant d'autres ont dit avant moi. La dépense pour l'État serait donc réduite à de bien petites sommes, en les comparant avec l'utilité et le devoir de cette opération. Mais tant que l'État de New-Yorck, entouré des exemples du Connecticut, du Massachusetts et de Pensylvanie, ne fait rien qui conduise à cette libération, tant qu'il semble approuver par le silence ou les refus de sa legislature, la permanence de l'esclavage, il laisse sa constitution et ses loix flétries d'une tâche que l'on peut, sans exageration, dire deshonorante, puisqu'elle ne peut être excusée, ni palliée, par aucune des circonstances où se trouve cet État.L'importation dans l'État de New-Yorck d'esclaves étrangers est prohibée par la même loi qui confirme l'esclavage de ceux qui y existaient à l'époque où elle a été rendue; ainsi cette disposition de la loi, et la manière douce dont sont traités les esclaves en général, confirment dans l'opinion que l'intérêt pécuniaire, plus qu'une véritable approbation de l'esclavage empêche la legislature de New-Yorck, de procéder à cet égard avec la justice et les lumières qui dirigent généralement ses délibérations.--"Voyage dans Les États-Unis D'Amerique." Fait en 1795, 1796 et 1797. Par La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt. Tome Septième, 114-119.Observations Sur l'Esclavage Par La Rochefoucauld-LiancourtIl est natural de supposer qu'un nègre esclave, fatigué de travail depuis le commencement de l'année jusqu'à la fin, obligé, sous peine du fouet, d'aller aux champs, qu'il soit où non en état de santé, ne voye dans la liberté que la faculté de ne plus travailler. Tant qu'il était esclave, il était plus ou moins mal nourri, mais il l'était sans aucun soin de sa part, et sans qu'un travail plus assidu, plus actif, lui valut une meilleure nourriture ou un meilleur nourriture ou un meilleur vêtement. Le travail n'était donc pour lui qu'une peine, sans être jamais un moyen de bien être, il est donc, il doit donc être paresseux et imprévoyant. Il jouit des premiers momens de sa liberté, en ne travaillant point, car le fouet ne claque plus à ses oreilles; les besoins se font sentir; aucune éducation ne lui aété donnée que celle de l'esclavage, qui enseigne à tromper, à voler, comme à mentir; il cherche à satisfaire ses besoins, auxquels son travail n'a pas pourvu, en dérobant quelques bleds, quelques provisions à ses voisins; il devient recéleur des nègres esclaves.Tout cela peut et doit être, mais ne doit dégouter de l'affranchissement progressif des nègres que ceux ne veulent pas penser qu'avec des soins préparatoires, et sur-tout des soins généreux qui auraient pour objet une émancipation générale successive, appropriée au nombre des nègres dans le pays, et à plusieurs autres circonstances, la plus grande quantité de ces inconvéniens serait evitée, et le serait totalement pour la génération future si elle ne pouvait l'être pour la présente. Mais comment espérer une philanthropie si prévoyante de ceux qui ne voyent que leur intérêt du moment, et qui le croyent blessé.Dans L'État de Maryland les esclaves sont jugés par les mêmes tribunaux que les blancs, et comme eux par l'arbitrage des juris. Les punitions pour les noirs sont plus sévères; mais les moeurs sont douces au moins dans la partie du Maryland où je suis a présent, et elles prévalent sur la rigueur des loix. J'ai été témoin d'un fait qui prouve que l'humanité des juges et le désir de rendre une exacte justice les occupent pour les accusés esclaves, comme pour les blancs. Une négresse est en prison, accusée d'avoir voulu empoisonner sa maîtresse et d'avoir empoisonné un enfant. Sa maîtresse est son accusatrice. C'est une femme d'une bonne reputation dans le pays, appartenant à une famille très-etendue dans le comté, et y ayant d'ailleurs beaucoup d'influence; les juges craignant l'effet de cette influence sur les juris, ont profité de la faculté qu'ils out de renvoyer le jugement à la cour générale du district qui se tient à soixante milles de Chester, pour donner à l'accusée toute la chance possible d'un jugement sain et impartial.Il n'y a encore aucune mesure prise en Maryland pour l'affranchissement progressif des esclaves. Quelques hommes bien intentionnées espèrent amener la legislature dans peu de temps à une démarche à cet égard, mais l'opinion du pays n'y semble pas dispossée. --"Voyage dans Les États-Unis D'Amerique." Par La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt. Tome Sixième, 69-71.Les nègres libres se trouvent assez facilement pour le travail des champs. Us coûtent quatre-vingt dollars par an. Les nègres esclaves se louent à cinquante. Quelques planteurs préfèrent des ouvriers blancs et des nègres libres aux esclaves; ils ont moins d'embarras et plus de profit. Les vaches se vendent ici de quinze à vingt dollars, les boeufs quarante, les chevaux pour le labour cent; ceuxpour la voiture coutent souvent six cents dollars la paire. Le comté de Kent, dont Chester est le cheflieu, contient treize mille habitans, dont cinq mille six cents sont nègres esclaves; il fournit peu de betail aux marchés de Baltimore et de Philadelphie. Presque tout ce qu'il produit dans ce genre est consommé dans son enciente.--"Voyage dans Les États-Unis D'Amerique." Par La Rouchefoucauld-Liancourt. Tome Sixieme, 79-80.What Isaac Weld Observed in Slave States"The principal planters in Virginia have nearly every thing they can want on their estates. Amongst the slaves are found tailors, shoe-makers, carpenters, smiths, turners, wheelwrights, weavers, tanners, etc. I have seen patterns of excellent coarse woolen cloth made in the country by slaves, and a variety of cotton manufacturers, amongst the rest good nankeen. Cotton grows here extremely well; the plants are often killed by frost in winter, but they always produce abundantly the first year in which they are sown. The cotton from which nankeen is made is of a particular kind naturally of a yellowish color."The large estates are managed by stewards and overseers, the proprietors just amusing themselves with seeing what is going forward. The work is done wholly by slaves, whose numbers are in this part of the country more than double that of white persons. The slaves on the large plantations are in general very well provided for, and treated with mildness. During three months nearly, that I was in Virginia, but two or three instances of ill treatment towards them came under my observation. Their quarters, the name whereby their habitations are called, are usually situated one or two hundred yards from the dwelling house, which gives appearance of a village to the residence of every plantation in Virginia; when the estate, however, is so large as to be divided into several farms, then separate quarters are attached to the house of the overseer on each farm. Adjoining their little habitations, the slaves commonly have small gardens and yards of poultry, which are all of their property; they have ample time to attend to their own concerns, and their gardens are generally found well stocked, and their flocks of poultry numerous. Besides the food they raise for themselves, they are allowed liberal rations of salted pork and Indian corn. Many of their little huts are comfortably furnished, and they are themselves, in general, extremely well clothed. In short their condition is by no means so wretched as might be imagined. They are forced to work certain hours in the day; but inreturn they are clothed, dieted, and lodged comfortably, and saved all anxiety about provision for their offspring. Still, however, let the condition of the slave be made ever so comfortable, as long as he is conscious of being the property of another man, who has it in his power to dispose of him according to the dictates of caprice; as long as he hears people around him talking about the blessings of liberty, and considers that he is in a state of bondage, it is not to be supposed that he can feel equally happy with the freeman. It is immaterial under what form slavery presents itself, whenever it appears there is ample cause for humanity to weep at the sight, and to lament that men can be found so forgetful of their own situations, as to live regardless of the blessings of their fellow creatures."With respect to the policy of holding slaves in any country, on account of the depravity of morals which it necessarily occasions, besides the many other evil consequences attendant upon it, so much has already been said by others, that it is needless here to make comments on the subject."The number of the slaves increases most rapidly, so that there is scarcely any state but what is overstocked. This is a circumstance complained of by every planter as the maintenance of more than are requisite for the culture of the estate is attended with great expense. Motives ... of humanity deter them from selling the poor creatures, or turning them adrift from the spot where they have been born and brought up, in the midst of friends and relations."What I have here said, respecting the condition and treatment of slaves, appertains, it must be remembered, to those only who are upon the larger plantations in Virginia; the lot of such as are unfortunate enough to fall into the hands of the lower class of white people, and of hard task-masters in towns, is very different. In the Carolinas and Georgia again, slavery presents itself in very different colors from what it does even in its worst form in Virginia. I am told that it is no uncommon thing there, to see gangs of negroes staked at a horse race, and to see these unfortunate beings bandied about from one set of drunken gamblers to another for days together. How much to be deprecated are the laws which suffer such abuses to exist! Yet these are the laws enacted by the people who boast of their love of liberty and independence, and who presume to say, that it is in the breasts of Americans alone that the blessings of freedom are held in just estimation."--Isaac Weld, Jr., "Travels through the States of North America and theprovinces of Upper and Lower Canada," 1795, 1796, and 1797.(London, 1799.)John Davis's Thoughts on Slavery"The negroes on the plantation, including house-servants and children, amounted to a hundred; of whom the average price being respectively seventy pounds, made them aggregately worth seven thousand to their possessor."Two families lived in one hut, and such was their unconquerable propensity to steal, that they pilfered from each other. I have heard masters lament this defect in their negroes. But what else can be expected from man in so degraded a condition, that among the ancients the same word implied both a slave and a thief."Since the introduction of the culture of cotton in the State of South Carolina, the race of negroes has increased. Both men and women work in the field, and the labour of the rice plantation formerly prevented the pregnant negroes from bringing forth a long-lived offspring. It may be established as a maxim that on a plantation where there are many children, the work has been moderate. . . ."Of genius in negroes many instances may be recorded. It is true that Mr. Jefferson has pronounced the Poems of Phillis Wheatley, below the dignity of criticism, and it is seldom safe to differ in judgment from the author of Notes on Virginia. But her conceptions are often lofty, and her versification often surpasses with unexpected refinement. Ladd, the Carolina poet, in enumerating the bards of his country, dwells with encomium on "Wheatley's polished verse"; nor is his praise undeserved, for often it will be found to glide in the stream of melody. Her lines on Imagination have been quoted with rapture by Imley of Kentucky, and Steadman the Guinea Traveler; but I have ever thought her happiest production the Goliath of Gath."Of Ignatius Sancho, Mr. Jefferson also speaks neglectingly; and remarks, that he substitutes sentiment for argumentation. But I know not that argumentation is required in a familiar epistle; and Sancho, I believe, has only published his correspondence." --John Davis, "Travels of four years and a half in the United States of America during 1798, 1799, 1800, 1801, 1802," p. 86.Observations of Robert Sutcliff"I had the curiosity to look into some of their little habitations; but all that I examined were wretched in the extreme and far inferior to many Indian cottages I have seen."I slept at C. A.'s and this morning set out for Fredericksburg, being accompanied by his young man, our road lying through the woods the greater part of the way. At the place where we dined, we were waited on by two mulatto girls, whose only clothing appeared to be loose garments of cotton and woollen cloth, girt round the waist with a small cord. I had observed that this was the common dress of the working female negroes in the fields; but when engaged in business in the house it seemed hardly sufficient to cover them. In the yard, I observed a number of slaves engaged in the management of a still, employed in making spirits from cider. Here again I had the curiosity to look into some of the negro huts, which like those I had seen, presented little else but dirt and rags."We came to Fredericksburg and lodged at Fisher's Tavern. The next morning I was waked early by the cries of a poor negro, who was undergoing a severe correction, previously to his going to work. On taking a walk on the banks of the Rappahannock, the river on which the town is seated, I stepped into one of the large tobacco warehouses which are built here, for the reception and inspection of that plant before it is permitted to be exported. On entering into conversation with an inspector, as he was employed in looking over a parcel of tobacco, he lamented the licentiousness which he remarked so generally prevailed in this town. He said that in his remembrance, the principal part of the inhabitants were emigrants from Scotland, and that it was considered so reproachful to the white inhabitants, if they were found to have illicit connection with their female slaves, that their neighbors would shun the company of such, as of persons whom it was a reproach to be acquainted. The case was now so much altered that, he believed, there were but few slave holders in the place who were free from guilt in this respect: and that it was now thought but little of. Such was the brutality and hardness of heart which this evil produced, that many amongst them paid no more regard to selling their own children, by their females slaves, or even their brothers and sisters, in the same line, than they would do to the disposal of a cow or a horse, or any other property in the brute creation. To so low a degree of degradation does the system of negro slavery sink the white inhabitants, who are unhappily engaged in it."--Robert Sutcliff,Travels in some parts of North America in Years 1804, 1805, 1806, pp. 37-52.

DocumentsTravelers' Impressions of Slavery in America from 1750 to 1800From these writers, almost all of whom were foreigners, one would naturally expect such a portraiture of slavery as persons unaccustomed to the institution would give. Most Americans, of course, considered the institution as belonging to the natural order of things and, therefore, hardly ever referred to it except when they mentioned it unconsciously. Foreigners, however, as soon as they came into this new world began to compare the slaves with the lowest order of society in Europe. Finding the lot of the bondmen so much inferior to that of those of low estate in European countries, these travelers frequently made some interesting comparisons. We are indebted to them for valuable information which we can never hope to obtain from the literature of an essentially slaveholding people. Here we see how the American Revolution caused a change for the better in the condition of the Negroes in certain States, and how the rigorousness of slavery continued in the others. We learn too what enlightened Negroes thought about their state and what the white man believed should be done to prevent their reaching the point of self-assertion. That a large number of anti-slavery Americans were advocating and effecting the emancipation of slaves appears throughout these documents.Burnaby's View of the Situation in VirginiaSpeaking of Virginia, he said: "Their authority over their slaves renders them vain and imperious, and entire strangers to that elegance of sentiment, which is so peculiarly characteristic of refined and polished nations. Their ignorance of mankind and of learning, exposes them to many errors and prejudices, especially in regard to Indians and Negroes, whom they scarcely consider as ofhuman species; so that it is almost impossible in cases of violence, or even murder, committed upon those unhappy people by any of the planters, to have delinquents brought to justice: for either the grand jury refuse to find the bill, or the petit jury bring in the verdict of not guilty."--Andrew Burnaby, "Travels," 1759, p. 54.General Treatment of Slaves Among the Albanians--Consequent Attachment of Domestics.--Reflections on Servitude by an American LadyIn the society I am describing, even the dark aspect of slavery was softened into a smile. And I must, in justice to the best possible masters, say, that a great deal of that tranquility and comfort, to call it by no higher name, which distinguished this society from all others, was owing to the relation between master and servant being better understood here than in any other place. Let me not be detested as an advocate for slavery when I say that I think I have never seen people so happy in servitude as the domestics of the Albanians. One reason was, (for I do not now speak of the virtues of their masters,) that each family had a few of them, and that there were no field negroes. They would remind one of Abraham's servants, who were all born in the house, which was exactly their case. They were baptized too, and shared the same religious instruction with the children of the family; and, for the first years, there was little or no difference with regard to food or clothing between their children and those of their masters.When a negro-woman's child attained the age of three years, the first New Year's Day after, it was solemnly presented to a son or daughter, or other young relative of the family, who was of the same sex with the child so presented. The child to whom the young negro was given immediately presented it with some piece of money and a pair of shoes; and from that day the strongest attachment subsisted between the domestic and the destined owner. I have no where met with instances of friendship more tender and generous than that which here subsisted between the slaves and their masters and mistresses. Extraordinary proofs of them have been often given in the course of hunting or Indian trading, when a young man and his slave have gone to the trackless woods, together, in the case of fits of the ague, loss of a canoe, and other casualties happening near hostile Indians. The slave has been known, at the imminent risque of his life, to carry his disabled master through tracklesswoods with labour and fidelity scarce credible; and the master has been equally tender on similar occasions of the humble friend who stuck closer than a brother; who was baptized with the same baptism, nurtured under the same roof, and often rocked in the same cradle with himself. These gifts of domestics to the younger members of the family, were not irrevokable: yet they were very rarely withdrawn. If the kitchen family did not increase in proportion to that of the master, young children were purchased from some family where they abounded, to furnish those attached servants to the rising progeny. They were never sold without consulting their mothers, who if expert and sagacious, had a great deal to say in the family, and would not allow her child to go into any family with whose domestics she was not acquainted. These negro-women piqued themselves on teaching their children to be excellent servants, well knowing servitude to be their lot or life, and that it could only be sweetened by making themselves particularly useful, and excellent in their departments. If they did their work well, it is astonishing, when I recollect it, what liberty of speech was allowed to those active and prudent mothers. They would chide, reprove, and expostulate in a manner that we would not endure from our hired servants; and sometimes exert fully as much authority over the children of the family as the parents, conscious that they were entirely in their power. They did not crush freedom of speech and opinion in those by whom they knew they were beloved, and who watched with incessant care over their interest and comfort. Affectionate and faithful as these home-bred servants were in general, there were some instances (but very few) of those who, through levity of mind, or a love of liquor or finery, betrayed their trust, or habitually neglected their duty. In these cases, after every means had been used to reform them, no severe punishments were inflicted at home. But the terrible sentence, which they dreaded worse than death, was past--they were sold to Jamaica. The necessity of doing this was bewailed by the whole family as a most dreadful calamity, and the culprit was carefully watched on his way to New-York, lest he should evade the sentence by self-destruction.One must have lived among those placid and humane people to be sensible that servitude, hopeless, endless servitude, could exist with so little servility and fear on the one side, and so little harshness or even sternness of authority on the other. In Europe, the footing on which service is placed in consequence of the corruptions of society, hardens the heart, destroys confidence, and embitterslife. The deceit and venality of servants not absolutely dishonest, puts it out of one's power to love or trust them. And if, in hopes of having people attached to us, who will neither betray our confidence, nor corrupt our children, we are at pains to rear them from childhood, and give them a religious and moral education; after all our labour, others of their own class seduce them away to those who can afford to pay higher for their services. This is not the case in a few remote districts. Where surrounding mountains seem to exclude the contagion of the world, some traces of fidelity and affection among domestics still remain. But it must be remarked, that, in those very districts, it is usual to treat inferiors with courtesy and kindness, and to consider those domestics who marry out of the family as holding a kind of relation to it, and still claiming protection. In short, the corruption of that class of people is, doubtless, to be attributed to the example of their superiors. But how severely are those superiors punished? Why this general indifference about home; why are the household gods, why is the sacred hearth so wantonly abandoned? Alas! the charm of home is destroyed, since our children, educated in distant seminaries, are strangers in the paternal mansion; and our servants, like mere machines, move on their mercenary track without feeling or exciting one kind or generous sentiment. Home, thus despoiled of all its charms, is no longer the scene of any enjoyments but such as wealth can purchase. At the same time we feel there a nameless cold privation, and conscious that money can coin the same enjoyments with more variety elsewhere, we substitute these futile and evanescent pleasures for that perennial spring of calm satisfaction, "without o'erflowing full," which is fed by the exercise of the kindly affections, and soon indeed must those stagnate where there are not proper objects to excite them. I have been forced into this painful digression by unavoidable comparisons. To return:--Amidst all this mild and really tender indulgence to their negroes, these colonists had not the smallest scruple of conscience with regard to the right by which they held them in subjection. Had that been the case, their singular humanity would have been incompatible with continued injustice. But the truth is, that of law the generality of those people knew little; and of philosophy, nothing at all. They sought their code of morality in the Bible, and there imagined they found this hapless race condemned to perpetual slavery; and thought nothing remained for them but to lighten the chains of their fellow Christians, after having madethem such. This I neither "extenuate" nor "set down in malice," but merely record the fact. At the same time it is but justice to record also a singular instance of moral delicacy distinguishing this settlement from every other in the like circumstances: though, from their simple and kindly modes of life, they were from infancy in habits of familiarity with these humble friends, yet being early taught that nature had placed between them a barrier, which it was in a high degree criminal and disgraceful to pass, they considered a mixture of such distinct races with abhorrence, as a violation of her laws. This greatly conduced to the preservation of family happiness and concord. An ambiguous race, which the law does not acknowledge; and who (if they have any moral sense, must be as much ashamed of their parents as these last are of them) are certainly a dangerous, because degraded part of the community. How much more so must be those unfortunate beings who stand in the predicament of the bat in the fable, whom both birds and beasts disowned? I am sorry to say that the progress of the British army, when it arrived, might be traced by a spurious and ambiguous race of this kind. But of a mulatto born before their arrival I only remember a single instance; and from the regret and wonder it occasioned, considered it as singular. Colonel Schuyler, of whom I am to speak, had a relation so weak and defective in capacity, that he never was intrusted with any thing of his own, and lived an idle bachelor about the family. In process of time a favourite negro-woman, to the great offense and scandal of the family, bore a child to him, whose colour gave testimony to the relation. The boy was carefully educated; and when he grew up, a farm was allotted to him well stocked and fertile, but "in depth of woods embraced," about two miles back from the family seat. A destitute white woman, who had somehow wandered from the older colonies, was induced to marry him; and all the branches of the family thought it incumbent on them now and then to pay a quiet visit to Chalk (for so, for some unknown reason, they always called him). I have been in Chalk's house myself, and a most comfortable abode it was; but considered him as a mysterious and anomalous being.I have dwelt the longer on this singular instance of slavery, existing devoid of its attendant horrors, because the fidelity and affection resulting from a bond of union so early formed between master and servant, contributed so very much to the safety of individuals, as well as the general comfort of society, as will hereafterappear.--"Memoirs of An American Lady with Sketches of Manners and Customs In America as they existed previous to the Revolution," Chapter VII, pp. 26-32, by Mrs. Anne Grant.Impressions of an English Traveler"As I observed before, at least two thirds of the inhabitants are negroes...."It is fortunate for humanity that these poor creatures possess such a fund of contentment and resignation in their minds; for they indeed seem to be the happiest inhabitants in America, notwithstanding the hardness of their fare, the severity of their labour, and the unkindness, ignominy, and often barbarity of their treatment."--J.F.D., "A Tour in the United States of America, containing an account of the present situation of that country"; London, 1784, p. 39.Abbé Robin on Conditions in Virginia"The population of Virginia is computed at one hundred fifty thousand whites and five hundred thousand negroes. There is a still greater disproportion between the whites and blacks in Maryland, where there are not more than twenty thousand whites and at least two hundred thousand negroes. The English imported into these two provinces between seven and eight thousand yearly. Perhaps the lot of these slaves is not quite so hard as that of the negroes in the islands; their liberty, it is true, is irreparably lost in both places, but here they are treated with more mildness, and are supported upon the same kind of food with their masters; and if the earth which they cultivate, is moistened with their sweat, it has never been known to blush with their blood. The American, not at all industrious by nature, is considerate enough not to expect too much from his slave, who in such circumstances, has fewer motives to be laborious for himself."--Abbé Robin, "New Travels through North America in a series of letters," Boston, 1784, p. 48.Observations of St. John de Crèvecoeur"There, arranged like horses at a fair, they are branded like cattle, and then driven to toil, to starve and to languish for a few years on the different plantations of those citizens."If negroes are permitted to become fathers, this fatal indulgence only tends to increase their misery.... How many haveI seen cursing the irresistible propensity, and regretting that by having tasted of those joys, they had become the authors of double misery to their wives.... Their paternal fondness is embittered by considering that if their children live, they must live to be slaves like themselves: no time is allowed them to exercise their pious offices, the mothers must fasten them on their backs, and, with the double load follow their husbands in the fields, where they too often hear no other sound than that of the voice or whip of the taskmaster, and the cries of their infants, broiling in the sun.... It is said, I know, that they are much happier here than in the West Indies; because land being cheaper upon this continent than in those Islands, the field allowed them to raise their subsistence from, are in general more extensive."... We have slaves likewise in our northern provinces; I hope the time draws near when they will be all emancipated; but how different their lot, how different their situation, in every possible respect! They enjoy as much liberty as their masters, they are as well clad, and as well fed; in health and sickness they are tenderly taken care of; they live under the same roof, and are, truly speaking, a part of our families. Many of them are taught to read and write, and are well instructed in the principles of religion; they are the companions of our labours, and treated as such; they enjoy many perquisites, many established holidays, and are not obliged to work more than white people. They marry when their inclination leads them; visit their wives every week; are as decently clad as the common people; they are indulged in education, cherishing and chastising their children, who are taught subordination to them as to their lawful parents; in short, they participate in many of the benefits of our society without being obliged to bear any of its burdens. They are fat, healthy, and hearty, and far from repining at their fate; they think themselves happier than many of the lower class whites: they share with their master the wheat and meat provision, they help to raise; many of those whom the good Quakers have emancipated, have received that great benefit with tears of regret, and have never quitted, though free, their former masters and benefactors."--St. John de Crèvecoeur, "Letters from an American Farmer, 1782," pp. 226 et seq.Impressions of Johann D. Schoepf"The condition of the Carolina negro slaves is in general harder and more troublous than that of their northern brethren. On therice plantations, with wretched food, they are allotted more work and more tedious work; and the treatment which they experience at the hands of the overseers and owners is capricious and often tyrannical. In Carolina (and in no other of the North American states) their severe handling has already caused several uprisings among them. There is less concern here as to their moral betterment, education, and instruction, and South Carolina appears little inclined to initiate the praiseworthy and benevolent ordinances of its sister states in regard to the negro. It is sufficient proof of the bad situation in which these creatures find themselves here that they do not multiply in the same proportions as the white inhabitants, although the climate is more natural to them and agrees with them better. Their numbers must be continually kept up by fresh importations; to be sure, the constant taking up of new land requires more and more working hands, and the pretended necessity of bringing in additional slaves is thus warranted in part; but close investigation makes it certain that the increase of the blacks in the northern states, where they are handled more gently, is vastly more considerable. The gentlemen in the country have among their negroes as the Russian nobility among the serfs, the most necessary handicrafts-men, cobblers, tailors, carpenters, smiths, and the like, whose work they command at the smallest possible price or for nothing almost. There is hardly any trade or craft which has not been learned and is not carried on by negroes, partly free, partly slave; the latter are hired out by their owners for day's wages. Charleston swarms with blacks, mulattoes and mestizos; their number greatly exceeds that of the whites, but they are kept under strict order and discipline, and the police has a watchful eye upon them. These may nowhere assemble more than 7 male negro slaves; their dances and other assemblies must stop at 10 o'clock in the evening; without permission of their owners none of them may sell beer or wine or brandy. There are here many free negroes and mulattoes. They get their freedom if by their own industry they earn enough to buy themselves off, or their freedom is given them at the death of their masters or in other ways. Not all of them know how to use their freedom to their own advantage; many give themselves up to idleness and dissipation which bring them finally to crafty deceptions and thievery. They are besides extraordinarily given to vanity, and love to adorn themselves as much as they can and to conduct themselves importantly."--Johann D. Schoepf, "Travels in the Confederation," 1784, p. 220.Extracts from Anburey's Travels through North America"Thus the whole management of the plantation is left to the overseer, who as an encouragement to make the most of the crops, has a certain portion as his wages, but not having any interest in the negroes, any further than their labour, he drives and whips them about, and works them beyond their strength, and sometimes till they expire; he feels no loss in their death, he knows the plantation must be supplied, and his humanity is estimated by his interest, which rises always above freezing point."It is the poor negroes who alone work hard, and I am sorry to say, fare hard. Incredible is the fatigue which the poor wretches undergo, and that nature should be able to support it; there certainly must be something in their constitutions, as well as their color, different from us, that enables them to endure it."They are called up at day break, and seldom allowed to swallow a mouthful of homminy, or hoe cake, but are drawn out into the field immediately, where they continue at hard labour, without intermission, till noon, when they go to their dinners, and are seldom allowed an hour for that purpose; their meals consist of hominy and salt, and if their master is a man of humanity, touched by the finer feelings of love and sensibility, he allows them twice a week a little skimmed milk, fat rusty bacon, or salt herring, to relish this miserable and scanty fare. The man at this plantation, in lieu of these, grants his negroes an acre of ground, and all Saturday afternoon to raise grain and poultry for themselves. After they have dined, they return to labor in the field, until dusk in the evening; here one naturally imagines the daily labor of these poor creatures was over, not so, they repair to the tobacco houses, where each has a task of stripping allotted which takes them up some hours, or else they have such a quantity of Indian corn to husk, and if they neglect it, are tied up in the morning, and receive a number of lashes from those unfeeling monsters, the overseers, whose masters suffer them to exercise their brutal authority without constraint. Thus by their night task, it is late in the evening before these poor creatures return to their second scanty meal, and the time taken up at it encroaches upon their hours of sleep, which for refreshment of food and sleep together can never be reckoned to exceed eight."When they lay themselves down to rest, their comforts are equally miserable and limited, for they sleep on a bench, or on theground, with an old scanty blanket, which serves them at once for bed and covering, their cloathing is not less wretched, consisting of a shirt and trowsers of coarse, thin, hard, hempen stuff, in the Summer, with an addition of a very coarse woolen jacket, breeches and shoes in Winter. But since the war, their masters, for they cannot get the cloathing as usual, suffer them to go in rags, and many in a state of nudity."The female slaves share labor and repose just in the same manner, except a few who are term'd house negroes, and are employed in household drugery."These poor creatures are all submission to injuries and insults, and are obliged to be passive, nor dare they resist or defend themselves if attacked, without the smallest provocation, by a white person, as the law directs the negroe's arm to be cut off who raises it against a white person, should it be only in defence against wanton barbarity and outrage."Notwithstanding this humiliating state and rigid treatment to which this wretched race are subject, they are devoid of care, and appear jovial, contented and happy. It is a fortunate circumstance that they possess, and are blessed with such an easy satisfied disposition, otherwise they must inevitably sink under such a complication of misery and wretchedness; what is singularly remarkable, they always carry out a piece of fire, and kindle one near their work, let the weather be so hot and sultry."As I have several times mentioned homminy and hoe-cake, it may not be amiss to explain them: the former is made of Indian corn, which is coarsely broke, and boiled with a few French beans, till it is almost a pulp. Hoe-cake is Indian corn ground into meal, kneaded into a dough, and baked before a fire, but as the negroes bake theirs on the hoes that they work with, they have the appellation of hoe-cakes. These are in common use among the inhabitants, I cannot say they are palateable, for as to flavor, one made of sawdust would be equally good, and not unlike it in appearance, but they are certainly a very strong and hearty food."--Anburey,"Travels through America during the War," Vol. 2, pp. 330-5.Vindication of the Negroes: A ControversyFirst let me repeat your longest section relative to that people.'Below this class of inhabitants, (the whites of no property, in Virginia,) we must rank the Negroes, who would be still more to bepitied, if theirnatural insensibility did not in some measure alleviate the wretchedness inseparable from slavery. Seeing them ill lodged, ill clothed, and often overcome with labour, I concluded that their treatment had been as rigorous as it is elsewhere. Notwithstanding I have been assured that it is very mild, compared to what they suffer in the Sugar Colonies. And indeed one does not hear habitually, as at Jamaica and St. Domingo, the sound of whips, and the outcries of the wretched beings, whose bodies are torn piece meal by their strokes. It is because the people of Virginia are commonly milder than those of the Sugar Colonies, which consist chiefly of rapacious men, eager to amass fortunes, as soon as possible, and return to Europe. The produce of their labours being also less valuable, their tasks are not so rigorously exacted, and in justice to both, it must be allowed that the Negroes themselves are less treacherous and thievish, than they are in the Islands: for the propagation of the black species being very considerable here, most of them are born in the country, and it is remarked that these are in general less depraved than those imported from Africa. Besides, we must do the Virginians the justice to remark, that many of them treat their Negroes with a great deal of humanity, and what is still more to their honor, they appear sorry there are any among them, and are forever talking of abolishing slavery, and falling upon some other mode of improving their land, &c.'However this may be, it is fortunate that different motives concur to deter mankind from exercising such tyranny, at least upon their own species, if we cannot say, strictly speaking,their equals; for the more we observe the Negroes, the more we are convinced that the difference between usdoes not lie in the colour alone, &c.'Enough upon this subject, which has not escaped the attention of the politicians and philosophers of the present age: I have only to apologize for treating it without declamation; but I have always thought, that eloquence can only influence the resolutions of the moment, and that every thing which requires time, must be the work of reason. And besides, it will be an easy matter to add ten or twelve pages to these few reflections, which may be considered as a concert composed only of principal parts,con corni ad libertum.'Upon reading this passage attentively, I was surprised to find it contain a singular mixture of contradictory principles, and in the same breath, the sentiments of a philosopher and of a colonist; of an advocate for the Negroes, and of their enemy.It is evident that as a philosopher, and a friend to humanity, you are inclined to alleviate the lot of the Negroes, and commend those who do so, but this tenderness itself conceals a subtile venom that ought to be exposed. For you only bestow your pity upon the Negroes, while you owe them, if you are a philosopher, vindication and defense; you wish their masters to be humane; they ought to be just. Instead of praising such humanity, you ought to have blamed them for stopping there, in short, such a contempt for the Negroes pervades this whole article, as will necessarily encourage their tormentors to rivet their chains. Is not this contempt observable, for instance in the very first period?"Below this class of inhabitants (the meanest whites of Virginia) we must rank the Negroes, who would be still more to be pitied, if their natural insensibility did not in some measure alleviate the wretchedness inseparable from slavery."And who told you, Sir, that nature had created the Negroes with less feeling than other men? do you judge so because they have vegetated for three centuries in European fetters, and at this day have not altogether shaken off the horrid yoke? But do not their frequent risings, and the cruelties they from time to time retaliate upon their masters, give the lie to this natural insensibility? for an insensible being has no resentment. If he does not feel, how should he remember? Do you think the wretched Indians, who, since the discovery of the New world, are burried in the mines of Peru, are also naturally insensible, because they suffer patiently?You calumniate nature in making her grant favours to particulars; in giving her a system of inequality among her offspring. All men are cast in the same mould.--The varieties which distinguish individuals, are the sports of chance, or the result of different circumstances; but the black comes into the world with as much sensibility as the white, the Peruvian, as the European.What then degrades this natural and moral sensibility? The greater or less privation of liberty; in proportion as man loses it, he loses the powers of sensation; he loses the man; he sickens or becomes a brute. It is slavery alone which can reduce a man to a level with the brute creation, and sometimes deprives him of all sensibility; but you blame nature, that kind parent, who would have us all equal, free and happy, for the crime of social barbarity, and you pass by this crime, to extenuate another, to extenuate the horrid torments of slavery! Not satisfied with violating nature, byabusing her offspring, even in her name, you encourage slaveholders to torment them.Do you not arm their tyrants, when you tell them, the insensibility of the Negroes alleviates their torments?What! because greatness of soul raised Sidney above the terrors of death, the infernal Jefferies1who caused his execution, was less guilty! because the Quakers appeared insensible to insults, blows, or punishments, they are less to be pitied, and it was right to martyr them! A dangerous notion, whose consequences I am sure you would disapprove. If this insensibility with which you reproach the Negroes mitigated the cruelty of their masters, it were well: but their tormentors do not wish them not to feel; they would have them all feeling, for the pleasure of torturing them; and their punishments are increased in proportion to their insensibility.Seeing the Negroes, say you, "Ill lodged, ill cloathed, and often overcome with labour, I concluded that their treatment had been as rigorous as it is elsewhere. Notwithstanding I have been assured that it is very mild, compared to what they suffer in the Sugar Colonies."Why this comparison, which seems to insinuate a justification of the Virginians? does a misfortune cease to be such, because there is a greater elsewhere? Was Cartouche less detestable because Brinvilliers had existed before him? Let us not weaken by comparisons the idea of criminality, nor lessen the attention due to the miserable, this were to countenance the crime. The Negroes are ill lodged, ill cloathed, oppressed with labour in Virginia: this is the fact, this is the offence. It matters not whether they are worse treated elsewhere; in whatever degree they are so in Virginia, it is still outrage and injustice.And again, why are the Negroes of Virginia less cruelly treated? Humanity is not the motive, it is because covetousness cannot obtain so much from their labours, as in the Sugar Islands. Was it otherwise, they would be sacrificed to it here, as well as there; how can we praise such forced humanity? how, on the contrary, not give vent to all the indignation, which must naturally arise in every feeling mind?"And to do justice to both, you add, if the Virginians are not so severe, it is because the Negroes themselves are less treacherous and thievish than in the islands, because the propagation of the black species being very considerable here, most of the Negroes are born in the country, and it is remarked, that these are in general less depraved than those imported from Africa."Here is a strange confusion of causes and effects, and a strange abuse of words. First let us clear up the facts. Here are some valuable ones for the cause of the Negroes.You say they are not so thievish in Virginia, propagate faster, and are less depraved: Why? Because they are less cruelly treated.--Here is the cause and the effect, you have mistaken one for the other.We must conclude from this fact, that if the Virginians were no longer severe, and should treat the blacks like fellow-creatures, they would not be more vicious than their white servants.The degree of oppression is the measure of what is improperly called the viciousness of the slaves.--The more cruel their tyrants, the more treacherous, villainous and cruel are the slaves in return--Can we wonder that Macronius should assassinate his master Tiberius? This viciousness is a punishment that heaven inflicts upon tyranny.Can the efforts of a slave for the recovery of his liberty, be denominated vicious or criminal? From the moment you violate the laws of nature, in regard to them, why should not they shake them off in their relative duties to you? You rob them of liberty, and you would not have them steal your gold! You whip and cruelly torment them, and expect them not to struggle for deliverance! You assassinate them every day, and expect them not to assassinate you once! You call your outrages, rights, and the courage which repulses them, a crime! What a confusion of ideas! what horrid logic!And you, sir, a humane philosopher! are accessory to this injustice, by describing the blacks in the style of a dealer in human flesh! You call what are no more than natural consequences of the compression of the spring of liberty--treachery, theft and depravation.2But can a natural consequence be criminal? Remove the cause or is it not the only crime?For my part, sir, I firmly believe, that the barbarities committed by the Negroes, not merely against their masters, but even against others, will be attributed at the bar of eternal justice, to the slaveholders, and those infamous persons employed in the Guinea trade. I firmly believe, that no human justice has the right of putting a Negro slave to death for any crime whatever, because not being free, he is not sui juris, and should be regarded as a child or an idiot, being almost always under the lash. I believe that the real criminal, the cause of the crime, is the man who first seized him, sold him, or enslaved him.--And if ever I should fall under the knife of an unhappy runaway, I would not resent it upon him but upon those white men who keep blacks in slavery. I would tell them, your cruelty towards your Negroes, has endangered my life--they execrate you, they take me for a tyrant because I am white like you, and the vengeance due to your crimes has fallen upon me.God forbid, however, that I should undertake to encourage the blacks to take up arms against their masters! God forbid, however, that I should undertake to justify the excesses to which their resentments have sometimes hurried them, and which have often fallen on persons who were not accessary to their wretchedness! The slavery under which they groan, must be abolished by peaceable means; and thanks to the active spirit of benevolence which animates the Quakers, the pious undertaking is already begun. In most of the United States of America, the yoke has been taken from their necks; in others the Guinea-trade has been prohibited. Societies have been formed both at Paris and London, to collect and circulate information upon this interesting subject, to induce the European governments to put a stop to the Negro trade, and provide for their gradual emancipation in the West-India islands: No doubt success will crown their views, and the friends of liberty will enjoy the satisfaction of communicating its blessings to the blacks.But the blacks must wait for the happy moment that shall restore them to civil life, in silence and in peace; they must rely upon the unwearied diligence and zeal of the numerous writers who advocate their cause, and the efforts of the humane to second their endeavors; they must strive to justify and support the argumentsthat are adduced in their favour, by displaying virtue in the very bosom of slavery; they must endeavour, in a word, to render themselves worthy of liberty, that they may know how to use it when it shall be restored to them; for liberty itself is sometimes a burden, when slavery has stupefied the soul.Such blacks, therefore, as are so inconsiderate as to be concerned in insurrections, are guilty of retarding the execution of the general plan for their emancipation; for the question is not, at the present day, whether a million of slaves ought to be set at liberty, but whether they can when free, be put into a capacity of providing for the subsistence of themselves and their families. Insurrections, far from effecting this purpose, would destroy the means. Regard, therefore, to their own interests, if there were no other motive, should therefore engage the blacks to patient submission, and no doubt but they will yield it, if their masters and the ministers of the gospel in particular, to whom the task of comforting and instructing them, is committed, endeavour to prepare them for approaching freedom.You sir, have adopted the vulgar notion, that the Negroes born in Virginia, are less depraved than those imported from Africa. You call the firmness which is common in the early stages of their slaverygreater degeneracy;they are depraved, that is, in your language--they are wicked and treacherous to those who have purchased them, or brought them from their own country.--But in my mind, they are not depraved, because the acts of violence their genius inspires them to revenge themselves upon their tyrants, are justified by the rights of nature.And why are those imported, more wicked in your opinion? In mine, more quick, more ardent in their resentments? because, not having forgotten their former situation, they feel their loss the more sensibly; and having strong ideas, their resolutions are more firm and their actions more violent, they not having yet contracted the habits of slavery.They soon fall into that degree of apathy and insensibility, which you unjustly believe to be natural to them; that is, in your language, they become less depraved; but I would say that their depravity begins with this apathy and weakness.--For depravity is the loss of nature, and the want of those virtues inherent in man, courage and the love of liberty. Our readers may judge from this article, how strangely writers have wrested words to condemn these unhappy Negroes, and the unfortunate in general.I do not, however, pretend to say, that the Negroes of Africa are all good, or even that many of them are not depraved. But is this fact to be imputed to them as a personal crime? Ought you not rather to have ascribed it to the foreign source by which they are corrupted. Alike in them and in the whites, the depravity of man is a consequence of his wretchedness, and the usurpation of his rights. Wherever he is free and at ease, he is good; wherever the contrary, he is wicked. Neither his nature nor the climate corrupt him, but the government of his country. Now that of the Negroes is almost universally despotic, such as must necessarily debase and corrupt the Negro.How much is the depravity, occasioned by the government of his country, increased by his second slavery, far worse than the first--for he is no longer among friends in his native land--surrounded by the pleasing scenes of his childhood, he is among monsters who are going to live by, and trade in his blood, and has nothing before his eyes but death, or oppression equivalent to an endless punishment.How is it possible such horrid prospects should not fire his soul? How, if chance should present him with arms and liberty, should he resist using them, to put an end to his own existence, or that of his tormentors? What white man would be less cruel in his situation? Truly I think myself of a humane disposition, that I love my fellow-creatures and detest the effusion of blood, but if ever a villain, white or black, should snatch me from my freedom, my family, and my friends, should overwhelm me with outrages and blows, to gratify his caprice, should extend his barbarities to my wife and children--my blood boils at the thought--perhaps in a transport of revenge.... If such vengeance would be lawful in me, what makes the Negro more guilty? Why should that be called wickedness and depravity in him, which would be stiled virtue in me, in you, in every white man? Are not my rights the same as his? Is not nature our common parent? God his father as well as mine? His conscience an infallible guide as well as mine? Let us then no longer make other laws for the blacks than those we are bound by ourselves, since Heaven has placed them on a level with us, has made them like us, since they are our brethren and our fellow-creatures.Here you stop me, you say thatthe Negro is not our fellow-creature, that he is below the white.How could so shocking an opinion escape the pen of a memberof the Royal Academy, a writer who would be thought a friend of mankind!Do not you see the tormentors of St. Domingo, avail themselves of it already, redoubling their strokes, and regarding their slaves as mere machines, like the Cartesians do the brutes? They are not our fellow-creatures will they say: a philosopher of Paris has proved it?What! the blacks our equals! Have not they eyes, ears, a shape, and organs like ours? Does nature follow another order, other laws for them?--Have not they speech, that peculiar characteristic of humanity? But then the colour! What of that? Are the pale white Albinos, the olive or copper coloured Indians also of different species! Who does not know that colour is accidental. They are not our equals! Have not they the same faculties--reason, memory, imagination? Yes, you reply, but they have written no books. Who told you so? Who told you there were no learned blacks? And supposing it were so, if none but authors are men, the whole human race is different from us.Shall I tell you why there are no authors or men of learning among the Negroes? What has made you what you are? Education and circumstances!--Now where are the Negroes favoured by either? Consider them wherever they are to be found.--In Africa, wretchedly enslaved by domestic tyrants; in our islands perpetual martyrs; in the southern United States, the meanest of slaves; in the northern, domestics; in Europe, universally contemned, every where proscribed, like the Jews; in a word, every where in a state of debasement.I have been told that there are blacks of property in the northern parts of America; but these, like the other settlers, are no more than sensible farmers or traders.--There are no authors3among them, because there are few rich and idle people in America.What spring of action could raise a Negro from his debased condition? the road to glory and honor is impassible to him: What then should he write for? Besides, the blacks have reason to detest the sciences, for their oppressors cultivate them but they do not make them better.Shall we say that the Indians or Arabs are not our equals, because they despise both our arts and our sciences? or the Quakers, because they neither respect academies nor wits?In short, if you will deny the Negroes souls, energy, sensibility, gratitude or beneficence, I oppose you to yourself, I might quote your own anecdote of Mr. Langdon's Negro, and abundance of other well known facts in favour of the blacks. You may find some striking ones in the Abbé Raynals' philosophical history. One of them would have been sufficient. The Negro who killed himself when his master who had injured him was in his power, was superior to Epictetus, and the existence of a single Negro of so sublime a character, ennobles all his kind.But how could you judge whether the blacks were different from the whites, who saw them only in a state of slavery and wretchedness? Do we estimate beauty by the figure of a Laplander? magnanimity by the soul of a courtier? or intelligence by the stupidity of an Esquimaux?If the traces of humanity were so much weakened and effaced in the Negroes, that you did not recognize them, I conclude not that they do not belong to our species, but that they must have been cruelly tormented to reduce them to this state of degeneracy. I do not conclude that they are not men, but that the Europeans who kidnap the blacks, are not worthy of the name.You consider what precautions it may be necessary to take to avoid the danger which might attend a general emancipation of the Negroes.I shall not now enter into a discussion of this nice question, but reserve it for another work: yet I must say in a word, that the Negroes will never be our friends, will never be men, until they are possessed of all our rights, until we are upon an equality. Civil liberty is the boundary between good and evil, order and disorder, happiness and misery, ignorance and knowledge. If we would make the Negroes worthy of us, we must raise them to our level by giving them this liberty.Thus, the chief inconvenience you expect will follow the emancipation of the Negroes, may be avoided; that although free, they will remain a distinct species, a distinct and dangerous body.This objection will vanish when we intermix with them, and boldly efface every distinction. Unless this is the case, I foresee torrents of blood spilt and the earth disputed between the whites and blacks, as America was between the Europeans and Savages.Perhaps, and it is no extravagant idea--perhaps it might be more prudent, more humane, to send the blacks back again to their native country, settle them there, encourage their industry, andassist them to form connections with Europe and America. The celebrated doctor Fothergill conceived this plan, and the society for the abolition of slavery, at London, have carried it into execution at Sierra Leone. Time and perseverance, will discover the policy and utility of this settlement. If it should succeed, the blacks will quit America insensibly, and Sierra Leone become the centre from whence general civilization will spread over all Africa.Perhaps, sir, you will place these thoughts upon the Negroes with those declamations you are pleased to ridicule: But what is the epithet of declaimer to me, if I am right, if I make an impression upon my readers, if I cause remorse into the breast of a single slave-holder; in a word, if I contribute to accelerate the general impulse toward liberty.You disapprove the application of eloquence to this subject; you think nothing can affect it but exertions of cool reason. What is eloquence but the language of reason and sensibility? When man is oppressed, he struggles, he complains, he moves our passions, and bears down all opposition. Such eloquence can perform wonders, and should be employed by those who undertake to plead the cause of the unfortunate who spend their days in continual agony, or he will make no impression.--I do not conceive how any man can display wit instead of feeling, upon this distracting subject, amuse with an antithesis, instead of forcible reasoning, and only dazzle where he ought to warm. I have no conception how a sensible and thinking being, can see a fellow-creature tortured and torn to pieces, perhaps his poor wife bathed in tears, with a wretched infant sucking her shriveled breast at his side; I say I have no conception how he can behold such a sight, with indifference; how, unagonized and convulsed with rage and indignation, he can have the barbarity to descend to jesting! Notwithstanding, your observations upon the Negroes, conclude with a jest.It will be an easy matter, say you, to add ten or twelve pages to these few reflections, which may be considered as a concert, composed only of principal parts, "con corni ad Libertum."I hope there is nothing cruel, because there is nothing studied in this connection, this inconsiderate manner: but how could such a comparison come into the head of a man of feeling? It is the sad effect of wit, as I said before; it contracts the soul. Ever glancing over agreeable objects, it is unfeeling when intruded upon by wretchedness--uneasy to obliterate the shocking idea, and elude the groans of nature, it rids itself of both by a jest. The humaneBenezet would never have connected this idea of harmony with the sound of a Negro driver's whip.Having proved that you have wronged the Quakers and the Negroes, I shall proceed to shew that you have equally injured mankind and the people.--Critical Examination of the Marquis de Chastellux's Travels in North-America, 1782. Translated from the French of Jean P. Verre Brissot de Warville, 1788, pp. 51-63.Footnotes[return]1. This Jefferies was the most infamous Chief Justice that ever existed in England. Charles II. and James II. well acquainted with his talents for chicane, his debauchery and blood-thirstiness, his baseness and his crimes, made use of him to exterminate, with the sword of law, all those worthy men who defended the constitution from their tyranny.I often quote the History of England; unhappily for us it is too little known in France.[return]2. Most authors who have not studied the rights of men, fall into this error. I have remarked elsewhere (Vol. II of theJourn. du Licee, No. 4, page 222) that a writer, who, notwithstanding, deserves our esteem, for having written against the despotism of the Turkish government, has suffered himself to be drawn into it. M. le Baron de Tott says that the Moldavians are thievish, mean and faithless. To translate these words into the language of truth, we must say, the Turks, the masters of the Moldavians, are unjust, robbers, villains, and tyrants; and that the Moldavians revenge themselves by opposing deceit to oppression, etc. Thus, the people are almost everywhere wrongfully accused.[return]3. There was, however, a Negro author at London, whose productions are not without merit, and were lately published in two volumes. His name was Ignatius Sancho. He wrote in the manner of Sterne.Sur L'état Général, Le Genre D'industrie, Les Moeurs, Le Caractère, Etc. Des Noirs, Dans Les États-unis"Dans les quatre états du nord et dans ceux du midi, les noirs libres sont, ou domestiques, ou tiennent de petites boutiques, ou cultivent la terre. Vous en voyez quelques-unes sur les bâtimens destinés au cabotage. Peu osent se hasarder sur les vaisseau employés aux voyages de long cours, parce qu'ils craignent d'être transportés et vendus dans les iles.--Au physique, tous ces noirs sont généralement vigoureux,1d'une forte constitution, capables des travaux les plus pénibles; ils sont généralement actifs.--Domestiques, ils sont sobres et fidèles.--Ce portrait s'applique aux femmes de cette couleur.--Je n'ai vu faire aucune distinction entr'eux à cet égard et les domestiques blancs, quoique ces derniers les traitent toujours avec mépris, comme étant d'une espèce inférieure.--Ceux qui tiennent des boutiques, vivent médiocrement, n'augmentent jamais leurs affaires au-dela d'un certain point. La raison en est simple: quoique partout on traite les noirs avec humanité, les blancs qui ont l'argent, ne sont pas disposés à faire aux noirs des avances, telles qu'elles les missent en état d'entreprendre le commerce en grand; d'ailleurs, il faut pour ce commerce quelques connoissances préliminaires, il faut faire un noviciat dans un comptoir, et la raison n'a pas encore ouvert aux noirs la porte du comptoir. On ne leur permet pas de s'y asseoir à côté des blancs.--Si donc les noirs sont bornés ici à un petit commerce de détail, n'en accusons pas leur impuissance, mais le préjugé des blancs, qui leur donnent des entraves. Les mémes causes empéchent les moirs qui vivent à la compagne d'avoir des plantations étendues; celles qu'ils cultivent sont bornées, mais généralement assez bien cultivées: de bons habits,une log house, ou maison de bois en bon état, des enfans plusnombreux les font remarquer des Européens voyageurs, et l'oeil du philosophe se plaît à considérer ces habitations, où la tyrannie ne fait point verser de pleurs. Dans cette partie de l'Amerique, les noirs sont certainement heureux; mais ayons le courage de l'avouer, leur bonheur et leurs talens ne sont pas encore au degré où ils pourroient atteindre.--Il existe encoure un trop grand intervalle entre eux et les blancs, sur-tout dans l'opinion publique, et cette difference humiliante arrête tous les efforts qu'ils feroient pour s'élever. Cette difference se montre par-tout. Par exemple, on admet les noirs aux écoles publiques; mais ils ne peuvent franchir le seuil d'un collège. Quoique libres, quoique indépendans, ils sont toujours eux-mêmes accoutumés à se regarder comme au-dessous du blanc; il y a des droits qu'ils n'out pas.2Concluons de là qu'on jugeroit mal de l'étendue, de la capacité des noirs, en prenant pour base celle des noirs libres dans les états du nord.Mais quand on les compare aux noirs, esclaves des états du midi, quelle prodigieuse différence les sépare! Dans le midi, les noirs sont dans un état d'abjection et d'abrutissement difficile à peindre. Beaucoup sont nuds, mal nourris, logés dans de miserables huttes, couchés sur la paille.3On ne leur donne aucune éducation; on neles instruit dans aucune religion; on ne les marie pas, on les accouple; aussi sont ils avilis, paresseux, sans idées, sans énergie.--Ills ne se donneroient aucune peine pour avoir des habits, ou de meilleures provisions; ils aiment mieux porter des haillons que de les raccommoder. Ills passent le dimanche, qui est le jour du repos, entièrement dans l'inaction.--L'inaction est leur souverain bonheur; aussi travaillent-ils pen et nonchalamment.Il faut rendre justice à la vérité; les Américains du midi traitent doucement les esclaves, et c'est un des effets produits par l'extension générale des idées sur la liberté; l'esclave travaille moins par-tout; mais on s'est borné là. Il n'en est pas mieux, ni pour la mourriture, ni pour son habillement, ni pour ses moeurs, ni pour ses idées; ainsi le maître perd, sans que l'esclaves acquière; et s'il suivoit l'exemple des Americains du nord, tous deux gagneroient au changement.On a cru généralment jusqu'à ces derniers temps, que les nègres avoient moins de capacité morale que les blancs; des auteurs même estimables l'ont imprimé.4Ce préjugé commence à disparoitre; les états du nord pourroient fournir des exemples du contraire. Je n'en citerai que deux frappans; le premier, prouvera, qu'avec l'instruction, on peut rendre les noirs propres à toutes les professions; le second, que la tête d'un nègre est organsée pour les calculs les plus étonans, et par conséquent pour toutes les sciences.J'ai vu, dans mon séjour à Philadelphie, un noir, appelé Jacques Derham, médecin, qui exerce dans la Nouvelle-Orleans, sur le Mississippi; et voici son histoire, telle qu'elle m'a été attestée par plusieurs médecins.--Ce noir a été élevé dans une famille de Philadelphie, où il a appris à lire, à écrire, et où on l'a instruit dans les principes du christianisme. Dans sa jeunesse, il fut vendu au feu docteur Jean Kearsley le jeune, de cette ville, qui l'employoit pour composer des médecines, et les administrer á ses malades.A la mort du docteur Kearsley, il passa dans différentes mains, et il devint enfin l'esclave du docteur George West, chirurgien du seizième regiment d'Angleterre, sous lequel, pendant la dernière guerre en Amérique, il remplit les fonctions les moins importantes de la médecine.A la fin de la guerre, le docteur West le vendit au Docteur Robert Dove, de la Nouvelle-Orleans, qui l'employa comme sonsecond. Dans cette condition, il gagna si bien la confiance et l'amité de son maître, que celui-ci consentit à l'affranchir deux ou trois ans après, et à des conditions modérées.--Derham s'étoit tellement perfectionné dans la medecine, qu'à l'époque de sa liberté, il fut en état de la pratiquer avec succès à la Nouvelle-Orleans.--Il a environ 26 ans; il est marié, mais il n'a point d'enfans; la medecine lui rapporte 3000 dollars, ou 16000 l. environ par an.J'ai causé, m'a dit le docteur Wistar, avec lui sur les maladies aiguës et épidémiques du pays où il vit, et je l'ai trouve bien versé dans la méthode simple, usitée par les modernes pour le traitement de ces maladies.--Je croyois pouvoir lui indiquer de nouveaux remèdes; mais ce fut lui qui me les indiqua.--Il est modeste, et a des manières très-engageantes; il parle francois avec facilité et a quelques connoisances de l'espagnol. -- Qoique né dans une famille religieuse, on avoit, par accident, oublié de le faire baptiser. En conséquence, il s'est adressé au docteur Withe pour recevoir le baptême; il le lui a conféré, apres l'en avoir jugé digne, non-seulement par ses connoisances, mais par son excellente conduite.Voice l'autre fait, tel qu'il m'a été attesté, et imprimé par le docteur Rush,5célèbre médecin et auteur, établi à Philadelphie et plusieurs détails m'en ont été confirmés par l'épouse de l'immortel Washington, dans le voisinage duquel ce nègre est depuis longtemps.Son nom est Thomas Fuller; il est né en Afrique, et ne sait ni lire ni écrire; il a maintenant soixante-dix ans, et a vécu toute sa vie sur la plantation de MmeCox, a quatre milles d'Alexandrie. Deux habitans respectables de Pensylvanie, MM. Hartshom et Samuel Coates, qui voyageoient en Virginie, ayant appris la facilité singuliere que ce noir avoit pour les calculus les plus compliques, l'envoyèrent chercher, et lui firent differentes questions.Première. Etant interrogé, combien de secondes il y avoit dans une année et demie, il repondit en deux minutes, 47,304,000, en comptant 365 jours dans l'année.Deuxième. Combien de secondes auroit vécu un homme âgé de soix-ante-dix ans dix-sept jours et douze heures? Il répondit dans une minute et demie, 2,210,500,800.Un des Americains qui l'interrogeoit et qui vérifioit ses calculs avec la plume, lui dit qu'il se trompoit, que la somme n'étoit pas si considerable; et cela étoit vrai: c'est qu'il n'avoit pas fait attention aux années bissextiles; il corrigea le calcul avec la plus grande célérité.Autre question. Supposez un laboureur qui a six truies, et que chaque truie en met bas six autres la première année, et qu'elles multiplient dans la même proportion jusqu'à, l' fin de la huitème année: combien alors de truies aura le laboureur, s'il n'en perd aucune? Le vieillard répondit en dix minutes, 34,588,806.La longueur du temps ne fut occasionée que parce qu'il n'avoit pas d'abord compris la question.Après avoir satisfait à toutes les questions, il raconta l'origine et les progrès de son talent en arithmétique.--Il compta a'abord jusqu'a 10, puis 100; et s'imaginoit alors, disoit-il, être un habile homme. Ensuite il s'amusa à compter tous les grains d'un boisseau de ble, et successivement il sut compter le nombre de rails ou morceaux de bois necessaires pour enclore un champ d'une telle étendue, ou de grains nécessaires pour le semer.--Sa maîtresse avoit tiré beaucoup d'advantages de son talen; il ne parloit d'elle qu'avec la plus grande reconnoissance, parce qu'elle ne l'avoit jamais voulu vendre, malgre les offres considerables qu'on lui avoit faites pour l'acheter.--Sa tête commençoit à foiblir.--Un des Americains lui ayant dit que c'étoit dommage qu'il n'eut pas recu de l'éducation: Non, maître, dit-il; il vaut mieux que je n'aie rien appris, car bien des savans ne sont que des sots.Ces exemples prouveront, sans doute, que la capacité des nègres peut s'étendre a tout; ils n'ont besoin que d'instruction et de liberté.--La différence qui se remarque entre ceux qui sont libres et instruits et les autres, se montre encore dans leurs travaux.--Les terres qu'habitent et les blancs et les noirs, soumis à ce rêgime, sont infiniment mieux cultivées, produisent plus abondamment, offrent par-tout l'image de l'aisance et du bonheur; et tel est, par exemple, l'aspect du Connecticut et de la Pensylvanie.--Passez dans le Maryland ou la Virginie, encore une fois, vous croyez être dans un autre monde. Ce ne sont plus des plaines bien cultivées, des maisons de campagne, propres et meme élégantes, des vastes granges bien distribuées; ce ne sont plus des troupeaux nombreux de bestiaux gras et vigoureux: non, tout dans le Maryland et la Virginia, porte l'empreinte de l'esclavage; sol brulé, culture mal entendue, maisons délabrées, bestiaux petits et peu nombreux, cadavres noirs ambulans; en un mot, vous y voyez une misère réelle a côté de l'apparence du luxe.On commence à s'appercevoir, même dans les états méridionaux, que nourrir mal un exclave est une chétive économie, et que le fonds placé dans l'esclavage ne rend pas son interêt. C'est peut-être plusà cette considération, plus encore à l'impossibilité pécuniaire de recruter; c'est plus, dis-je, à ces considérations qu'à l'humanité, qu'on doit l'introduction du travail libre dans une partie de la Virginie, dans celle qui avoisine la belle rivière de la Shenadore. Aussi croiroit-on, en la voyant, voir encore la Pensylvanie.Osons l'espérer, tel sera un jour le sort de la Virginie, quand elle ne sera plus souillée par l'esclavage; et ce terme n'est peut-être pas eloigné. Il n'y a des esclaves que parce qu'on les croit nécessaires á la culture du tabac, et cette culture décline tous les jours et doit décliner. Le tabac, qui se ciiltive près de l'Ohio et du Mississippi, est infiniment plus abondant, de meilleure qualité, exige moins de travaux. Quand ce tabac se sera ouvert le chemin de l'Europe, les Virginiens seront obligés de cesser sa culture, et de demander à la terre du blé, des pommes de terre, de faire des prairies et d'élever des bestiaux. Les Virginiens judicieux prévoient cette revolution, l'anticipent, et se livrent à la culture du blé.--A leur tête, on doit mettre cet homme étonnant, qui, général adoré, eut le courage d'être republican sincère; qui, couvert de gloire, seul, ne s'en souvient plus; héros dont la destinée unique sera d'avoir sauvé deux fois sa patrie, de lui ouvrir le chemin de la prospérité, apres avoir ouvert celui de la liberté. Maintenantentièrementoccupé6du soin d'améliorer ses terres, d'en varier le produit, d'ouvrir des routes, des communications, il donne à ses compatriotes un exemple utile, et qui sans doute sera suivi. Il a cependant, dois-je, le dire? une foule nombreuse d'esclaves noirs.--Mais ils sont traites avec la plus grande humanité. Bien nourris, bien vêtus, n'ayant qu'un travail modéré à faire, ils bénissent sans cesse le maître que le Ciel leur a donné.--Il est digne sans doute d'une âme aussi élevée, aussi pure, aussi désinteressé, de commencer la révolution en Virginie, d'y preparer l'affranchissement des nègres.--Ce grand homme, lorsque j'eus le bonheur de l'entretenir, m'avoua qu'il admiroit tout ce qui se faissoit dans les autres états, qu'il en desiroit l'extension dans son propre pays; mais il ne me cacha pas que de nombreux obstacles s'y opposoient encore, qu'il seroit dangereux de heurter de front un préjugé qui commencoit à diminuer.--Du temps, de la patience, des lumières, et on le convaincra, me dit-il. Presque tous les Virginiens, ajoutoit-il, ne croyent pas que la liberté des noirs puisse sitôt devenir générale.Voilà pourquoi ils ne veulent point former de société qui puisse donner des idées dangereuses à leurs esclaves. Un autre obstacle s'y oppose. Les grandes propriétés éloignent les hommes, rendent difficiles les assemblées, et vous ne trouverez ici que de grands propriétaires.Les Virginiens se trompent, lui disois-je; il est evident que tôt ou tard les nègres obtiendront par-tout leur liberté, que cette révolution s'étendra en Virginie. Il est done de l'intérêt de vos compatriotes de s'y préparer, de tacher de concilier la restitution des droits des nègres avec leur propriété. Les Moyens à prendre, pour cet effet, ne peuvent être l'ouvrage que d'une société, et il est digne du sauveur de l'Amerique d'en être le chef, et de rendre la liberté à 300,000 hommes malheureux dans son pays. Ce grand homme me dit qu'il en desiroit la formation, qu'il la seconderoit; mail il ne croyoit pas le moment favorable.--Sans doute des vues plus élévees absorboient alors son attention et remplissoient son âme; le destin de l'amerique étoit prêt à étre remis une seconde fois dans ses mains.C'est un malheur, n'en doutons pas, semblable société n'existe pas dans le Maryland et dans la Virginie; car c'est au zèle constant de celles de Philadelphie et de New-Yorck qu'on doit tous les progrès de cette révolution en Amerique, et la naissance de la société de Londres.Que ne puis-je ici vous peindre l'impression dont j'ai été frappé en assistant aux séances de ces trois sociétés!--Quelle gravité dans la contenance des membres! quelle simplicité dans leurs discours! quelle candeur dans leurs discussions! quelle bienfaisance! quelle énergie dans leur résolution! Chacun s'empressoit d'y prendre part, non pour briller, mais pour être utile.--Avec quelle joie ils apprirent qu'il s'élevoit une société semblable à la leur dans Paris, dans cette capitale immense, si célèbre en Amerique par l'opulence, le faste, l'influence sur un vaste royaume, et sur presque tous les états de l'Europe! Avec quel empressement ils publièrent cette nouvelle dans toutes leurs gazettes, et répandirent partout la traduction du premier discours lu dans cette société! Avec quelle joie ils virent dans la liste des membres de cette société, un nom cher à leurs coeurs, et qu'ils ne prononcent qu'aves attendrissement, et les noms d'autres personness connues par leur énergie et leur patriotisme! Ils ne doutoient point que si cette société s'étendoit, bravoit les obstacles, s'unissoit avec celle de Londres, les lumières repandues par elles sur le trafic des nègres et sur son infamie inutile, n'éclairassent les gouvernmens, et n'en determinassent la suppression.Ce fut, sans doute, à cet élan de joie et d'espoir, et aux recommendations flatteuses que j'avois emportées d'Europe, plus qu'à mes foibles travaux, que je dus l'honneur qu'ils me firent de m'associer à leur rang.Ces sociétés ne se bornèrent pas à ces démonstrations; elles nommèrent dés comités pour m'assister dans mes travaux; leurs archives me furent ouvertes.Ces sociétés bienfaisantes s'occupent maintenant de nouveaux prospects pour consommer leur oeuvre de justice et d'humanité; elles s'occupent à creer de nouvelles sociétés dans les états qui n'en out point; c'est ainsi qu'il vient de s'en élever une dans l'état de Delaware.--Elles forment de nouveaux projets pour décourager l'esclavage et le commerce des esclaves.--Cest ainsi que, pour arrêter les ventes scandaleuses qui s'en font encore dans New Yorck,7à des enchères publiques, tous les membres se sont engagés à ne jamais employer l'officier public, l'huissier-priseur qui présideroit à de pareilles ventes. Mais c'est sur-tout à sauver des mains de la cupidité des esclaves, qu'elle voudroit et ne doit pas retenir, que la société de Philadelphie est ingénieuse.--Un esclave est-il maltraité, il trouve dans elle une protection assurée et gratuite.--Un autre a fini son temps, et est toujours détenu; elle reclame ses droits.--Des étrangers amènent des noirs, et ne satisfont pas à la loi; la société en procure le benefice à ces malheureux nègres.--Un des plus célèbres avocats de Philadelphie, dont j'aime à vanter les talents et l'amitié qui nous unit, M.Myers Fisher, lui prête son ministère, presque toujours avec succès, et tojours avec désintéressement. Cette société s'est apperçue que de nombreuses assemblées, n'avoient pas d'action, parce que le mouvement se perdoit en se divisant en trop de membres; elle a créé plusiers comités, toujours en activite; elle sollicite des créations semblables dans tous les états; afin que par-tout les loix sur l'abolition de la traite et sur l'affranchissement soient executées; afin que par-tout on presente des pétitions aux legislatures, pour obtenir de nouvelles loix pour les cas non prévus. --Enfin, c'est a cette société, sand doute, que l'on devra un jour de semblables établissemens dans le midi. J. P. Brissot, (Warville). --"Nouveau Vouage dans les États-Unis de l'Amerique Septentrionale, 1788," Tome Second, 31-49.Footnotes[return]1. Les noirs maries font certainement autant d'enfans que les blancs; mais on a remarqué que dans les villes, il perissoit plus d'enfans noirs. Cette difference tient moins a leur nature qu'au défaut d'aisance et de soins, sur-tout des médecins et des chirurgiens.[return]2. N'y eut-il que l'aversion des blancs pour le mariage de leurs filles avec les noirs, ce seul sentiment suffiroit pour avilir ces deniers. Cependant il y a quelques exemples de ces mariages.Il existe a Pittsbourg sur l'Ohio une blanche d'origine françoise, menée a Londres, et enlevée, à l'âge de douze ans, par des corsaires qui faisoient métier d'enlever des enfans, et de les vendre en Amerique pour un temps fixé de leur travail.--Des circonstances singulieres l'engagèrent à épouser un nègre qui lui acheta sa liberté, et qui la tira des mains d'un blanc, maître barbare et libi-dineux, qui avoit tout employé pour la desuire.--Une mulâtresse, sortie de cette union, a épousé un chirurgien de Nantes, établi à Pittsburg.--Cette famille est une des plus respectables de cette ville; le nègre fait un très bon commerce, et la maîtresse se fait un devoir d'accueillir et de bien traiter les étrangers, et sur tout les François que le hasard amène de ce côté.Mais on n'a point d'idée d'une pareille union dans le nord; elle revolteroit.--Dans les etablissemens, le long de l'Ohio il y a bien des négresses qui vivent avec des blancs non mariés.--Cependant on m'assura que cette union est regardée de mauvais oeil par les nègres mêmes. Si une négresse a une-querelle avec une mulâtresse, elle lui reproche d'être d'un sang mêlé.[return]3. Le docteur Rush, qui a été portée de traiter ces noirs, m'a communiqué une observation bien importante, et qui prouve combien l'énergie morale et intellectuelle d'un individu influe sur sa santé et son état physique. Il m'a dit qu'il étoit bien plus difficile de traiter et de guérir ces noirs esclaves que les blancs; qu'ils résistoient bien moins aux maladies violentes ou longues. C'est qu'ils tiennent pen par l'âme à la vie: la vitalité ou le ressort de la vie est presque nul dans eux.[return]4. J'ai deja plusieurs fois refuté cette opinion et sur-tout dans mon Examen critique des voyages de M. Chatellux. Elle a d'alleurs été détruite dans une foule d'excellens ouvrages.[return]5. Ce médecin est aussi célèbre en Amerique, par de bons écrits politiques. C'est un apôtre infatigable de la liberté.[return]6. Il n'étoit pas alors président des Etats-Unis. J'anticipe ici sur plusieurs conversations que j'ai eues avec ce grand homme, et dont je parlerai par la suite.[return]7. A l'assemblée de la société de New-Yorck, du 9 novembre 1787, il a été arrêté qu'on donneroit une medaille d'or pour le meilleur discours qui seroit prononcé a l'ouverture du college de New-Yorck sur l'injustice et la cruaute de la traite des nègres, et sur les funestes effets de l'esclavage.Slavery as Seen by Henry Wansey"In this state (He was then at Worcester) the Negroes are free and happy, are electors, but not elected to offices of state; their education, however, is the same as the whites. ... No negro child is suffered to be endentured beyond twenty-four years of age."We observe a school by the road-side in almost every parish, and out of it run negro boys and girls as well as white children, without any distinction. ... A road branched off here to our right hand, leading to Albany about 60 miles distant. I now observe six or eight negroes working together in a field, well dressed as other people. Notwithstanding, they are here free, and admitted to equal privileges with the white people, yet they love to associate with each other. It is observed that they are naturally lazier, and will not work so hard as a white servant.--Perhaps, the remembrance of former compulsive service, may make them place a luxury in idleness. Nor do they yet seem to feel their importance in society; this is a portion of inheritance reserved to the next generation of them. ..."Came on to Hartford....Here I staid two days that I might have time to inspect the woolen manufactory of this place, and attend the debates of the House of Representatives of this state.... Two very interesting subjects were in debate:--a bill brought in to repeal a law, passed in October last to order 'That the money arising from the sale of their lands, between the Ohio and Lake Erie, should be appropriated to increase the salaries of the ministers of the gospel and the masters of schools;' and another bill (for its second reading) 'To provide for those poor and sick negroes, who having been freed from slavery might be unprovided for; and that till the master was exculpated, by receiving a certificate from the state, that negro was discharged in perfect health, it should be incumbent on the master to continue to take care of him during sickness, or, at least, pay the expenses of his cure.' I was much pleased to see a legislature extend its humanity and care so far.After our breakfast, which was not a very good one, we set off for Elizabeth Town, near which, on the right, is Governor Livingstone's handsome house. This is six miles from Newark....I observed several negro houses, (low buildings of one story) detached from the family house; for the slaves (from their pilfering disposition) are not allowed to sleep in the same houses with theirmasters. Slavery, although many regulations have been made to moderate its severity, is not yet abolished in the New Jerseys...."Most of the families of New York have black servants. I should suppose that nearly one fifth of the inhabitants are negroes, most of whom are free, and many in good circumstances."--Henry Wansey, F.A.S., "The Journal of an excursion to the United States of America in the summer of 1794 (Journey from New York to Boston)," pp. 53, 57, 58, 67, and 227.Esclavage Par La Rochefoucauld-LiancourtQuant à l'esclavage, l'État de New-Yorck est un de ceux où les idées m'ont paru le moins liberales. Il est donc naturel que les loix qui dans tous les pays suivent plus ou moins l'opinion générale, manquent aussi de libéralité à cet égard.On peut concevoir comment dans les États du Sud le grand nombre des esclaves rend leur émancipation difficile, et comment cette difficulté d'émancipation donne pretexte à l'opinion de la necessité de loix extrêmement sévères contre eux. Mais dans l'État de New-Yorck, où sur une population de plus de quatre cent mille âmes on ne compte pas vingt mille nègres; il est impossible de comprendre quels si grands obstacles l'emancipation peut rencontrer, et sur quoi l'on peut fonder l'opinion qui'il faut pour ce petit nombre de nègres des loix plus sévères que pour les hommes d'une autre couleur.Quoiqu'il en soit, une loi qui n'est pas plus ancienne que 1788, confirme l'état d'esclavage pour tout nègre, mulâtre our mêtif esclave à l'époque où elle a été rendue; déclare esclave tout enfant né ou à naître d'une femme esclave; autorise la vente des esclaves et les soumet pour les petits crimes, à un jugement, que l'on peut appeler prévotal, des juges de paix, qui peuvent les condamner à l'emprisonnement ou aux coups de fouet. Un article de cette loi les assuejétit à ce genre de jugement et à cette espèce de sentence pour avoir frappé un blanc, sans faire exception du cas où le blanc serait l'aggresseur. La faveur du jury est cependant accordée à l'esclave, si le crime dont il est accusé peut emporter peine de mort. Il est aussi admis en témoignage dans les affaires criminelles où d'autres nègres sont impliqués.La nouvelle jurisprudence criminelle, fondée sur les principes d'humanité et de justice, ne détruit aucune des dispositions réellement injustes et barbares, contenues dans cette loi. Cependant, les esclaves sont généralement traités avec plus de douceur par leursmaîtres dans l'État de New Yorck, et moins surchargés de travail que dans les États du Midi. Les moeurs prévalent à cet égard sur la rigidité des loix; mais les moeurs y sont aussi, comme dans beaucoup d'autres États de l'Amerique, imprégnées d'avidité et d'avarice. Cette disposition seule y empêche l'abolition de l'esclavage. Elle est fréquemment proposée dans la législature, et jusqu'ici tout moyen, même préparatoire, y a été rejetté. Quoique la proportion des hommes libres aux esclaves soit telle que le plus grand nombre des habitans de l'État de New-Yorck ne possède pas d'esclaves, le petit nombre de ceux qui en possèdent sont les plus riches, les plus grands propriétaires; et, dans l'État de New-Yorck comme ailleurs, ils ont la principale influence.Le respect dû àla propriété, est l'arme avec laquelle on combat toute proposition que tient à l'affranchissement. J'ai entendu un des hommes de loi les plus éclairés, et dont à tout autre égard les opinions sont libérales, soutenir que "ce serait attenter àla propriétéque de déclarer libres même les enfans à naître des femmes esclaves, parce que, disait-il, les maîtres qui out acheté ou hérité des esclaves, les possèdent dans la confiance que leurissuesera leur propriété utile et disponible."Ainsi, quand on dit en Virginie "qu'on ne peut y changer le sort de l'esclavage qu'en exportant a-la-fois tous les nègres de l'État"; on dit à New-Yorck "qu'on ne peut y penser à abolir l'esclage, ni rien faire de préparatoire à cette intention, sans payer à chaque possesseur d'esclaves le prix actuel de la valeur de ses nègres jeunes et vieux, et le prix estimé de leur descendance supposée." C'est sans doute opposer à l'abolition de l'esclavage tous les obstacles imaginables, c'est se montrer bien ennemi de cette abolition.Cependant l'obstacle présenté par les citoyens de New-Yorck, est moins difficile à vaincre. En admenttant le principe de la nécessité d'un dédommagement donné aux maîtres pour les nègres à affranchir, et en évaluant chaque nègre à cent trente dollars, la somme totale ne serait que de trois millions de dollars.Ce prix serait encore susceptible de reduction, par le puissant motif d'intérêt et d'honneur public auquel chaque membre de la société doit faire des sacrifices.La question de la propriété des enfans à naître ne tiendrait pas à un quart-d'heure de discussion, si elle était agitée devant la legislature; enfin cet affranchissement qui ne devrait être fait que par degrés, coûterait à l'État des sacrifices moins grands encore, etdont la succession les rendrait presqu'imperceptibles aux finances de l'État, qui ne pourraient d'ailleurs avoir un plus saint emploi.A New-Yorck comme ailleurs, l'affranchissement des nègres doit avoir pour but le bonheur de l'État, son bon ordre, le bonheur même des nègres qu'on veut affranchir. Un affranchissement trop prompt, trop subitement général, manquerait ces differens buts de premiere nécessité. Je ne répéterai pas ici ce que j'ai dit ailleurs à cet égard, et ce que tant d'autres ont dit avant moi. La dépense pour l'État serait donc réduite à de bien petites sommes, en les comparant avec l'utilité et le devoir de cette opération. Mais tant que l'État de New-Yorck, entouré des exemples du Connecticut, du Massachusetts et de Pensylvanie, ne fait rien qui conduise à cette libération, tant qu'il semble approuver par le silence ou les refus de sa legislature, la permanence de l'esclavage, il laisse sa constitution et ses loix flétries d'une tâche que l'on peut, sans exageration, dire deshonorante, puisqu'elle ne peut être excusée, ni palliée, par aucune des circonstances où se trouve cet État.L'importation dans l'État de New-Yorck d'esclaves étrangers est prohibée par la même loi qui confirme l'esclavage de ceux qui y existaient à l'époque où elle a été rendue; ainsi cette disposition de la loi, et la manière douce dont sont traités les esclaves en général, confirment dans l'opinion que l'intérêt pécuniaire, plus qu'une véritable approbation de l'esclavage empêche la legislature de New-Yorck, de procéder à cet égard avec la justice et les lumières qui dirigent généralement ses délibérations.--"Voyage dans Les États-Unis D'Amerique." Fait en 1795, 1796 et 1797. Par La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt. Tome Septième, 114-119.Observations Sur l'Esclavage Par La Rochefoucauld-LiancourtIl est natural de supposer qu'un nègre esclave, fatigué de travail depuis le commencement de l'année jusqu'à la fin, obligé, sous peine du fouet, d'aller aux champs, qu'il soit où non en état de santé, ne voye dans la liberté que la faculté de ne plus travailler. Tant qu'il était esclave, il était plus ou moins mal nourri, mais il l'était sans aucun soin de sa part, et sans qu'un travail plus assidu, plus actif, lui valut une meilleure nourriture ou un meilleur nourriture ou un meilleur vêtement. Le travail n'était donc pour lui qu'une peine, sans être jamais un moyen de bien être, il est donc, il doit donc être paresseux et imprévoyant. Il jouit des premiers momens de sa liberté, en ne travaillant point, car le fouet ne claque plus à ses oreilles; les besoins se font sentir; aucune éducation ne lui aété donnée que celle de l'esclavage, qui enseigne à tromper, à voler, comme à mentir; il cherche à satisfaire ses besoins, auxquels son travail n'a pas pourvu, en dérobant quelques bleds, quelques provisions à ses voisins; il devient recéleur des nègres esclaves.Tout cela peut et doit être, mais ne doit dégouter de l'affranchissement progressif des nègres que ceux ne veulent pas penser qu'avec des soins préparatoires, et sur-tout des soins généreux qui auraient pour objet une émancipation générale successive, appropriée au nombre des nègres dans le pays, et à plusieurs autres circonstances, la plus grande quantité de ces inconvéniens serait evitée, et le serait totalement pour la génération future si elle ne pouvait l'être pour la présente. Mais comment espérer une philanthropie si prévoyante de ceux qui ne voyent que leur intérêt du moment, et qui le croyent blessé.Dans L'État de Maryland les esclaves sont jugés par les mêmes tribunaux que les blancs, et comme eux par l'arbitrage des juris. Les punitions pour les noirs sont plus sévères; mais les moeurs sont douces au moins dans la partie du Maryland où je suis a présent, et elles prévalent sur la rigueur des loix. J'ai été témoin d'un fait qui prouve que l'humanité des juges et le désir de rendre une exacte justice les occupent pour les accusés esclaves, comme pour les blancs. Une négresse est en prison, accusée d'avoir voulu empoisonner sa maîtresse et d'avoir empoisonné un enfant. Sa maîtresse est son accusatrice. C'est une femme d'une bonne reputation dans le pays, appartenant à une famille très-etendue dans le comté, et y ayant d'ailleurs beaucoup d'influence; les juges craignant l'effet de cette influence sur les juris, ont profité de la faculté qu'ils out de renvoyer le jugement à la cour générale du district qui se tient à soixante milles de Chester, pour donner à l'accusée toute la chance possible d'un jugement sain et impartial.Il n'y a encore aucune mesure prise en Maryland pour l'affranchissement progressif des esclaves. Quelques hommes bien intentionnées espèrent amener la legislature dans peu de temps à une démarche à cet égard, mais l'opinion du pays n'y semble pas dispossée. --"Voyage dans Les États-Unis D'Amerique." Par La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt. Tome Sixième, 69-71.Les nègres libres se trouvent assez facilement pour le travail des champs. Us coûtent quatre-vingt dollars par an. Les nègres esclaves se louent à cinquante. Quelques planteurs préfèrent des ouvriers blancs et des nègres libres aux esclaves; ils ont moins d'embarras et plus de profit. Les vaches se vendent ici de quinze à vingt dollars, les boeufs quarante, les chevaux pour le labour cent; ceuxpour la voiture coutent souvent six cents dollars la paire. Le comté de Kent, dont Chester est le cheflieu, contient treize mille habitans, dont cinq mille six cents sont nègres esclaves; il fournit peu de betail aux marchés de Baltimore et de Philadelphie. Presque tout ce qu'il produit dans ce genre est consommé dans son enciente.--"Voyage dans Les États-Unis D'Amerique." Par La Rouchefoucauld-Liancourt. Tome Sixieme, 79-80.What Isaac Weld Observed in Slave States"The principal planters in Virginia have nearly every thing they can want on their estates. Amongst the slaves are found tailors, shoe-makers, carpenters, smiths, turners, wheelwrights, weavers, tanners, etc. I have seen patterns of excellent coarse woolen cloth made in the country by slaves, and a variety of cotton manufacturers, amongst the rest good nankeen. Cotton grows here extremely well; the plants are often killed by frost in winter, but they always produce abundantly the first year in which they are sown. The cotton from which nankeen is made is of a particular kind naturally of a yellowish color."The large estates are managed by stewards and overseers, the proprietors just amusing themselves with seeing what is going forward. The work is done wholly by slaves, whose numbers are in this part of the country more than double that of white persons. The slaves on the large plantations are in general very well provided for, and treated with mildness. During three months nearly, that I was in Virginia, but two or three instances of ill treatment towards them came under my observation. Their quarters, the name whereby their habitations are called, are usually situated one or two hundred yards from the dwelling house, which gives appearance of a village to the residence of every plantation in Virginia; when the estate, however, is so large as to be divided into several farms, then separate quarters are attached to the house of the overseer on each farm. Adjoining their little habitations, the slaves commonly have small gardens and yards of poultry, which are all of their property; they have ample time to attend to their own concerns, and their gardens are generally found well stocked, and their flocks of poultry numerous. Besides the food they raise for themselves, they are allowed liberal rations of salted pork and Indian corn. Many of their little huts are comfortably furnished, and they are themselves, in general, extremely well clothed. In short their condition is by no means so wretched as might be imagined. They are forced to work certain hours in the day; but inreturn they are clothed, dieted, and lodged comfortably, and saved all anxiety about provision for their offspring. Still, however, let the condition of the slave be made ever so comfortable, as long as he is conscious of being the property of another man, who has it in his power to dispose of him according to the dictates of caprice; as long as he hears people around him talking about the blessings of liberty, and considers that he is in a state of bondage, it is not to be supposed that he can feel equally happy with the freeman. It is immaterial under what form slavery presents itself, whenever it appears there is ample cause for humanity to weep at the sight, and to lament that men can be found so forgetful of their own situations, as to live regardless of the blessings of their fellow creatures."With respect to the policy of holding slaves in any country, on account of the depravity of morals which it necessarily occasions, besides the many other evil consequences attendant upon it, so much has already been said by others, that it is needless here to make comments on the subject."The number of the slaves increases most rapidly, so that there is scarcely any state but what is overstocked. This is a circumstance complained of by every planter as the maintenance of more than are requisite for the culture of the estate is attended with great expense. Motives ... of humanity deter them from selling the poor creatures, or turning them adrift from the spot where they have been born and brought up, in the midst of friends and relations."What I have here said, respecting the condition and treatment of slaves, appertains, it must be remembered, to those only who are upon the larger plantations in Virginia; the lot of such as are unfortunate enough to fall into the hands of the lower class of white people, and of hard task-masters in towns, is very different. In the Carolinas and Georgia again, slavery presents itself in very different colors from what it does even in its worst form in Virginia. I am told that it is no uncommon thing there, to see gangs of negroes staked at a horse race, and to see these unfortunate beings bandied about from one set of drunken gamblers to another for days together. How much to be deprecated are the laws which suffer such abuses to exist! Yet these are the laws enacted by the people who boast of their love of liberty and independence, and who presume to say, that it is in the breasts of Americans alone that the blessings of freedom are held in just estimation."--Isaac Weld, Jr., "Travels through the States of North America and theprovinces of Upper and Lower Canada," 1795, 1796, and 1797.(London, 1799.)John Davis's Thoughts on Slavery"The negroes on the plantation, including house-servants and children, amounted to a hundred; of whom the average price being respectively seventy pounds, made them aggregately worth seven thousand to their possessor."Two families lived in one hut, and such was their unconquerable propensity to steal, that they pilfered from each other. I have heard masters lament this defect in their negroes. But what else can be expected from man in so degraded a condition, that among the ancients the same word implied both a slave and a thief."Since the introduction of the culture of cotton in the State of South Carolina, the race of negroes has increased. Both men and women work in the field, and the labour of the rice plantation formerly prevented the pregnant negroes from bringing forth a long-lived offspring. It may be established as a maxim that on a plantation where there are many children, the work has been moderate. . . ."Of genius in negroes many instances may be recorded. It is true that Mr. Jefferson has pronounced the Poems of Phillis Wheatley, below the dignity of criticism, and it is seldom safe to differ in judgment from the author of Notes on Virginia. But her conceptions are often lofty, and her versification often surpasses with unexpected refinement. Ladd, the Carolina poet, in enumerating the bards of his country, dwells with encomium on "Wheatley's polished verse"; nor is his praise undeserved, for often it will be found to glide in the stream of melody. Her lines on Imagination have been quoted with rapture by Imley of Kentucky, and Steadman the Guinea Traveler; but I have ever thought her happiest production the Goliath of Gath."Of Ignatius Sancho, Mr. Jefferson also speaks neglectingly; and remarks, that he substitutes sentiment for argumentation. But I know not that argumentation is required in a familiar epistle; and Sancho, I believe, has only published his correspondence." --John Davis, "Travels of four years and a half in the United States of America during 1798, 1799, 1800, 1801, 1802," p. 86.Observations of Robert Sutcliff"I had the curiosity to look into some of their little habitations; but all that I examined were wretched in the extreme and far inferior to many Indian cottages I have seen."I slept at C. A.'s and this morning set out for Fredericksburg, being accompanied by his young man, our road lying through the woods the greater part of the way. At the place where we dined, we were waited on by two mulatto girls, whose only clothing appeared to be loose garments of cotton and woollen cloth, girt round the waist with a small cord. I had observed that this was the common dress of the working female negroes in the fields; but when engaged in business in the house it seemed hardly sufficient to cover them. In the yard, I observed a number of slaves engaged in the management of a still, employed in making spirits from cider. Here again I had the curiosity to look into some of the negro huts, which like those I had seen, presented little else but dirt and rags."We came to Fredericksburg and lodged at Fisher's Tavern. The next morning I was waked early by the cries of a poor negro, who was undergoing a severe correction, previously to his going to work. On taking a walk on the banks of the Rappahannock, the river on which the town is seated, I stepped into one of the large tobacco warehouses which are built here, for the reception and inspection of that plant before it is permitted to be exported. On entering into conversation with an inspector, as he was employed in looking over a parcel of tobacco, he lamented the licentiousness which he remarked so generally prevailed in this town. He said that in his remembrance, the principal part of the inhabitants were emigrants from Scotland, and that it was considered so reproachful to the white inhabitants, if they were found to have illicit connection with their female slaves, that their neighbors would shun the company of such, as of persons whom it was a reproach to be acquainted. The case was now so much altered that, he believed, there were but few slave holders in the place who were free from guilt in this respect: and that it was now thought but little of. Such was the brutality and hardness of heart which this evil produced, that many amongst them paid no more regard to selling their own children, by their females slaves, or even their brothers and sisters, in the same line, than they would do to the disposal of a cow or a horse, or any other property in the brute creation. To so low a degree of degradation does the system of negro slavery sink the white inhabitants, who are unhappily engaged in it."--Robert Sutcliff,Travels in some parts of North America in Years 1804, 1805, 1806, pp. 37-52.

From these writers, almost all of whom were foreigners, one would naturally expect such a portraiture of slavery as persons unaccustomed to the institution would give. Most Americans, of course, considered the institution as belonging to the natural order of things and, therefore, hardly ever referred to it except when they mentioned it unconsciously. Foreigners, however, as soon as they came into this new world began to compare the slaves with the lowest order of society in Europe. Finding the lot of the bondmen so much inferior to that of those of low estate in European countries, these travelers frequently made some interesting comparisons. We are indebted to them for valuable information which we can never hope to obtain from the literature of an essentially slaveholding people. Here we see how the American Revolution caused a change for the better in the condition of the Negroes in certain States, and how the rigorousness of slavery continued in the others. We learn too what enlightened Negroes thought about their state and what the white man believed should be done to prevent their reaching the point of self-assertion. That a large number of anti-slavery Americans were advocating and effecting the emancipation of slaves appears throughout these documents.

Burnaby's View of the Situation in VirginiaSpeaking of Virginia, he said: "Their authority over their slaves renders them vain and imperious, and entire strangers to that elegance of sentiment, which is so peculiarly characteristic of refined and polished nations. Their ignorance of mankind and of learning, exposes them to many errors and prejudices, especially in regard to Indians and Negroes, whom they scarcely consider as ofhuman species; so that it is almost impossible in cases of violence, or even murder, committed upon those unhappy people by any of the planters, to have delinquents brought to justice: for either the grand jury refuse to find the bill, or the petit jury bring in the verdict of not guilty."--Andrew Burnaby, "Travels," 1759, p. 54.

Speaking of Virginia, he said: "Their authority over their slaves renders them vain and imperious, and entire strangers to that elegance of sentiment, which is so peculiarly characteristic of refined and polished nations. Their ignorance of mankind and of learning, exposes them to many errors and prejudices, especially in regard to Indians and Negroes, whom they scarcely consider as ofhuman species; so that it is almost impossible in cases of violence, or even murder, committed upon those unhappy people by any of the planters, to have delinquents brought to justice: for either the grand jury refuse to find the bill, or the petit jury bring in the verdict of not guilty."--Andrew Burnaby, "Travels," 1759, p. 54.

General Treatment of Slaves Among the Albanians--Consequent Attachment of Domestics.--Reflections on Servitude by an American LadyIn the society I am describing, even the dark aspect of slavery was softened into a smile. And I must, in justice to the best possible masters, say, that a great deal of that tranquility and comfort, to call it by no higher name, which distinguished this society from all others, was owing to the relation between master and servant being better understood here than in any other place. Let me not be detested as an advocate for slavery when I say that I think I have never seen people so happy in servitude as the domestics of the Albanians. One reason was, (for I do not now speak of the virtues of their masters,) that each family had a few of them, and that there were no field negroes. They would remind one of Abraham's servants, who were all born in the house, which was exactly their case. They were baptized too, and shared the same religious instruction with the children of the family; and, for the first years, there was little or no difference with regard to food or clothing between their children and those of their masters.When a negro-woman's child attained the age of three years, the first New Year's Day after, it was solemnly presented to a son or daughter, or other young relative of the family, who was of the same sex with the child so presented. The child to whom the young negro was given immediately presented it with some piece of money and a pair of shoes; and from that day the strongest attachment subsisted between the domestic and the destined owner. I have no where met with instances of friendship more tender and generous than that which here subsisted between the slaves and their masters and mistresses. Extraordinary proofs of them have been often given in the course of hunting or Indian trading, when a young man and his slave have gone to the trackless woods, together, in the case of fits of the ague, loss of a canoe, and other casualties happening near hostile Indians. The slave has been known, at the imminent risque of his life, to carry his disabled master through tracklesswoods with labour and fidelity scarce credible; and the master has been equally tender on similar occasions of the humble friend who stuck closer than a brother; who was baptized with the same baptism, nurtured under the same roof, and often rocked in the same cradle with himself. These gifts of domestics to the younger members of the family, were not irrevokable: yet they were very rarely withdrawn. If the kitchen family did not increase in proportion to that of the master, young children were purchased from some family where they abounded, to furnish those attached servants to the rising progeny. They were never sold without consulting their mothers, who if expert and sagacious, had a great deal to say in the family, and would not allow her child to go into any family with whose domestics she was not acquainted. These negro-women piqued themselves on teaching their children to be excellent servants, well knowing servitude to be their lot or life, and that it could only be sweetened by making themselves particularly useful, and excellent in their departments. If they did their work well, it is astonishing, when I recollect it, what liberty of speech was allowed to those active and prudent mothers. They would chide, reprove, and expostulate in a manner that we would not endure from our hired servants; and sometimes exert fully as much authority over the children of the family as the parents, conscious that they were entirely in their power. They did not crush freedom of speech and opinion in those by whom they knew they were beloved, and who watched with incessant care over their interest and comfort. Affectionate and faithful as these home-bred servants were in general, there were some instances (but very few) of those who, through levity of mind, or a love of liquor or finery, betrayed their trust, or habitually neglected their duty. In these cases, after every means had been used to reform them, no severe punishments were inflicted at home. But the terrible sentence, which they dreaded worse than death, was past--they were sold to Jamaica. The necessity of doing this was bewailed by the whole family as a most dreadful calamity, and the culprit was carefully watched on his way to New-York, lest he should evade the sentence by self-destruction.One must have lived among those placid and humane people to be sensible that servitude, hopeless, endless servitude, could exist with so little servility and fear on the one side, and so little harshness or even sternness of authority on the other. In Europe, the footing on which service is placed in consequence of the corruptions of society, hardens the heart, destroys confidence, and embitterslife. The deceit and venality of servants not absolutely dishonest, puts it out of one's power to love or trust them. And if, in hopes of having people attached to us, who will neither betray our confidence, nor corrupt our children, we are at pains to rear them from childhood, and give them a religious and moral education; after all our labour, others of their own class seduce them away to those who can afford to pay higher for their services. This is not the case in a few remote districts. Where surrounding mountains seem to exclude the contagion of the world, some traces of fidelity and affection among domestics still remain. But it must be remarked, that, in those very districts, it is usual to treat inferiors with courtesy and kindness, and to consider those domestics who marry out of the family as holding a kind of relation to it, and still claiming protection. In short, the corruption of that class of people is, doubtless, to be attributed to the example of their superiors. But how severely are those superiors punished? Why this general indifference about home; why are the household gods, why is the sacred hearth so wantonly abandoned? Alas! the charm of home is destroyed, since our children, educated in distant seminaries, are strangers in the paternal mansion; and our servants, like mere machines, move on their mercenary track without feeling or exciting one kind or generous sentiment. Home, thus despoiled of all its charms, is no longer the scene of any enjoyments but such as wealth can purchase. At the same time we feel there a nameless cold privation, and conscious that money can coin the same enjoyments with more variety elsewhere, we substitute these futile and evanescent pleasures for that perennial spring of calm satisfaction, "without o'erflowing full," which is fed by the exercise of the kindly affections, and soon indeed must those stagnate where there are not proper objects to excite them. I have been forced into this painful digression by unavoidable comparisons. To return:--Amidst all this mild and really tender indulgence to their negroes, these colonists had not the smallest scruple of conscience with regard to the right by which they held them in subjection. Had that been the case, their singular humanity would have been incompatible with continued injustice. But the truth is, that of law the generality of those people knew little; and of philosophy, nothing at all. They sought their code of morality in the Bible, and there imagined they found this hapless race condemned to perpetual slavery; and thought nothing remained for them but to lighten the chains of their fellow Christians, after having madethem such. This I neither "extenuate" nor "set down in malice," but merely record the fact. At the same time it is but justice to record also a singular instance of moral delicacy distinguishing this settlement from every other in the like circumstances: though, from their simple and kindly modes of life, they were from infancy in habits of familiarity with these humble friends, yet being early taught that nature had placed between them a barrier, which it was in a high degree criminal and disgraceful to pass, they considered a mixture of such distinct races with abhorrence, as a violation of her laws. This greatly conduced to the preservation of family happiness and concord. An ambiguous race, which the law does not acknowledge; and who (if they have any moral sense, must be as much ashamed of their parents as these last are of them) are certainly a dangerous, because degraded part of the community. How much more so must be those unfortunate beings who stand in the predicament of the bat in the fable, whom both birds and beasts disowned? I am sorry to say that the progress of the British army, when it arrived, might be traced by a spurious and ambiguous race of this kind. But of a mulatto born before their arrival I only remember a single instance; and from the regret and wonder it occasioned, considered it as singular. Colonel Schuyler, of whom I am to speak, had a relation so weak and defective in capacity, that he never was intrusted with any thing of his own, and lived an idle bachelor about the family. In process of time a favourite negro-woman, to the great offense and scandal of the family, bore a child to him, whose colour gave testimony to the relation. The boy was carefully educated; and when he grew up, a farm was allotted to him well stocked and fertile, but "in depth of woods embraced," about two miles back from the family seat. A destitute white woman, who had somehow wandered from the older colonies, was induced to marry him; and all the branches of the family thought it incumbent on them now and then to pay a quiet visit to Chalk (for so, for some unknown reason, they always called him). I have been in Chalk's house myself, and a most comfortable abode it was; but considered him as a mysterious and anomalous being.I have dwelt the longer on this singular instance of slavery, existing devoid of its attendant horrors, because the fidelity and affection resulting from a bond of union so early formed between master and servant, contributed so very much to the safety of individuals, as well as the general comfort of society, as will hereafterappear.--"Memoirs of An American Lady with Sketches of Manners and Customs In America as they existed previous to the Revolution," Chapter VII, pp. 26-32, by Mrs. Anne Grant.

General Treatment of Slaves Among the Albanians--Consequent Attachment of Domestics.--Reflections on Servitude by an American Lady

In the society I am describing, even the dark aspect of slavery was softened into a smile. And I must, in justice to the best possible masters, say, that a great deal of that tranquility and comfort, to call it by no higher name, which distinguished this society from all others, was owing to the relation between master and servant being better understood here than in any other place. Let me not be detested as an advocate for slavery when I say that I think I have never seen people so happy in servitude as the domestics of the Albanians. One reason was, (for I do not now speak of the virtues of their masters,) that each family had a few of them, and that there were no field negroes. They would remind one of Abraham's servants, who were all born in the house, which was exactly their case. They were baptized too, and shared the same religious instruction with the children of the family; and, for the first years, there was little or no difference with regard to food or clothing between their children and those of their masters.

When a negro-woman's child attained the age of three years, the first New Year's Day after, it was solemnly presented to a son or daughter, or other young relative of the family, who was of the same sex with the child so presented. The child to whom the young negro was given immediately presented it with some piece of money and a pair of shoes; and from that day the strongest attachment subsisted between the domestic and the destined owner. I have no where met with instances of friendship more tender and generous than that which here subsisted between the slaves and their masters and mistresses. Extraordinary proofs of them have been often given in the course of hunting or Indian trading, when a young man and his slave have gone to the trackless woods, together, in the case of fits of the ague, loss of a canoe, and other casualties happening near hostile Indians. The slave has been known, at the imminent risque of his life, to carry his disabled master through tracklesswoods with labour and fidelity scarce credible; and the master has been equally tender on similar occasions of the humble friend who stuck closer than a brother; who was baptized with the same baptism, nurtured under the same roof, and often rocked in the same cradle with himself. These gifts of domestics to the younger members of the family, were not irrevokable: yet they were very rarely withdrawn. If the kitchen family did not increase in proportion to that of the master, young children were purchased from some family where they abounded, to furnish those attached servants to the rising progeny. They were never sold without consulting their mothers, who if expert and sagacious, had a great deal to say in the family, and would not allow her child to go into any family with whose domestics she was not acquainted. These negro-women piqued themselves on teaching their children to be excellent servants, well knowing servitude to be their lot or life, and that it could only be sweetened by making themselves particularly useful, and excellent in their departments. If they did their work well, it is astonishing, when I recollect it, what liberty of speech was allowed to those active and prudent mothers. They would chide, reprove, and expostulate in a manner that we would not endure from our hired servants; and sometimes exert fully as much authority over the children of the family as the parents, conscious that they were entirely in their power. They did not crush freedom of speech and opinion in those by whom they knew they were beloved, and who watched with incessant care over their interest and comfort. Affectionate and faithful as these home-bred servants were in general, there were some instances (but very few) of those who, through levity of mind, or a love of liquor or finery, betrayed their trust, or habitually neglected their duty. In these cases, after every means had been used to reform them, no severe punishments were inflicted at home. But the terrible sentence, which they dreaded worse than death, was past--they were sold to Jamaica. The necessity of doing this was bewailed by the whole family as a most dreadful calamity, and the culprit was carefully watched on his way to New-York, lest he should evade the sentence by self-destruction.

One must have lived among those placid and humane people to be sensible that servitude, hopeless, endless servitude, could exist with so little servility and fear on the one side, and so little harshness or even sternness of authority on the other. In Europe, the footing on which service is placed in consequence of the corruptions of society, hardens the heart, destroys confidence, and embitterslife. The deceit and venality of servants not absolutely dishonest, puts it out of one's power to love or trust them. And if, in hopes of having people attached to us, who will neither betray our confidence, nor corrupt our children, we are at pains to rear them from childhood, and give them a religious and moral education; after all our labour, others of their own class seduce them away to those who can afford to pay higher for their services. This is not the case in a few remote districts. Where surrounding mountains seem to exclude the contagion of the world, some traces of fidelity and affection among domestics still remain. But it must be remarked, that, in those very districts, it is usual to treat inferiors with courtesy and kindness, and to consider those domestics who marry out of the family as holding a kind of relation to it, and still claiming protection. In short, the corruption of that class of people is, doubtless, to be attributed to the example of their superiors. But how severely are those superiors punished? Why this general indifference about home; why are the household gods, why is the sacred hearth so wantonly abandoned? Alas! the charm of home is destroyed, since our children, educated in distant seminaries, are strangers in the paternal mansion; and our servants, like mere machines, move on their mercenary track without feeling or exciting one kind or generous sentiment. Home, thus despoiled of all its charms, is no longer the scene of any enjoyments but such as wealth can purchase. At the same time we feel there a nameless cold privation, and conscious that money can coin the same enjoyments with more variety elsewhere, we substitute these futile and evanescent pleasures for that perennial spring of calm satisfaction, "without o'erflowing full," which is fed by the exercise of the kindly affections, and soon indeed must those stagnate where there are not proper objects to excite them. I have been forced into this painful digression by unavoidable comparisons. To return:--

Amidst all this mild and really tender indulgence to their negroes, these colonists had not the smallest scruple of conscience with regard to the right by which they held them in subjection. Had that been the case, their singular humanity would have been incompatible with continued injustice. But the truth is, that of law the generality of those people knew little; and of philosophy, nothing at all. They sought their code of morality in the Bible, and there imagined they found this hapless race condemned to perpetual slavery; and thought nothing remained for them but to lighten the chains of their fellow Christians, after having madethem such. This I neither "extenuate" nor "set down in malice," but merely record the fact. At the same time it is but justice to record also a singular instance of moral delicacy distinguishing this settlement from every other in the like circumstances: though, from their simple and kindly modes of life, they were from infancy in habits of familiarity with these humble friends, yet being early taught that nature had placed between them a barrier, which it was in a high degree criminal and disgraceful to pass, they considered a mixture of such distinct races with abhorrence, as a violation of her laws. This greatly conduced to the preservation of family happiness and concord. An ambiguous race, which the law does not acknowledge; and who (if they have any moral sense, must be as much ashamed of their parents as these last are of them) are certainly a dangerous, because degraded part of the community. How much more so must be those unfortunate beings who stand in the predicament of the bat in the fable, whom both birds and beasts disowned? I am sorry to say that the progress of the British army, when it arrived, might be traced by a spurious and ambiguous race of this kind. But of a mulatto born before their arrival I only remember a single instance; and from the regret and wonder it occasioned, considered it as singular. Colonel Schuyler, of whom I am to speak, had a relation so weak and defective in capacity, that he never was intrusted with any thing of his own, and lived an idle bachelor about the family. In process of time a favourite negro-woman, to the great offense and scandal of the family, bore a child to him, whose colour gave testimony to the relation. The boy was carefully educated; and when he grew up, a farm was allotted to him well stocked and fertile, but "in depth of woods embraced," about two miles back from the family seat. A destitute white woman, who had somehow wandered from the older colonies, was induced to marry him; and all the branches of the family thought it incumbent on them now and then to pay a quiet visit to Chalk (for so, for some unknown reason, they always called him). I have been in Chalk's house myself, and a most comfortable abode it was; but considered him as a mysterious and anomalous being.

I have dwelt the longer on this singular instance of slavery, existing devoid of its attendant horrors, because the fidelity and affection resulting from a bond of union so early formed between master and servant, contributed so very much to the safety of individuals, as well as the general comfort of society, as will hereafterappear.--"Memoirs of An American Lady with Sketches of Manners and Customs In America as they existed previous to the Revolution," Chapter VII, pp. 26-32, by Mrs. Anne Grant.

Impressions of an English Traveler"As I observed before, at least two thirds of the inhabitants are negroes...."It is fortunate for humanity that these poor creatures possess such a fund of contentment and resignation in their minds; for they indeed seem to be the happiest inhabitants in America, notwithstanding the hardness of their fare, the severity of their labour, and the unkindness, ignominy, and often barbarity of their treatment."--J.F.D., "A Tour in the United States of America, containing an account of the present situation of that country"; London, 1784, p. 39.

"As I observed before, at least two thirds of the inhabitants are negroes....

"It is fortunate for humanity that these poor creatures possess such a fund of contentment and resignation in their minds; for they indeed seem to be the happiest inhabitants in America, notwithstanding the hardness of their fare, the severity of their labour, and the unkindness, ignominy, and often barbarity of their treatment."--J.F.D., "A Tour in the United States of America, containing an account of the present situation of that country"; London, 1784, p. 39.

Abbé Robin on Conditions in Virginia"The population of Virginia is computed at one hundred fifty thousand whites and five hundred thousand negroes. There is a still greater disproportion between the whites and blacks in Maryland, where there are not more than twenty thousand whites and at least two hundred thousand negroes. The English imported into these two provinces between seven and eight thousand yearly. Perhaps the lot of these slaves is not quite so hard as that of the negroes in the islands; their liberty, it is true, is irreparably lost in both places, but here they are treated with more mildness, and are supported upon the same kind of food with their masters; and if the earth which they cultivate, is moistened with their sweat, it has never been known to blush with their blood. The American, not at all industrious by nature, is considerate enough not to expect too much from his slave, who in such circumstances, has fewer motives to be laborious for himself."--Abbé Robin, "New Travels through North America in a series of letters," Boston, 1784, p. 48.

"The population of Virginia is computed at one hundred fifty thousand whites and five hundred thousand negroes. There is a still greater disproportion between the whites and blacks in Maryland, where there are not more than twenty thousand whites and at least two hundred thousand negroes. The English imported into these two provinces between seven and eight thousand yearly. Perhaps the lot of these slaves is not quite so hard as that of the negroes in the islands; their liberty, it is true, is irreparably lost in both places, but here they are treated with more mildness, and are supported upon the same kind of food with their masters; and if the earth which they cultivate, is moistened with their sweat, it has never been known to blush with their blood. The American, not at all industrious by nature, is considerate enough not to expect too much from his slave, who in such circumstances, has fewer motives to be laborious for himself."--Abbé Robin, "New Travels through North America in a series of letters," Boston, 1784, p. 48.

Observations of St. John de Crèvecoeur"There, arranged like horses at a fair, they are branded like cattle, and then driven to toil, to starve and to languish for a few years on the different plantations of those citizens."If negroes are permitted to become fathers, this fatal indulgence only tends to increase their misery.... How many haveI seen cursing the irresistible propensity, and regretting that by having tasted of those joys, they had become the authors of double misery to their wives.... Their paternal fondness is embittered by considering that if their children live, they must live to be slaves like themselves: no time is allowed them to exercise their pious offices, the mothers must fasten them on their backs, and, with the double load follow their husbands in the fields, where they too often hear no other sound than that of the voice or whip of the taskmaster, and the cries of their infants, broiling in the sun.... It is said, I know, that they are much happier here than in the West Indies; because land being cheaper upon this continent than in those Islands, the field allowed them to raise their subsistence from, are in general more extensive."... We have slaves likewise in our northern provinces; I hope the time draws near when they will be all emancipated; but how different their lot, how different their situation, in every possible respect! They enjoy as much liberty as their masters, they are as well clad, and as well fed; in health and sickness they are tenderly taken care of; they live under the same roof, and are, truly speaking, a part of our families. Many of them are taught to read and write, and are well instructed in the principles of religion; they are the companions of our labours, and treated as such; they enjoy many perquisites, many established holidays, and are not obliged to work more than white people. They marry when their inclination leads them; visit their wives every week; are as decently clad as the common people; they are indulged in education, cherishing and chastising their children, who are taught subordination to them as to their lawful parents; in short, they participate in many of the benefits of our society without being obliged to bear any of its burdens. They are fat, healthy, and hearty, and far from repining at their fate; they think themselves happier than many of the lower class whites: they share with their master the wheat and meat provision, they help to raise; many of those whom the good Quakers have emancipated, have received that great benefit with tears of regret, and have never quitted, though free, their former masters and benefactors."--St. John de Crèvecoeur, "Letters from an American Farmer, 1782," pp. 226 et seq.

"There, arranged like horses at a fair, they are branded like cattle, and then driven to toil, to starve and to languish for a few years on the different plantations of those citizens.

"If negroes are permitted to become fathers, this fatal indulgence only tends to increase their misery.... How many haveI seen cursing the irresistible propensity, and regretting that by having tasted of those joys, they had become the authors of double misery to their wives.... Their paternal fondness is embittered by considering that if their children live, they must live to be slaves like themselves: no time is allowed them to exercise their pious offices, the mothers must fasten them on their backs, and, with the double load follow their husbands in the fields, where they too often hear no other sound than that of the voice or whip of the taskmaster, and the cries of their infants, broiling in the sun.... It is said, I know, that they are much happier here than in the West Indies; because land being cheaper upon this continent than in those Islands, the field allowed them to raise their subsistence from, are in general more extensive.

"... We have slaves likewise in our northern provinces; I hope the time draws near when they will be all emancipated; but how different their lot, how different their situation, in every possible respect! They enjoy as much liberty as their masters, they are as well clad, and as well fed; in health and sickness they are tenderly taken care of; they live under the same roof, and are, truly speaking, a part of our families. Many of them are taught to read and write, and are well instructed in the principles of religion; they are the companions of our labours, and treated as such; they enjoy many perquisites, many established holidays, and are not obliged to work more than white people. They marry when their inclination leads them; visit their wives every week; are as decently clad as the common people; they are indulged in education, cherishing and chastising their children, who are taught subordination to them as to their lawful parents; in short, they participate in many of the benefits of our society without being obliged to bear any of its burdens. They are fat, healthy, and hearty, and far from repining at their fate; they think themselves happier than many of the lower class whites: they share with their master the wheat and meat provision, they help to raise; many of those whom the good Quakers have emancipated, have received that great benefit with tears of regret, and have never quitted, though free, their former masters and benefactors."--St. John de Crèvecoeur, "Letters from an American Farmer, 1782," pp. 226 et seq.

Impressions of Johann D. Schoepf"The condition of the Carolina negro slaves is in general harder and more troublous than that of their northern brethren. On therice plantations, with wretched food, they are allotted more work and more tedious work; and the treatment which they experience at the hands of the overseers and owners is capricious and often tyrannical. In Carolina (and in no other of the North American states) their severe handling has already caused several uprisings among them. There is less concern here as to their moral betterment, education, and instruction, and South Carolina appears little inclined to initiate the praiseworthy and benevolent ordinances of its sister states in regard to the negro. It is sufficient proof of the bad situation in which these creatures find themselves here that they do not multiply in the same proportions as the white inhabitants, although the climate is more natural to them and agrees with them better. Their numbers must be continually kept up by fresh importations; to be sure, the constant taking up of new land requires more and more working hands, and the pretended necessity of bringing in additional slaves is thus warranted in part; but close investigation makes it certain that the increase of the blacks in the northern states, where they are handled more gently, is vastly more considerable. The gentlemen in the country have among their negroes as the Russian nobility among the serfs, the most necessary handicrafts-men, cobblers, tailors, carpenters, smiths, and the like, whose work they command at the smallest possible price or for nothing almost. There is hardly any trade or craft which has not been learned and is not carried on by negroes, partly free, partly slave; the latter are hired out by their owners for day's wages. Charleston swarms with blacks, mulattoes and mestizos; their number greatly exceeds that of the whites, but they are kept under strict order and discipline, and the police has a watchful eye upon them. These may nowhere assemble more than 7 male negro slaves; their dances and other assemblies must stop at 10 o'clock in the evening; without permission of their owners none of them may sell beer or wine or brandy. There are here many free negroes and mulattoes. They get their freedom if by their own industry they earn enough to buy themselves off, or their freedom is given them at the death of their masters or in other ways. Not all of them know how to use their freedom to their own advantage; many give themselves up to idleness and dissipation which bring them finally to crafty deceptions and thievery. They are besides extraordinarily given to vanity, and love to adorn themselves as much as they can and to conduct themselves importantly."--Johann D. Schoepf, "Travels in the Confederation," 1784, p. 220.

"The condition of the Carolina negro slaves is in general harder and more troublous than that of their northern brethren. On therice plantations, with wretched food, they are allotted more work and more tedious work; and the treatment which they experience at the hands of the overseers and owners is capricious and often tyrannical. In Carolina (and in no other of the North American states) their severe handling has already caused several uprisings among them. There is less concern here as to their moral betterment, education, and instruction, and South Carolina appears little inclined to initiate the praiseworthy and benevolent ordinances of its sister states in regard to the negro. It is sufficient proof of the bad situation in which these creatures find themselves here that they do not multiply in the same proportions as the white inhabitants, although the climate is more natural to them and agrees with them better. Their numbers must be continually kept up by fresh importations; to be sure, the constant taking up of new land requires more and more working hands, and the pretended necessity of bringing in additional slaves is thus warranted in part; but close investigation makes it certain that the increase of the blacks in the northern states, where they are handled more gently, is vastly more considerable. The gentlemen in the country have among their negroes as the Russian nobility among the serfs, the most necessary handicrafts-men, cobblers, tailors, carpenters, smiths, and the like, whose work they command at the smallest possible price or for nothing almost. There is hardly any trade or craft which has not been learned and is not carried on by negroes, partly free, partly slave; the latter are hired out by their owners for day's wages. Charleston swarms with blacks, mulattoes and mestizos; their number greatly exceeds that of the whites, but they are kept under strict order and discipline, and the police has a watchful eye upon them. These may nowhere assemble more than 7 male negro slaves; their dances and other assemblies must stop at 10 o'clock in the evening; without permission of their owners none of them may sell beer or wine or brandy. There are here many free negroes and mulattoes. They get their freedom if by their own industry they earn enough to buy themselves off, or their freedom is given them at the death of their masters or in other ways. Not all of them know how to use their freedom to their own advantage; many give themselves up to idleness and dissipation which bring them finally to crafty deceptions and thievery. They are besides extraordinarily given to vanity, and love to adorn themselves as much as they can and to conduct themselves importantly."

--Johann D. Schoepf, "Travels in the Confederation," 1784, p. 220.

Extracts from Anburey's Travels through North America"Thus the whole management of the plantation is left to the overseer, who as an encouragement to make the most of the crops, has a certain portion as his wages, but not having any interest in the negroes, any further than their labour, he drives and whips them about, and works them beyond their strength, and sometimes till they expire; he feels no loss in their death, he knows the plantation must be supplied, and his humanity is estimated by his interest, which rises always above freezing point."It is the poor negroes who alone work hard, and I am sorry to say, fare hard. Incredible is the fatigue which the poor wretches undergo, and that nature should be able to support it; there certainly must be something in their constitutions, as well as their color, different from us, that enables them to endure it."They are called up at day break, and seldom allowed to swallow a mouthful of homminy, or hoe cake, but are drawn out into the field immediately, where they continue at hard labour, without intermission, till noon, when they go to their dinners, and are seldom allowed an hour for that purpose; their meals consist of hominy and salt, and if their master is a man of humanity, touched by the finer feelings of love and sensibility, he allows them twice a week a little skimmed milk, fat rusty bacon, or salt herring, to relish this miserable and scanty fare. The man at this plantation, in lieu of these, grants his negroes an acre of ground, and all Saturday afternoon to raise grain and poultry for themselves. After they have dined, they return to labor in the field, until dusk in the evening; here one naturally imagines the daily labor of these poor creatures was over, not so, they repair to the tobacco houses, where each has a task of stripping allotted which takes them up some hours, or else they have such a quantity of Indian corn to husk, and if they neglect it, are tied up in the morning, and receive a number of lashes from those unfeeling monsters, the overseers, whose masters suffer them to exercise their brutal authority without constraint. Thus by their night task, it is late in the evening before these poor creatures return to their second scanty meal, and the time taken up at it encroaches upon their hours of sleep, which for refreshment of food and sleep together can never be reckoned to exceed eight."When they lay themselves down to rest, their comforts are equally miserable and limited, for they sleep on a bench, or on theground, with an old scanty blanket, which serves them at once for bed and covering, their cloathing is not less wretched, consisting of a shirt and trowsers of coarse, thin, hard, hempen stuff, in the Summer, with an addition of a very coarse woolen jacket, breeches and shoes in Winter. But since the war, their masters, for they cannot get the cloathing as usual, suffer them to go in rags, and many in a state of nudity."The female slaves share labor and repose just in the same manner, except a few who are term'd house negroes, and are employed in household drugery."These poor creatures are all submission to injuries and insults, and are obliged to be passive, nor dare they resist or defend themselves if attacked, without the smallest provocation, by a white person, as the law directs the negroe's arm to be cut off who raises it against a white person, should it be only in defence against wanton barbarity and outrage."Notwithstanding this humiliating state and rigid treatment to which this wretched race are subject, they are devoid of care, and appear jovial, contented and happy. It is a fortunate circumstance that they possess, and are blessed with such an easy satisfied disposition, otherwise they must inevitably sink under such a complication of misery and wretchedness; what is singularly remarkable, they always carry out a piece of fire, and kindle one near their work, let the weather be so hot and sultry."As I have several times mentioned homminy and hoe-cake, it may not be amiss to explain them: the former is made of Indian corn, which is coarsely broke, and boiled with a few French beans, till it is almost a pulp. Hoe-cake is Indian corn ground into meal, kneaded into a dough, and baked before a fire, but as the negroes bake theirs on the hoes that they work with, they have the appellation of hoe-cakes. These are in common use among the inhabitants, I cannot say they are palateable, for as to flavor, one made of sawdust would be equally good, and not unlike it in appearance, but they are certainly a very strong and hearty food."--Anburey,"Travels through America during the War," Vol. 2, pp. 330-5.

"Thus the whole management of the plantation is left to the overseer, who as an encouragement to make the most of the crops, has a certain portion as his wages, but not having any interest in the negroes, any further than their labour, he drives and whips them about, and works them beyond their strength, and sometimes till they expire; he feels no loss in their death, he knows the plantation must be supplied, and his humanity is estimated by his interest, which rises always above freezing point.

"It is the poor negroes who alone work hard, and I am sorry to say, fare hard. Incredible is the fatigue which the poor wretches undergo, and that nature should be able to support it; there certainly must be something in their constitutions, as well as their color, different from us, that enables them to endure it.

"They are called up at day break, and seldom allowed to swallow a mouthful of homminy, or hoe cake, but are drawn out into the field immediately, where they continue at hard labour, without intermission, till noon, when they go to their dinners, and are seldom allowed an hour for that purpose; their meals consist of hominy and salt, and if their master is a man of humanity, touched by the finer feelings of love and sensibility, he allows them twice a week a little skimmed milk, fat rusty bacon, or salt herring, to relish this miserable and scanty fare. The man at this plantation, in lieu of these, grants his negroes an acre of ground, and all Saturday afternoon to raise grain and poultry for themselves. After they have dined, they return to labor in the field, until dusk in the evening; here one naturally imagines the daily labor of these poor creatures was over, not so, they repair to the tobacco houses, where each has a task of stripping allotted which takes them up some hours, or else they have such a quantity of Indian corn to husk, and if they neglect it, are tied up in the morning, and receive a number of lashes from those unfeeling monsters, the overseers, whose masters suffer them to exercise their brutal authority without constraint. Thus by their night task, it is late in the evening before these poor creatures return to their second scanty meal, and the time taken up at it encroaches upon their hours of sleep, which for refreshment of food and sleep together can never be reckoned to exceed eight.

"When they lay themselves down to rest, their comforts are equally miserable and limited, for they sleep on a bench, or on theground, with an old scanty blanket, which serves them at once for bed and covering, their cloathing is not less wretched, consisting of a shirt and trowsers of coarse, thin, hard, hempen stuff, in the Summer, with an addition of a very coarse woolen jacket, breeches and shoes in Winter. But since the war, their masters, for they cannot get the cloathing as usual, suffer them to go in rags, and many in a state of nudity.

"The female slaves share labor and repose just in the same manner, except a few who are term'd house negroes, and are employed in household drugery.

"These poor creatures are all submission to injuries and insults, and are obliged to be passive, nor dare they resist or defend themselves if attacked, without the smallest provocation, by a white person, as the law directs the negroe's arm to be cut off who raises it against a white person, should it be only in defence against wanton barbarity and outrage.

"Notwithstanding this humiliating state and rigid treatment to which this wretched race are subject, they are devoid of care, and appear jovial, contented and happy. It is a fortunate circumstance that they possess, and are blessed with such an easy satisfied disposition, otherwise they must inevitably sink under such a complication of misery and wretchedness; what is singularly remarkable, they always carry out a piece of fire, and kindle one near their work, let the weather be so hot and sultry.

"As I have several times mentioned homminy and hoe-cake, it may not be amiss to explain them: the former is made of Indian corn, which is coarsely broke, and boiled with a few French beans, till it is almost a pulp. Hoe-cake is Indian corn ground into meal, kneaded into a dough, and baked before a fire, but as the negroes bake theirs on the hoes that they work with, they have the appellation of hoe-cakes. These are in common use among the inhabitants, I cannot say they are palateable, for as to flavor, one made of sawdust would be equally good, and not unlike it in appearance, but they are certainly a very strong and hearty food."

--Anburey,"Travels through America during the War," Vol. 2, pp. 330-5.

Vindication of the Negroes: A ControversyFirst let me repeat your longest section relative to that people.'Below this class of inhabitants, (the whites of no property, in Virginia,) we must rank the Negroes, who would be still more to bepitied, if theirnatural insensibility did not in some measure alleviate the wretchedness inseparable from slavery. Seeing them ill lodged, ill clothed, and often overcome with labour, I concluded that their treatment had been as rigorous as it is elsewhere. Notwithstanding I have been assured that it is very mild, compared to what they suffer in the Sugar Colonies. And indeed one does not hear habitually, as at Jamaica and St. Domingo, the sound of whips, and the outcries of the wretched beings, whose bodies are torn piece meal by their strokes. It is because the people of Virginia are commonly milder than those of the Sugar Colonies, which consist chiefly of rapacious men, eager to amass fortunes, as soon as possible, and return to Europe. The produce of their labours being also less valuable, their tasks are not so rigorously exacted, and in justice to both, it must be allowed that the Negroes themselves are less treacherous and thievish, than they are in the Islands: for the propagation of the black species being very considerable here, most of them are born in the country, and it is remarked that these are in general less depraved than those imported from Africa. Besides, we must do the Virginians the justice to remark, that many of them treat their Negroes with a great deal of humanity, and what is still more to their honor, they appear sorry there are any among them, and are forever talking of abolishing slavery, and falling upon some other mode of improving their land, &c.'However this may be, it is fortunate that different motives concur to deter mankind from exercising such tyranny, at least upon their own species, if we cannot say, strictly speaking,their equals; for the more we observe the Negroes, the more we are convinced that the difference between usdoes not lie in the colour alone, &c.'Enough upon this subject, which has not escaped the attention of the politicians and philosophers of the present age: I have only to apologize for treating it without declamation; but I have always thought, that eloquence can only influence the resolutions of the moment, and that every thing which requires time, must be the work of reason. And besides, it will be an easy matter to add ten or twelve pages to these few reflections, which may be considered as a concert composed only of principal parts,con corni ad libertum.'Upon reading this passage attentively, I was surprised to find it contain a singular mixture of contradictory principles, and in the same breath, the sentiments of a philosopher and of a colonist; of an advocate for the Negroes, and of their enemy.It is evident that as a philosopher, and a friend to humanity, you are inclined to alleviate the lot of the Negroes, and commend those who do so, but this tenderness itself conceals a subtile venom that ought to be exposed. For you only bestow your pity upon the Negroes, while you owe them, if you are a philosopher, vindication and defense; you wish their masters to be humane; they ought to be just. Instead of praising such humanity, you ought to have blamed them for stopping there, in short, such a contempt for the Negroes pervades this whole article, as will necessarily encourage their tormentors to rivet their chains. Is not this contempt observable, for instance in the very first period?"Below this class of inhabitants (the meanest whites of Virginia) we must rank the Negroes, who would be still more to be pitied, if their natural insensibility did not in some measure alleviate the wretchedness inseparable from slavery."And who told you, Sir, that nature had created the Negroes with less feeling than other men? do you judge so because they have vegetated for three centuries in European fetters, and at this day have not altogether shaken off the horrid yoke? But do not their frequent risings, and the cruelties they from time to time retaliate upon their masters, give the lie to this natural insensibility? for an insensible being has no resentment. If he does not feel, how should he remember? Do you think the wretched Indians, who, since the discovery of the New world, are burried in the mines of Peru, are also naturally insensible, because they suffer patiently?You calumniate nature in making her grant favours to particulars; in giving her a system of inequality among her offspring. All men are cast in the same mould.--The varieties which distinguish individuals, are the sports of chance, or the result of different circumstances; but the black comes into the world with as much sensibility as the white, the Peruvian, as the European.What then degrades this natural and moral sensibility? The greater or less privation of liberty; in proportion as man loses it, he loses the powers of sensation; he loses the man; he sickens or becomes a brute. It is slavery alone which can reduce a man to a level with the brute creation, and sometimes deprives him of all sensibility; but you blame nature, that kind parent, who would have us all equal, free and happy, for the crime of social barbarity, and you pass by this crime, to extenuate another, to extenuate the horrid torments of slavery! Not satisfied with violating nature, byabusing her offspring, even in her name, you encourage slaveholders to torment them.Do you not arm their tyrants, when you tell them, the insensibility of the Negroes alleviates their torments?What! because greatness of soul raised Sidney above the terrors of death, the infernal Jefferies1who caused his execution, was less guilty! because the Quakers appeared insensible to insults, blows, or punishments, they are less to be pitied, and it was right to martyr them! A dangerous notion, whose consequences I am sure you would disapprove. If this insensibility with which you reproach the Negroes mitigated the cruelty of their masters, it were well: but their tormentors do not wish them not to feel; they would have them all feeling, for the pleasure of torturing them; and their punishments are increased in proportion to their insensibility.Seeing the Negroes, say you, "Ill lodged, ill cloathed, and often overcome with labour, I concluded that their treatment had been as rigorous as it is elsewhere. Notwithstanding I have been assured that it is very mild, compared to what they suffer in the Sugar Colonies."Why this comparison, which seems to insinuate a justification of the Virginians? does a misfortune cease to be such, because there is a greater elsewhere? Was Cartouche less detestable because Brinvilliers had existed before him? Let us not weaken by comparisons the idea of criminality, nor lessen the attention due to the miserable, this were to countenance the crime. The Negroes are ill lodged, ill cloathed, oppressed with labour in Virginia: this is the fact, this is the offence. It matters not whether they are worse treated elsewhere; in whatever degree they are so in Virginia, it is still outrage and injustice.And again, why are the Negroes of Virginia less cruelly treated? Humanity is not the motive, it is because covetousness cannot obtain so much from their labours, as in the Sugar Islands. Was it otherwise, they would be sacrificed to it here, as well as there; how can we praise such forced humanity? how, on the contrary, not give vent to all the indignation, which must naturally arise in every feeling mind?"And to do justice to both, you add, if the Virginians are not so severe, it is because the Negroes themselves are less treacherous and thievish than in the islands, because the propagation of the black species being very considerable here, most of the Negroes are born in the country, and it is remarked, that these are in general less depraved than those imported from Africa."Here is a strange confusion of causes and effects, and a strange abuse of words. First let us clear up the facts. Here are some valuable ones for the cause of the Negroes.You say they are not so thievish in Virginia, propagate faster, and are less depraved: Why? Because they are less cruelly treated.--Here is the cause and the effect, you have mistaken one for the other.We must conclude from this fact, that if the Virginians were no longer severe, and should treat the blacks like fellow-creatures, they would not be more vicious than their white servants.The degree of oppression is the measure of what is improperly called the viciousness of the slaves.--The more cruel their tyrants, the more treacherous, villainous and cruel are the slaves in return--Can we wonder that Macronius should assassinate his master Tiberius? This viciousness is a punishment that heaven inflicts upon tyranny.Can the efforts of a slave for the recovery of his liberty, be denominated vicious or criminal? From the moment you violate the laws of nature, in regard to them, why should not they shake them off in their relative duties to you? You rob them of liberty, and you would not have them steal your gold! You whip and cruelly torment them, and expect them not to struggle for deliverance! You assassinate them every day, and expect them not to assassinate you once! You call your outrages, rights, and the courage which repulses them, a crime! What a confusion of ideas! what horrid logic!And you, sir, a humane philosopher! are accessory to this injustice, by describing the blacks in the style of a dealer in human flesh! You call what are no more than natural consequences of the compression of the spring of liberty--treachery, theft and depravation.2But can a natural consequence be criminal? Remove the cause or is it not the only crime?For my part, sir, I firmly believe, that the barbarities committed by the Negroes, not merely against their masters, but even against others, will be attributed at the bar of eternal justice, to the slaveholders, and those infamous persons employed in the Guinea trade. I firmly believe, that no human justice has the right of putting a Negro slave to death for any crime whatever, because not being free, he is not sui juris, and should be regarded as a child or an idiot, being almost always under the lash. I believe that the real criminal, the cause of the crime, is the man who first seized him, sold him, or enslaved him.--And if ever I should fall under the knife of an unhappy runaway, I would not resent it upon him but upon those white men who keep blacks in slavery. I would tell them, your cruelty towards your Negroes, has endangered my life--they execrate you, they take me for a tyrant because I am white like you, and the vengeance due to your crimes has fallen upon me.God forbid, however, that I should undertake to encourage the blacks to take up arms against their masters! God forbid, however, that I should undertake to justify the excesses to which their resentments have sometimes hurried them, and which have often fallen on persons who were not accessary to their wretchedness! The slavery under which they groan, must be abolished by peaceable means; and thanks to the active spirit of benevolence which animates the Quakers, the pious undertaking is already begun. In most of the United States of America, the yoke has been taken from their necks; in others the Guinea-trade has been prohibited. Societies have been formed both at Paris and London, to collect and circulate information upon this interesting subject, to induce the European governments to put a stop to the Negro trade, and provide for their gradual emancipation in the West-India islands: No doubt success will crown their views, and the friends of liberty will enjoy the satisfaction of communicating its blessings to the blacks.But the blacks must wait for the happy moment that shall restore them to civil life, in silence and in peace; they must rely upon the unwearied diligence and zeal of the numerous writers who advocate their cause, and the efforts of the humane to second their endeavors; they must strive to justify and support the argumentsthat are adduced in their favour, by displaying virtue in the very bosom of slavery; they must endeavour, in a word, to render themselves worthy of liberty, that they may know how to use it when it shall be restored to them; for liberty itself is sometimes a burden, when slavery has stupefied the soul.Such blacks, therefore, as are so inconsiderate as to be concerned in insurrections, are guilty of retarding the execution of the general plan for their emancipation; for the question is not, at the present day, whether a million of slaves ought to be set at liberty, but whether they can when free, be put into a capacity of providing for the subsistence of themselves and their families. Insurrections, far from effecting this purpose, would destroy the means. Regard, therefore, to their own interests, if there were no other motive, should therefore engage the blacks to patient submission, and no doubt but they will yield it, if their masters and the ministers of the gospel in particular, to whom the task of comforting and instructing them, is committed, endeavour to prepare them for approaching freedom.You sir, have adopted the vulgar notion, that the Negroes born in Virginia, are less depraved than those imported from Africa. You call the firmness which is common in the early stages of their slaverygreater degeneracy;they are depraved, that is, in your language--they are wicked and treacherous to those who have purchased them, or brought them from their own country.--But in my mind, they are not depraved, because the acts of violence their genius inspires them to revenge themselves upon their tyrants, are justified by the rights of nature.And why are those imported, more wicked in your opinion? In mine, more quick, more ardent in their resentments? because, not having forgotten their former situation, they feel their loss the more sensibly; and having strong ideas, their resolutions are more firm and their actions more violent, they not having yet contracted the habits of slavery.They soon fall into that degree of apathy and insensibility, which you unjustly believe to be natural to them; that is, in your language, they become less depraved; but I would say that their depravity begins with this apathy and weakness.--For depravity is the loss of nature, and the want of those virtues inherent in man, courage and the love of liberty. Our readers may judge from this article, how strangely writers have wrested words to condemn these unhappy Negroes, and the unfortunate in general.I do not, however, pretend to say, that the Negroes of Africa are all good, or even that many of them are not depraved. But is this fact to be imputed to them as a personal crime? Ought you not rather to have ascribed it to the foreign source by which they are corrupted. Alike in them and in the whites, the depravity of man is a consequence of his wretchedness, and the usurpation of his rights. Wherever he is free and at ease, he is good; wherever the contrary, he is wicked. Neither his nature nor the climate corrupt him, but the government of his country. Now that of the Negroes is almost universally despotic, such as must necessarily debase and corrupt the Negro.How much is the depravity, occasioned by the government of his country, increased by his second slavery, far worse than the first--for he is no longer among friends in his native land--surrounded by the pleasing scenes of his childhood, he is among monsters who are going to live by, and trade in his blood, and has nothing before his eyes but death, or oppression equivalent to an endless punishment.How is it possible such horrid prospects should not fire his soul? How, if chance should present him with arms and liberty, should he resist using them, to put an end to his own existence, or that of his tormentors? What white man would be less cruel in his situation? Truly I think myself of a humane disposition, that I love my fellow-creatures and detest the effusion of blood, but if ever a villain, white or black, should snatch me from my freedom, my family, and my friends, should overwhelm me with outrages and blows, to gratify his caprice, should extend his barbarities to my wife and children--my blood boils at the thought--perhaps in a transport of revenge.... If such vengeance would be lawful in me, what makes the Negro more guilty? Why should that be called wickedness and depravity in him, which would be stiled virtue in me, in you, in every white man? Are not my rights the same as his? Is not nature our common parent? God his father as well as mine? His conscience an infallible guide as well as mine? Let us then no longer make other laws for the blacks than those we are bound by ourselves, since Heaven has placed them on a level with us, has made them like us, since they are our brethren and our fellow-creatures.Here you stop me, you say thatthe Negro is not our fellow-creature, that he is below the white.How could so shocking an opinion escape the pen of a memberof the Royal Academy, a writer who would be thought a friend of mankind!Do not you see the tormentors of St. Domingo, avail themselves of it already, redoubling their strokes, and regarding their slaves as mere machines, like the Cartesians do the brutes? They are not our fellow-creatures will they say: a philosopher of Paris has proved it?What! the blacks our equals! Have not they eyes, ears, a shape, and organs like ours? Does nature follow another order, other laws for them?--Have not they speech, that peculiar characteristic of humanity? But then the colour! What of that? Are the pale white Albinos, the olive or copper coloured Indians also of different species! Who does not know that colour is accidental. They are not our equals! Have not they the same faculties--reason, memory, imagination? Yes, you reply, but they have written no books. Who told you so? Who told you there were no learned blacks? And supposing it were so, if none but authors are men, the whole human race is different from us.Shall I tell you why there are no authors or men of learning among the Negroes? What has made you what you are? Education and circumstances!--Now where are the Negroes favoured by either? Consider them wherever they are to be found.--In Africa, wretchedly enslaved by domestic tyrants; in our islands perpetual martyrs; in the southern United States, the meanest of slaves; in the northern, domestics; in Europe, universally contemned, every where proscribed, like the Jews; in a word, every where in a state of debasement.I have been told that there are blacks of property in the northern parts of America; but these, like the other settlers, are no more than sensible farmers or traders.--There are no authors3among them, because there are few rich and idle people in America.What spring of action could raise a Negro from his debased condition? the road to glory and honor is impassible to him: What then should he write for? Besides, the blacks have reason to detest the sciences, for their oppressors cultivate them but they do not make them better.Shall we say that the Indians or Arabs are not our equals, because they despise both our arts and our sciences? or the Quakers, because they neither respect academies nor wits?In short, if you will deny the Negroes souls, energy, sensibility, gratitude or beneficence, I oppose you to yourself, I might quote your own anecdote of Mr. Langdon's Negro, and abundance of other well known facts in favour of the blacks. You may find some striking ones in the Abbé Raynals' philosophical history. One of them would have been sufficient. The Negro who killed himself when his master who had injured him was in his power, was superior to Epictetus, and the existence of a single Negro of so sublime a character, ennobles all his kind.But how could you judge whether the blacks were different from the whites, who saw them only in a state of slavery and wretchedness? Do we estimate beauty by the figure of a Laplander? magnanimity by the soul of a courtier? or intelligence by the stupidity of an Esquimaux?If the traces of humanity were so much weakened and effaced in the Negroes, that you did not recognize them, I conclude not that they do not belong to our species, but that they must have been cruelly tormented to reduce them to this state of degeneracy. I do not conclude that they are not men, but that the Europeans who kidnap the blacks, are not worthy of the name.You consider what precautions it may be necessary to take to avoid the danger which might attend a general emancipation of the Negroes.I shall not now enter into a discussion of this nice question, but reserve it for another work: yet I must say in a word, that the Negroes will never be our friends, will never be men, until they are possessed of all our rights, until we are upon an equality. Civil liberty is the boundary between good and evil, order and disorder, happiness and misery, ignorance and knowledge. If we would make the Negroes worthy of us, we must raise them to our level by giving them this liberty.Thus, the chief inconvenience you expect will follow the emancipation of the Negroes, may be avoided; that although free, they will remain a distinct species, a distinct and dangerous body.This objection will vanish when we intermix with them, and boldly efface every distinction. Unless this is the case, I foresee torrents of blood spilt and the earth disputed between the whites and blacks, as America was between the Europeans and Savages.Perhaps, and it is no extravagant idea--perhaps it might be more prudent, more humane, to send the blacks back again to their native country, settle them there, encourage their industry, andassist them to form connections with Europe and America. The celebrated doctor Fothergill conceived this plan, and the society for the abolition of slavery, at London, have carried it into execution at Sierra Leone. Time and perseverance, will discover the policy and utility of this settlement. If it should succeed, the blacks will quit America insensibly, and Sierra Leone become the centre from whence general civilization will spread over all Africa.Perhaps, sir, you will place these thoughts upon the Negroes with those declamations you are pleased to ridicule: But what is the epithet of declaimer to me, if I am right, if I make an impression upon my readers, if I cause remorse into the breast of a single slave-holder; in a word, if I contribute to accelerate the general impulse toward liberty.You disapprove the application of eloquence to this subject; you think nothing can affect it but exertions of cool reason. What is eloquence but the language of reason and sensibility? When man is oppressed, he struggles, he complains, he moves our passions, and bears down all opposition. Such eloquence can perform wonders, and should be employed by those who undertake to plead the cause of the unfortunate who spend their days in continual agony, or he will make no impression.--I do not conceive how any man can display wit instead of feeling, upon this distracting subject, amuse with an antithesis, instead of forcible reasoning, and only dazzle where he ought to warm. I have no conception how a sensible and thinking being, can see a fellow-creature tortured and torn to pieces, perhaps his poor wife bathed in tears, with a wretched infant sucking her shriveled breast at his side; I say I have no conception how he can behold such a sight, with indifference; how, unagonized and convulsed with rage and indignation, he can have the barbarity to descend to jesting! Notwithstanding, your observations upon the Negroes, conclude with a jest.It will be an easy matter, say you, to add ten or twelve pages to these few reflections, which may be considered as a concert, composed only of principal parts, "con corni ad Libertum."I hope there is nothing cruel, because there is nothing studied in this connection, this inconsiderate manner: but how could such a comparison come into the head of a man of feeling? It is the sad effect of wit, as I said before; it contracts the soul. Ever glancing over agreeable objects, it is unfeeling when intruded upon by wretchedness--uneasy to obliterate the shocking idea, and elude the groans of nature, it rids itself of both by a jest. The humaneBenezet would never have connected this idea of harmony with the sound of a Negro driver's whip.Having proved that you have wronged the Quakers and the Negroes, I shall proceed to shew that you have equally injured mankind and the people.--Critical Examination of the Marquis de Chastellux's Travels in North-America, 1782. Translated from the French of Jean P. Verre Brissot de Warville, 1788, pp. 51-63.Footnotes[return]1. This Jefferies was the most infamous Chief Justice that ever existed in England. Charles II. and James II. well acquainted with his talents for chicane, his debauchery and blood-thirstiness, his baseness and his crimes, made use of him to exterminate, with the sword of law, all those worthy men who defended the constitution from their tyranny.I often quote the History of England; unhappily for us it is too little known in France.[return]2. Most authors who have not studied the rights of men, fall into this error. I have remarked elsewhere (Vol. II of theJourn. du Licee, No. 4, page 222) that a writer, who, notwithstanding, deserves our esteem, for having written against the despotism of the Turkish government, has suffered himself to be drawn into it. M. le Baron de Tott says that the Moldavians are thievish, mean and faithless. To translate these words into the language of truth, we must say, the Turks, the masters of the Moldavians, are unjust, robbers, villains, and tyrants; and that the Moldavians revenge themselves by opposing deceit to oppression, etc. Thus, the people are almost everywhere wrongfully accused.[return]3. There was, however, a Negro author at London, whose productions are not without merit, and were lately published in two volumes. His name was Ignatius Sancho. He wrote in the manner of Sterne.

First let me repeat your longest section relative to that people.

'Below this class of inhabitants, (the whites of no property, in Virginia,) we must rank the Negroes, who would be still more to bepitied, if theirnatural insensibility did not in some measure alleviate the wretchedness inseparable from slavery. Seeing them ill lodged, ill clothed, and often overcome with labour, I concluded that their treatment had been as rigorous as it is elsewhere. Notwithstanding I have been assured that it is very mild, compared to what they suffer in the Sugar Colonies. And indeed one does not hear habitually, as at Jamaica and St. Domingo, the sound of whips, and the outcries of the wretched beings, whose bodies are torn piece meal by their strokes. It is because the people of Virginia are commonly milder than those of the Sugar Colonies, which consist chiefly of rapacious men, eager to amass fortunes, as soon as possible, and return to Europe. The produce of their labours being also less valuable, their tasks are not so rigorously exacted, and in justice to both, it must be allowed that the Negroes themselves are less treacherous and thievish, than they are in the Islands: for the propagation of the black species being very considerable here, most of them are born in the country, and it is remarked that these are in general less depraved than those imported from Africa. Besides, we must do the Virginians the justice to remark, that many of them treat their Negroes with a great deal of humanity, and what is still more to their honor, they appear sorry there are any among them, and are forever talking of abolishing slavery, and falling upon some other mode of improving their land, &c.

'However this may be, it is fortunate that different motives concur to deter mankind from exercising such tyranny, at least upon their own species, if we cannot say, strictly speaking,their equals; for the more we observe the Negroes, the more we are convinced that the difference between usdoes not lie in the colour alone, &c.

'Enough upon this subject, which has not escaped the attention of the politicians and philosophers of the present age: I have only to apologize for treating it without declamation; but I have always thought, that eloquence can only influence the resolutions of the moment, and that every thing which requires time, must be the work of reason. And besides, it will be an easy matter to add ten or twelve pages to these few reflections, which may be considered as a concert composed only of principal parts,con corni ad libertum.'

Upon reading this passage attentively, I was surprised to find it contain a singular mixture of contradictory principles, and in the same breath, the sentiments of a philosopher and of a colonist; of an advocate for the Negroes, and of their enemy.

It is evident that as a philosopher, and a friend to humanity, you are inclined to alleviate the lot of the Negroes, and commend those who do so, but this tenderness itself conceals a subtile venom that ought to be exposed. For you only bestow your pity upon the Negroes, while you owe them, if you are a philosopher, vindication and defense; you wish their masters to be humane; they ought to be just. Instead of praising such humanity, you ought to have blamed them for stopping there, in short, such a contempt for the Negroes pervades this whole article, as will necessarily encourage their tormentors to rivet their chains. Is not this contempt observable, for instance in the very first period?

"Below this class of inhabitants (the meanest whites of Virginia) we must rank the Negroes, who would be still more to be pitied, if their natural insensibility did not in some measure alleviate the wretchedness inseparable from slavery."

And who told you, Sir, that nature had created the Negroes with less feeling than other men? do you judge so because they have vegetated for three centuries in European fetters, and at this day have not altogether shaken off the horrid yoke? But do not their frequent risings, and the cruelties they from time to time retaliate upon their masters, give the lie to this natural insensibility? for an insensible being has no resentment. If he does not feel, how should he remember? Do you think the wretched Indians, who, since the discovery of the New world, are burried in the mines of Peru, are also naturally insensible, because they suffer patiently?

You calumniate nature in making her grant favours to particulars; in giving her a system of inequality among her offspring. All men are cast in the same mould.--The varieties which distinguish individuals, are the sports of chance, or the result of different circumstances; but the black comes into the world with as much sensibility as the white, the Peruvian, as the European.

What then degrades this natural and moral sensibility? The greater or less privation of liberty; in proportion as man loses it, he loses the powers of sensation; he loses the man; he sickens or becomes a brute. It is slavery alone which can reduce a man to a level with the brute creation, and sometimes deprives him of all sensibility; but you blame nature, that kind parent, who would have us all equal, free and happy, for the crime of social barbarity, and you pass by this crime, to extenuate another, to extenuate the horrid torments of slavery! Not satisfied with violating nature, byabusing her offspring, even in her name, you encourage slaveholders to torment them.

Do you not arm their tyrants, when you tell them, the insensibility of the Negroes alleviates their torments?

What! because greatness of soul raised Sidney above the terrors of death, the infernal Jefferies1who caused his execution, was less guilty! because the Quakers appeared insensible to insults, blows, or punishments, they are less to be pitied, and it was right to martyr them! A dangerous notion, whose consequences I am sure you would disapprove. If this insensibility with which you reproach the Negroes mitigated the cruelty of their masters, it were well: but their tormentors do not wish them not to feel; they would have them all feeling, for the pleasure of torturing them; and their punishments are increased in proportion to their insensibility.

Seeing the Negroes, say you, "Ill lodged, ill cloathed, and often overcome with labour, I concluded that their treatment had been as rigorous as it is elsewhere. Notwithstanding I have been assured that it is very mild, compared to what they suffer in the Sugar Colonies."

Why this comparison, which seems to insinuate a justification of the Virginians? does a misfortune cease to be such, because there is a greater elsewhere? Was Cartouche less detestable because Brinvilliers had existed before him? Let us not weaken by comparisons the idea of criminality, nor lessen the attention due to the miserable, this were to countenance the crime. The Negroes are ill lodged, ill cloathed, oppressed with labour in Virginia: this is the fact, this is the offence. It matters not whether they are worse treated elsewhere; in whatever degree they are so in Virginia, it is still outrage and injustice.

And again, why are the Negroes of Virginia less cruelly treated? Humanity is not the motive, it is because covetousness cannot obtain so much from their labours, as in the Sugar Islands. Was it otherwise, they would be sacrificed to it here, as well as there; how can we praise such forced humanity? how, on the contrary, not give vent to all the indignation, which must naturally arise in every feeling mind?

"And to do justice to both, you add, if the Virginians are not so severe, it is because the Negroes themselves are less treacherous and thievish than in the islands, because the propagation of the black species being very considerable here, most of the Negroes are born in the country, and it is remarked, that these are in general less depraved than those imported from Africa."

Here is a strange confusion of causes and effects, and a strange abuse of words. First let us clear up the facts. Here are some valuable ones for the cause of the Negroes.

You say they are not so thievish in Virginia, propagate faster, and are less depraved: Why? Because they are less cruelly treated.--Here is the cause and the effect, you have mistaken one for the other.

We must conclude from this fact, that if the Virginians were no longer severe, and should treat the blacks like fellow-creatures, they would not be more vicious than their white servants.

The degree of oppression is the measure of what is improperly called the viciousness of the slaves.--The more cruel their tyrants, the more treacherous, villainous and cruel are the slaves in return--Can we wonder that Macronius should assassinate his master Tiberius? This viciousness is a punishment that heaven inflicts upon tyranny.

Can the efforts of a slave for the recovery of his liberty, be denominated vicious or criminal? From the moment you violate the laws of nature, in regard to them, why should not they shake them off in their relative duties to you? You rob them of liberty, and you would not have them steal your gold! You whip and cruelly torment them, and expect them not to struggle for deliverance! You assassinate them every day, and expect them not to assassinate you once! You call your outrages, rights, and the courage which repulses them, a crime! What a confusion of ideas! what horrid logic!

And you, sir, a humane philosopher! are accessory to this injustice, by describing the blacks in the style of a dealer in human flesh! You call what are no more than natural consequences of the compression of the spring of liberty--treachery, theft and depravation.2But can a natural consequence be criminal? Remove the cause or is it not the only crime?

For my part, sir, I firmly believe, that the barbarities committed by the Negroes, not merely against their masters, but even against others, will be attributed at the bar of eternal justice, to the slaveholders, and those infamous persons employed in the Guinea trade. I firmly believe, that no human justice has the right of putting a Negro slave to death for any crime whatever, because not being free, he is not sui juris, and should be regarded as a child or an idiot, being almost always under the lash. I believe that the real criminal, the cause of the crime, is the man who first seized him, sold him, or enslaved him.--And if ever I should fall under the knife of an unhappy runaway, I would not resent it upon him but upon those white men who keep blacks in slavery. I would tell them, your cruelty towards your Negroes, has endangered my life--they execrate you, they take me for a tyrant because I am white like you, and the vengeance due to your crimes has fallen upon me.

God forbid, however, that I should undertake to encourage the blacks to take up arms against their masters! God forbid, however, that I should undertake to justify the excesses to which their resentments have sometimes hurried them, and which have often fallen on persons who were not accessary to their wretchedness! The slavery under which they groan, must be abolished by peaceable means; and thanks to the active spirit of benevolence which animates the Quakers, the pious undertaking is already begun. In most of the United States of America, the yoke has been taken from their necks; in others the Guinea-trade has been prohibited. Societies have been formed both at Paris and London, to collect and circulate information upon this interesting subject, to induce the European governments to put a stop to the Negro trade, and provide for their gradual emancipation in the West-India islands: No doubt success will crown their views, and the friends of liberty will enjoy the satisfaction of communicating its blessings to the blacks.

But the blacks must wait for the happy moment that shall restore them to civil life, in silence and in peace; they must rely upon the unwearied diligence and zeal of the numerous writers who advocate their cause, and the efforts of the humane to second their endeavors; they must strive to justify and support the argumentsthat are adduced in their favour, by displaying virtue in the very bosom of slavery; they must endeavour, in a word, to render themselves worthy of liberty, that they may know how to use it when it shall be restored to them; for liberty itself is sometimes a burden, when slavery has stupefied the soul.

Such blacks, therefore, as are so inconsiderate as to be concerned in insurrections, are guilty of retarding the execution of the general plan for their emancipation; for the question is not, at the present day, whether a million of slaves ought to be set at liberty, but whether they can when free, be put into a capacity of providing for the subsistence of themselves and their families. Insurrections, far from effecting this purpose, would destroy the means. Regard, therefore, to their own interests, if there were no other motive, should therefore engage the blacks to patient submission, and no doubt but they will yield it, if their masters and the ministers of the gospel in particular, to whom the task of comforting and instructing them, is committed, endeavour to prepare them for approaching freedom.

You sir, have adopted the vulgar notion, that the Negroes born in Virginia, are less depraved than those imported from Africa. You call the firmness which is common in the early stages of their slaverygreater degeneracy;they are depraved, that is, in your language--they are wicked and treacherous to those who have purchased them, or brought them from their own country.--But in my mind, they are not depraved, because the acts of violence their genius inspires them to revenge themselves upon their tyrants, are justified by the rights of nature.

And why are those imported, more wicked in your opinion? In mine, more quick, more ardent in their resentments? because, not having forgotten their former situation, they feel their loss the more sensibly; and having strong ideas, their resolutions are more firm and their actions more violent, they not having yet contracted the habits of slavery.

They soon fall into that degree of apathy and insensibility, which you unjustly believe to be natural to them; that is, in your language, they become less depraved; but I would say that their depravity begins with this apathy and weakness.--For depravity is the loss of nature, and the want of those virtues inherent in man, courage and the love of liberty. Our readers may judge from this article, how strangely writers have wrested words to condemn these unhappy Negroes, and the unfortunate in general.

I do not, however, pretend to say, that the Negroes of Africa are all good, or even that many of them are not depraved. But is this fact to be imputed to them as a personal crime? Ought you not rather to have ascribed it to the foreign source by which they are corrupted. Alike in them and in the whites, the depravity of man is a consequence of his wretchedness, and the usurpation of his rights. Wherever he is free and at ease, he is good; wherever the contrary, he is wicked. Neither his nature nor the climate corrupt him, but the government of his country. Now that of the Negroes is almost universally despotic, such as must necessarily debase and corrupt the Negro.

How much is the depravity, occasioned by the government of his country, increased by his second slavery, far worse than the first--for he is no longer among friends in his native land--surrounded by the pleasing scenes of his childhood, he is among monsters who are going to live by, and trade in his blood, and has nothing before his eyes but death, or oppression equivalent to an endless punishment.

How is it possible such horrid prospects should not fire his soul? How, if chance should present him with arms and liberty, should he resist using them, to put an end to his own existence, or that of his tormentors? What white man would be less cruel in his situation? Truly I think myself of a humane disposition, that I love my fellow-creatures and detest the effusion of blood, but if ever a villain, white or black, should snatch me from my freedom, my family, and my friends, should overwhelm me with outrages and blows, to gratify his caprice, should extend his barbarities to my wife and children--my blood boils at the thought--perhaps in a transport of revenge.... If such vengeance would be lawful in me, what makes the Negro more guilty? Why should that be called wickedness and depravity in him, which would be stiled virtue in me, in you, in every white man? Are not my rights the same as his? Is not nature our common parent? God his father as well as mine? His conscience an infallible guide as well as mine? Let us then no longer make other laws for the blacks than those we are bound by ourselves, since Heaven has placed them on a level with us, has made them like us, since they are our brethren and our fellow-creatures.

Here you stop me, you say thatthe Negro is not our fellow-creature, that he is below the white.

How could so shocking an opinion escape the pen of a memberof the Royal Academy, a writer who would be thought a friend of mankind!

Do not you see the tormentors of St. Domingo, avail themselves of it already, redoubling their strokes, and regarding their slaves as mere machines, like the Cartesians do the brutes? They are not our fellow-creatures will they say: a philosopher of Paris has proved it?

What! the blacks our equals! Have not they eyes, ears, a shape, and organs like ours? Does nature follow another order, other laws for them?--Have not they speech, that peculiar characteristic of humanity? But then the colour! What of that? Are the pale white Albinos, the olive or copper coloured Indians also of different species! Who does not know that colour is accidental. They are not our equals! Have not they the same faculties--reason, memory, imagination? Yes, you reply, but they have written no books. Who told you so? Who told you there were no learned blacks? And supposing it were so, if none but authors are men, the whole human race is different from us.

Shall I tell you why there are no authors or men of learning among the Negroes? What has made you what you are? Education and circumstances!--Now where are the Negroes favoured by either? Consider them wherever they are to be found.--In Africa, wretchedly enslaved by domestic tyrants; in our islands perpetual martyrs; in the southern United States, the meanest of slaves; in the northern, domestics; in Europe, universally contemned, every where proscribed, like the Jews; in a word, every where in a state of debasement.

I have been told that there are blacks of property in the northern parts of America; but these, like the other settlers, are no more than sensible farmers or traders.--There are no authors3among them, because there are few rich and idle people in America.

What spring of action could raise a Negro from his debased condition? the road to glory and honor is impassible to him: What then should he write for? Besides, the blacks have reason to detest the sciences, for their oppressors cultivate them but they do not make them better.

Shall we say that the Indians or Arabs are not our equals, because they despise both our arts and our sciences? or the Quakers, because they neither respect academies nor wits?

In short, if you will deny the Negroes souls, energy, sensibility, gratitude or beneficence, I oppose you to yourself, I might quote your own anecdote of Mr. Langdon's Negro, and abundance of other well known facts in favour of the blacks. You may find some striking ones in the Abbé Raynals' philosophical history. One of them would have been sufficient. The Negro who killed himself when his master who had injured him was in his power, was superior to Epictetus, and the existence of a single Negro of so sublime a character, ennobles all his kind.

But how could you judge whether the blacks were different from the whites, who saw them only in a state of slavery and wretchedness? Do we estimate beauty by the figure of a Laplander? magnanimity by the soul of a courtier? or intelligence by the stupidity of an Esquimaux?

If the traces of humanity were so much weakened and effaced in the Negroes, that you did not recognize them, I conclude not that they do not belong to our species, but that they must have been cruelly tormented to reduce them to this state of degeneracy. I do not conclude that they are not men, but that the Europeans who kidnap the blacks, are not worthy of the name.

You consider what precautions it may be necessary to take to avoid the danger which might attend a general emancipation of the Negroes.

I shall not now enter into a discussion of this nice question, but reserve it for another work: yet I must say in a word, that the Negroes will never be our friends, will never be men, until they are possessed of all our rights, until we are upon an equality. Civil liberty is the boundary between good and evil, order and disorder, happiness and misery, ignorance and knowledge. If we would make the Negroes worthy of us, we must raise them to our level by giving them this liberty.

Thus, the chief inconvenience you expect will follow the emancipation of the Negroes, may be avoided; that although free, they will remain a distinct species, a distinct and dangerous body.

This objection will vanish when we intermix with them, and boldly efface every distinction. Unless this is the case, I foresee torrents of blood spilt and the earth disputed between the whites and blacks, as America was between the Europeans and Savages.

Perhaps, and it is no extravagant idea--perhaps it might be more prudent, more humane, to send the blacks back again to their native country, settle them there, encourage their industry, andassist them to form connections with Europe and America. The celebrated doctor Fothergill conceived this plan, and the society for the abolition of slavery, at London, have carried it into execution at Sierra Leone. Time and perseverance, will discover the policy and utility of this settlement. If it should succeed, the blacks will quit America insensibly, and Sierra Leone become the centre from whence general civilization will spread over all Africa.

Perhaps, sir, you will place these thoughts upon the Negroes with those declamations you are pleased to ridicule: But what is the epithet of declaimer to me, if I am right, if I make an impression upon my readers, if I cause remorse into the breast of a single slave-holder; in a word, if I contribute to accelerate the general impulse toward liberty.

You disapprove the application of eloquence to this subject; you think nothing can affect it but exertions of cool reason. What is eloquence but the language of reason and sensibility? When man is oppressed, he struggles, he complains, he moves our passions, and bears down all opposition. Such eloquence can perform wonders, and should be employed by those who undertake to plead the cause of the unfortunate who spend their days in continual agony, or he will make no impression.--I do not conceive how any man can display wit instead of feeling, upon this distracting subject, amuse with an antithesis, instead of forcible reasoning, and only dazzle where he ought to warm. I have no conception how a sensible and thinking being, can see a fellow-creature tortured and torn to pieces, perhaps his poor wife bathed in tears, with a wretched infant sucking her shriveled breast at his side; I say I have no conception how he can behold such a sight, with indifference; how, unagonized and convulsed with rage and indignation, he can have the barbarity to descend to jesting! Notwithstanding, your observations upon the Negroes, conclude with a jest.

It will be an easy matter, say you, to add ten or twelve pages to these few reflections, which may be considered as a concert, composed only of principal parts, "con corni ad Libertum."

I hope there is nothing cruel, because there is nothing studied in this connection, this inconsiderate manner: but how could such a comparison come into the head of a man of feeling? It is the sad effect of wit, as I said before; it contracts the soul. Ever glancing over agreeable objects, it is unfeeling when intruded upon by wretchedness--uneasy to obliterate the shocking idea, and elude the groans of nature, it rids itself of both by a jest. The humaneBenezet would never have connected this idea of harmony with the sound of a Negro driver's whip.

Having proved that you have wronged the Quakers and the Negroes, I shall proceed to shew that you have equally injured mankind and the people.--Critical Examination of the Marquis de Chastellux's Travels in North-America, 1782. Translated from the French of Jean P. Verre Brissot de Warville, 1788, pp. 51-63.

Footnotes[return]1. This Jefferies was the most infamous Chief Justice that ever existed in England. Charles II. and James II. well acquainted with his talents for chicane, his debauchery and blood-thirstiness, his baseness and his crimes, made use of him to exterminate, with the sword of law, all those worthy men who defended the constitution from their tyranny.I often quote the History of England; unhappily for us it is too little known in France.[return]2. Most authors who have not studied the rights of men, fall into this error. I have remarked elsewhere (Vol. II of theJourn. du Licee, No. 4, page 222) that a writer, who, notwithstanding, deserves our esteem, for having written against the despotism of the Turkish government, has suffered himself to be drawn into it. M. le Baron de Tott says that the Moldavians are thievish, mean and faithless. To translate these words into the language of truth, we must say, the Turks, the masters of the Moldavians, are unjust, robbers, villains, and tyrants; and that the Moldavians revenge themselves by opposing deceit to oppression, etc. Thus, the people are almost everywhere wrongfully accused.[return]3. There was, however, a Negro author at London, whose productions are not without merit, and were lately published in two volumes. His name was Ignatius Sancho. He wrote in the manner of Sterne.

[return]1. This Jefferies was the most infamous Chief Justice that ever existed in England. Charles II. and James II. well acquainted with his talents for chicane, his debauchery and blood-thirstiness, his baseness and his crimes, made use of him to exterminate, with the sword of law, all those worthy men who defended the constitution from their tyranny.

I often quote the History of England; unhappily for us it is too little known in France.

[return]2. Most authors who have not studied the rights of men, fall into this error. I have remarked elsewhere (Vol. II of theJourn. du Licee, No. 4, page 222) that a writer, who, notwithstanding, deserves our esteem, for having written against the despotism of the Turkish government, has suffered himself to be drawn into it. M. le Baron de Tott says that the Moldavians are thievish, mean and faithless. To translate these words into the language of truth, we must say, the Turks, the masters of the Moldavians, are unjust, robbers, villains, and tyrants; and that the Moldavians revenge themselves by opposing deceit to oppression, etc. Thus, the people are almost everywhere wrongfully accused.

[return]3. There was, however, a Negro author at London, whose productions are not without merit, and were lately published in two volumes. His name was Ignatius Sancho. He wrote in the manner of Sterne.

Sur L'état Général, Le Genre D'industrie, Les Moeurs, Le Caractère, Etc. Des Noirs, Dans Les États-unis"Dans les quatre états du nord et dans ceux du midi, les noirs libres sont, ou domestiques, ou tiennent de petites boutiques, ou cultivent la terre. Vous en voyez quelques-unes sur les bâtimens destinés au cabotage. Peu osent se hasarder sur les vaisseau employés aux voyages de long cours, parce qu'ils craignent d'être transportés et vendus dans les iles.--Au physique, tous ces noirs sont généralement vigoureux,1d'une forte constitution, capables des travaux les plus pénibles; ils sont généralement actifs.--Domestiques, ils sont sobres et fidèles.--Ce portrait s'applique aux femmes de cette couleur.--Je n'ai vu faire aucune distinction entr'eux à cet égard et les domestiques blancs, quoique ces derniers les traitent toujours avec mépris, comme étant d'une espèce inférieure.--Ceux qui tiennent des boutiques, vivent médiocrement, n'augmentent jamais leurs affaires au-dela d'un certain point. La raison en est simple: quoique partout on traite les noirs avec humanité, les blancs qui ont l'argent, ne sont pas disposés à faire aux noirs des avances, telles qu'elles les missent en état d'entreprendre le commerce en grand; d'ailleurs, il faut pour ce commerce quelques connoissances préliminaires, il faut faire un noviciat dans un comptoir, et la raison n'a pas encore ouvert aux noirs la porte du comptoir. On ne leur permet pas de s'y asseoir à côté des blancs.--Si donc les noirs sont bornés ici à un petit commerce de détail, n'en accusons pas leur impuissance, mais le préjugé des blancs, qui leur donnent des entraves. Les mémes causes empéchent les moirs qui vivent à la compagne d'avoir des plantations étendues; celles qu'ils cultivent sont bornées, mais généralement assez bien cultivées: de bons habits,une log house, ou maison de bois en bon état, des enfans plusnombreux les font remarquer des Européens voyageurs, et l'oeil du philosophe se plaît à considérer ces habitations, où la tyrannie ne fait point verser de pleurs. Dans cette partie de l'Amerique, les noirs sont certainement heureux; mais ayons le courage de l'avouer, leur bonheur et leurs talens ne sont pas encore au degré où ils pourroient atteindre.--Il existe encoure un trop grand intervalle entre eux et les blancs, sur-tout dans l'opinion publique, et cette difference humiliante arrête tous les efforts qu'ils feroient pour s'élever. Cette difference se montre par-tout. Par exemple, on admet les noirs aux écoles publiques; mais ils ne peuvent franchir le seuil d'un collège. Quoique libres, quoique indépendans, ils sont toujours eux-mêmes accoutumés à se regarder comme au-dessous du blanc; il y a des droits qu'ils n'out pas.2Concluons de là qu'on jugeroit mal de l'étendue, de la capacité des noirs, en prenant pour base celle des noirs libres dans les états du nord.Mais quand on les compare aux noirs, esclaves des états du midi, quelle prodigieuse différence les sépare! Dans le midi, les noirs sont dans un état d'abjection et d'abrutissement difficile à peindre. Beaucoup sont nuds, mal nourris, logés dans de miserables huttes, couchés sur la paille.3On ne leur donne aucune éducation; on neles instruit dans aucune religion; on ne les marie pas, on les accouple; aussi sont ils avilis, paresseux, sans idées, sans énergie.--Ills ne se donneroient aucune peine pour avoir des habits, ou de meilleures provisions; ils aiment mieux porter des haillons que de les raccommoder. Ills passent le dimanche, qui est le jour du repos, entièrement dans l'inaction.--L'inaction est leur souverain bonheur; aussi travaillent-ils pen et nonchalamment.Il faut rendre justice à la vérité; les Américains du midi traitent doucement les esclaves, et c'est un des effets produits par l'extension générale des idées sur la liberté; l'esclave travaille moins par-tout; mais on s'est borné là. Il n'en est pas mieux, ni pour la mourriture, ni pour son habillement, ni pour ses moeurs, ni pour ses idées; ainsi le maître perd, sans que l'esclaves acquière; et s'il suivoit l'exemple des Americains du nord, tous deux gagneroient au changement.On a cru généralment jusqu'à ces derniers temps, que les nègres avoient moins de capacité morale que les blancs; des auteurs même estimables l'ont imprimé.4Ce préjugé commence à disparoitre; les états du nord pourroient fournir des exemples du contraire. Je n'en citerai que deux frappans; le premier, prouvera, qu'avec l'instruction, on peut rendre les noirs propres à toutes les professions; le second, que la tête d'un nègre est organsée pour les calculs les plus étonans, et par conséquent pour toutes les sciences.J'ai vu, dans mon séjour à Philadelphie, un noir, appelé Jacques Derham, médecin, qui exerce dans la Nouvelle-Orleans, sur le Mississippi; et voici son histoire, telle qu'elle m'a été attestée par plusieurs médecins.--Ce noir a été élevé dans une famille de Philadelphie, où il a appris à lire, à écrire, et où on l'a instruit dans les principes du christianisme. Dans sa jeunesse, il fut vendu au feu docteur Jean Kearsley le jeune, de cette ville, qui l'employoit pour composer des médecines, et les administrer á ses malades.A la mort du docteur Kearsley, il passa dans différentes mains, et il devint enfin l'esclave du docteur George West, chirurgien du seizième regiment d'Angleterre, sous lequel, pendant la dernière guerre en Amérique, il remplit les fonctions les moins importantes de la médecine.A la fin de la guerre, le docteur West le vendit au Docteur Robert Dove, de la Nouvelle-Orleans, qui l'employa comme sonsecond. Dans cette condition, il gagna si bien la confiance et l'amité de son maître, que celui-ci consentit à l'affranchir deux ou trois ans après, et à des conditions modérées.--Derham s'étoit tellement perfectionné dans la medecine, qu'à l'époque de sa liberté, il fut en état de la pratiquer avec succès à la Nouvelle-Orleans.--Il a environ 26 ans; il est marié, mais il n'a point d'enfans; la medecine lui rapporte 3000 dollars, ou 16000 l. environ par an.J'ai causé, m'a dit le docteur Wistar, avec lui sur les maladies aiguës et épidémiques du pays où il vit, et je l'ai trouve bien versé dans la méthode simple, usitée par les modernes pour le traitement de ces maladies.--Je croyois pouvoir lui indiquer de nouveaux remèdes; mais ce fut lui qui me les indiqua.--Il est modeste, et a des manières très-engageantes; il parle francois avec facilité et a quelques connoisances de l'espagnol. -- Qoique né dans une famille religieuse, on avoit, par accident, oublié de le faire baptiser. En conséquence, il s'est adressé au docteur Withe pour recevoir le baptême; il le lui a conféré, apres l'en avoir jugé digne, non-seulement par ses connoisances, mais par son excellente conduite.Voice l'autre fait, tel qu'il m'a été attesté, et imprimé par le docteur Rush,5célèbre médecin et auteur, établi à Philadelphie et plusieurs détails m'en ont été confirmés par l'épouse de l'immortel Washington, dans le voisinage duquel ce nègre est depuis longtemps.Son nom est Thomas Fuller; il est né en Afrique, et ne sait ni lire ni écrire; il a maintenant soixante-dix ans, et a vécu toute sa vie sur la plantation de MmeCox, a quatre milles d'Alexandrie. Deux habitans respectables de Pensylvanie, MM. Hartshom et Samuel Coates, qui voyageoient en Virginie, ayant appris la facilité singuliere que ce noir avoit pour les calculus les plus compliques, l'envoyèrent chercher, et lui firent differentes questions.Première. Etant interrogé, combien de secondes il y avoit dans une année et demie, il repondit en deux minutes, 47,304,000, en comptant 365 jours dans l'année.Deuxième. Combien de secondes auroit vécu un homme âgé de soix-ante-dix ans dix-sept jours et douze heures? Il répondit dans une minute et demie, 2,210,500,800.Un des Americains qui l'interrogeoit et qui vérifioit ses calculs avec la plume, lui dit qu'il se trompoit, que la somme n'étoit pas si considerable; et cela étoit vrai: c'est qu'il n'avoit pas fait attention aux années bissextiles; il corrigea le calcul avec la plus grande célérité.Autre question. Supposez un laboureur qui a six truies, et que chaque truie en met bas six autres la première année, et qu'elles multiplient dans la même proportion jusqu'à, l' fin de la huitème année: combien alors de truies aura le laboureur, s'il n'en perd aucune? Le vieillard répondit en dix minutes, 34,588,806.La longueur du temps ne fut occasionée que parce qu'il n'avoit pas d'abord compris la question.Après avoir satisfait à toutes les questions, il raconta l'origine et les progrès de son talent en arithmétique.--Il compta a'abord jusqu'a 10, puis 100; et s'imaginoit alors, disoit-il, être un habile homme. Ensuite il s'amusa à compter tous les grains d'un boisseau de ble, et successivement il sut compter le nombre de rails ou morceaux de bois necessaires pour enclore un champ d'une telle étendue, ou de grains nécessaires pour le semer.--Sa maîtresse avoit tiré beaucoup d'advantages de son talen; il ne parloit d'elle qu'avec la plus grande reconnoissance, parce qu'elle ne l'avoit jamais voulu vendre, malgre les offres considerables qu'on lui avoit faites pour l'acheter.--Sa tête commençoit à foiblir.--Un des Americains lui ayant dit que c'étoit dommage qu'il n'eut pas recu de l'éducation: Non, maître, dit-il; il vaut mieux que je n'aie rien appris, car bien des savans ne sont que des sots.Ces exemples prouveront, sans doute, que la capacité des nègres peut s'étendre a tout; ils n'ont besoin que d'instruction et de liberté.--La différence qui se remarque entre ceux qui sont libres et instruits et les autres, se montre encore dans leurs travaux.--Les terres qu'habitent et les blancs et les noirs, soumis à ce rêgime, sont infiniment mieux cultivées, produisent plus abondamment, offrent par-tout l'image de l'aisance et du bonheur; et tel est, par exemple, l'aspect du Connecticut et de la Pensylvanie.--Passez dans le Maryland ou la Virginie, encore une fois, vous croyez être dans un autre monde. Ce ne sont plus des plaines bien cultivées, des maisons de campagne, propres et meme élégantes, des vastes granges bien distribuées; ce ne sont plus des troupeaux nombreux de bestiaux gras et vigoureux: non, tout dans le Maryland et la Virginia, porte l'empreinte de l'esclavage; sol brulé, culture mal entendue, maisons délabrées, bestiaux petits et peu nombreux, cadavres noirs ambulans; en un mot, vous y voyez une misère réelle a côté de l'apparence du luxe.On commence à s'appercevoir, même dans les états méridionaux, que nourrir mal un exclave est une chétive économie, et que le fonds placé dans l'esclavage ne rend pas son interêt. C'est peut-être plusà cette considération, plus encore à l'impossibilité pécuniaire de recruter; c'est plus, dis-je, à ces considérations qu'à l'humanité, qu'on doit l'introduction du travail libre dans une partie de la Virginie, dans celle qui avoisine la belle rivière de la Shenadore. Aussi croiroit-on, en la voyant, voir encore la Pensylvanie.Osons l'espérer, tel sera un jour le sort de la Virginie, quand elle ne sera plus souillée par l'esclavage; et ce terme n'est peut-être pas eloigné. Il n'y a des esclaves que parce qu'on les croit nécessaires á la culture du tabac, et cette culture décline tous les jours et doit décliner. Le tabac, qui se ciiltive près de l'Ohio et du Mississippi, est infiniment plus abondant, de meilleure qualité, exige moins de travaux. Quand ce tabac se sera ouvert le chemin de l'Europe, les Virginiens seront obligés de cesser sa culture, et de demander à la terre du blé, des pommes de terre, de faire des prairies et d'élever des bestiaux. Les Virginiens judicieux prévoient cette revolution, l'anticipent, et se livrent à la culture du blé.--A leur tête, on doit mettre cet homme étonnant, qui, général adoré, eut le courage d'être republican sincère; qui, couvert de gloire, seul, ne s'en souvient plus; héros dont la destinée unique sera d'avoir sauvé deux fois sa patrie, de lui ouvrir le chemin de la prospérité, apres avoir ouvert celui de la liberté. Maintenantentièrementoccupé6du soin d'améliorer ses terres, d'en varier le produit, d'ouvrir des routes, des communications, il donne à ses compatriotes un exemple utile, et qui sans doute sera suivi. Il a cependant, dois-je, le dire? une foule nombreuse d'esclaves noirs.--Mais ils sont traites avec la plus grande humanité. Bien nourris, bien vêtus, n'ayant qu'un travail modéré à faire, ils bénissent sans cesse le maître que le Ciel leur a donné.--Il est digne sans doute d'une âme aussi élevée, aussi pure, aussi désinteressé, de commencer la révolution en Virginie, d'y preparer l'affranchissement des nègres.--Ce grand homme, lorsque j'eus le bonheur de l'entretenir, m'avoua qu'il admiroit tout ce qui se faissoit dans les autres états, qu'il en desiroit l'extension dans son propre pays; mais il ne me cacha pas que de nombreux obstacles s'y opposoient encore, qu'il seroit dangereux de heurter de front un préjugé qui commencoit à diminuer.--Du temps, de la patience, des lumières, et on le convaincra, me dit-il. Presque tous les Virginiens, ajoutoit-il, ne croyent pas que la liberté des noirs puisse sitôt devenir générale.Voilà pourquoi ils ne veulent point former de société qui puisse donner des idées dangereuses à leurs esclaves. Un autre obstacle s'y oppose. Les grandes propriétés éloignent les hommes, rendent difficiles les assemblées, et vous ne trouverez ici que de grands propriétaires.Les Virginiens se trompent, lui disois-je; il est evident que tôt ou tard les nègres obtiendront par-tout leur liberté, que cette révolution s'étendra en Virginie. Il est done de l'intérêt de vos compatriotes de s'y préparer, de tacher de concilier la restitution des droits des nègres avec leur propriété. Les Moyens à prendre, pour cet effet, ne peuvent être l'ouvrage que d'une société, et il est digne du sauveur de l'Amerique d'en être le chef, et de rendre la liberté à 300,000 hommes malheureux dans son pays. Ce grand homme me dit qu'il en desiroit la formation, qu'il la seconderoit; mail il ne croyoit pas le moment favorable.--Sans doute des vues plus élévees absorboient alors son attention et remplissoient son âme; le destin de l'amerique étoit prêt à étre remis une seconde fois dans ses mains.C'est un malheur, n'en doutons pas, semblable société n'existe pas dans le Maryland et dans la Virginie; car c'est au zèle constant de celles de Philadelphie et de New-Yorck qu'on doit tous les progrès de cette révolution en Amerique, et la naissance de la société de Londres.Que ne puis-je ici vous peindre l'impression dont j'ai été frappé en assistant aux séances de ces trois sociétés!--Quelle gravité dans la contenance des membres! quelle simplicité dans leurs discours! quelle candeur dans leurs discussions! quelle bienfaisance! quelle énergie dans leur résolution! Chacun s'empressoit d'y prendre part, non pour briller, mais pour être utile.--Avec quelle joie ils apprirent qu'il s'élevoit une société semblable à la leur dans Paris, dans cette capitale immense, si célèbre en Amerique par l'opulence, le faste, l'influence sur un vaste royaume, et sur presque tous les états de l'Europe! Avec quel empressement ils publièrent cette nouvelle dans toutes leurs gazettes, et répandirent partout la traduction du premier discours lu dans cette société! Avec quelle joie ils virent dans la liste des membres de cette société, un nom cher à leurs coeurs, et qu'ils ne prononcent qu'aves attendrissement, et les noms d'autres personness connues par leur énergie et leur patriotisme! Ils ne doutoient point que si cette société s'étendoit, bravoit les obstacles, s'unissoit avec celle de Londres, les lumières repandues par elles sur le trafic des nègres et sur son infamie inutile, n'éclairassent les gouvernmens, et n'en determinassent la suppression.Ce fut, sans doute, à cet élan de joie et d'espoir, et aux recommendations flatteuses que j'avois emportées d'Europe, plus qu'à mes foibles travaux, que je dus l'honneur qu'ils me firent de m'associer à leur rang.Ces sociétés ne se bornèrent pas à ces démonstrations; elles nommèrent dés comités pour m'assister dans mes travaux; leurs archives me furent ouvertes.Ces sociétés bienfaisantes s'occupent maintenant de nouveaux prospects pour consommer leur oeuvre de justice et d'humanité; elles s'occupent à creer de nouvelles sociétés dans les états qui n'en out point; c'est ainsi qu'il vient de s'en élever une dans l'état de Delaware.--Elles forment de nouveaux projets pour décourager l'esclavage et le commerce des esclaves.--Cest ainsi que, pour arrêter les ventes scandaleuses qui s'en font encore dans New Yorck,7à des enchères publiques, tous les membres se sont engagés à ne jamais employer l'officier public, l'huissier-priseur qui présideroit à de pareilles ventes. Mais c'est sur-tout à sauver des mains de la cupidité des esclaves, qu'elle voudroit et ne doit pas retenir, que la société de Philadelphie est ingénieuse.--Un esclave est-il maltraité, il trouve dans elle une protection assurée et gratuite.--Un autre a fini son temps, et est toujours détenu; elle reclame ses droits.--Des étrangers amènent des noirs, et ne satisfont pas à la loi; la société en procure le benefice à ces malheureux nègres.--Un des plus célèbres avocats de Philadelphie, dont j'aime à vanter les talents et l'amitié qui nous unit, M.Myers Fisher, lui prête son ministère, presque toujours avec succès, et tojours avec désintéressement. Cette société s'est apperçue que de nombreuses assemblées, n'avoient pas d'action, parce que le mouvement se perdoit en se divisant en trop de membres; elle a créé plusiers comités, toujours en activite; elle sollicite des créations semblables dans tous les états; afin que par-tout les loix sur l'abolition de la traite et sur l'affranchissement soient executées; afin que par-tout on presente des pétitions aux legislatures, pour obtenir de nouvelles loix pour les cas non prévus. --Enfin, c'est a cette société, sand doute, que l'on devra un jour de semblables établissemens dans le midi. J. P. Brissot, (Warville). --"Nouveau Vouage dans les États-Unis de l'Amerique Septentrionale, 1788," Tome Second, 31-49.Footnotes[return]1. Les noirs maries font certainement autant d'enfans que les blancs; mais on a remarqué que dans les villes, il perissoit plus d'enfans noirs. Cette difference tient moins a leur nature qu'au défaut d'aisance et de soins, sur-tout des médecins et des chirurgiens.[return]2. N'y eut-il que l'aversion des blancs pour le mariage de leurs filles avec les noirs, ce seul sentiment suffiroit pour avilir ces deniers. Cependant il y a quelques exemples de ces mariages.Il existe a Pittsbourg sur l'Ohio une blanche d'origine françoise, menée a Londres, et enlevée, à l'âge de douze ans, par des corsaires qui faisoient métier d'enlever des enfans, et de les vendre en Amerique pour un temps fixé de leur travail.--Des circonstances singulieres l'engagèrent à épouser un nègre qui lui acheta sa liberté, et qui la tira des mains d'un blanc, maître barbare et libi-dineux, qui avoit tout employé pour la desuire.--Une mulâtresse, sortie de cette union, a épousé un chirurgien de Nantes, établi à Pittsburg.--Cette famille est une des plus respectables de cette ville; le nègre fait un très bon commerce, et la maîtresse se fait un devoir d'accueillir et de bien traiter les étrangers, et sur tout les François que le hasard amène de ce côté.Mais on n'a point d'idée d'une pareille union dans le nord; elle revolteroit.--Dans les etablissemens, le long de l'Ohio il y a bien des négresses qui vivent avec des blancs non mariés.--Cependant on m'assura que cette union est regardée de mauvais oeil par les nègres mêmes. Si une négresse a une-querelle avec une mulâtresse, elle lui reproche d'être d'un sang mêlé.[return]3. Le docteur Rush, qui a été portée de traiter ces noirs, m'a communiqué une observation bien importante, et qui prouve combien l'énergie morale et intellectuelle d'un individu influe sur sa santé et son état physique. Il m'a dit qu'il étoit bien plus difficile de traiter et de guérir ces noirs esclaves que les blancs; qu'ils résistoient bien moins aux maladies violentes ou longues. C'est qu'ils tiennent pen par l'âme à la vie: la vitalité ou le ressort de la vie est presque nul dans eux.[return]4. J'ai deja plusieurs fois refuté cette opinion et sur-tout dans mon Examen critique des voyages de M. Chatellux. Elle a d'alleurs été détruite dans une foule d'excellens ouvrages.[return]5. Ce médecin est aussi célèbre en Amerique, par de bons écrits politiques. C'est un apôtre infatigable de la liberté.[return]6. Il n'étoit pas alors président des Etats-Unis. J'anticipe ici sur plusieurs conversations que j'ai eues avec ce grand homme, et dont je parlerai par la suite.[return]7. A l'assemblée de la société de New-Yorck, du 9 novembre 1787, il a été arrêté qu'on donneroit une medaille d'or pour le meilleur discours qui seroit prononcé a l'ouverture du college de New-Yorck sur l'injustice et la cruaute de la traite des nègres, et sur les funestes effets de l'esclavage.

"Dans les quatre états du nord et dans ceux du midi, les noirs libres sont, ou domestiques, ou tiennent de petites boutiques, ou cultivent la terre. Vous en voyez quelques-unes sur les bâtimens destinés au cabotage. Peu osent se hasarder sur les vaisseau employés aux voyages de long cours, parce qu'ils craignent d'être transportés et vendus dans les iles.--Au physique, tous ces noirs sont généralement vigoureux,1d'une forte constitution, capables des travaux les plus pénibles; ils sont généralement actifs.--Domestiques, ils sont sobres et fidèles.--Ce portrait s'applique aux femmes de cette couleur.--Je n'ai vu faire aucune distinction entr'eux à cet égard et les domestiques blancs, quoique ces derniers les traitent toujours avec mépris, comme étant d'une espèce inférieure.--Ceux qui tiennent des boutiques, vivent médiocrement, n'augmentent jamais leurs affaires au-dela d'un certain point. La raison en est simple: quoique partout on traite les noirs avec humanité, les blancs qui ont l'argent, ne sont pas disposés à faire aux noirs des avances, telles qu'elles les missent en état d'entreprendre le commerce en grand; d'ailleurs, il faut pour ce commerce quelques connoissances préliminaires, il faut faire un noviciat dans un comptoir, et la raison n'a pas encore ouvert aux noirs la porte du comptoir. On ne leur permet pas de s'y asseoir à côté des blancs.--Si donc les noirs sont bornés ici à un petit commerce de détail, n'en accusons pas leur impuissance, mais le préjugé des blancs, qui leur donnent des entraves. Les mémes causes empéchent les moirs qui vivent à la compagne d'avoir des plantations étendues; celles qu'ils cultivent sont bornées, mais généralement assez bien cultivées: de bons habits,une log house, ou maison de bois en bon état, des enfans plusnombreux les font remarquer des Européens voyageurs, et l'oeil du philosophe se plaît à considérer ces habitations, où la tyrannie ne fait point verser de pleurs. Dans cette partie de l'Amerique, les noirs sont certainement heureux; mais ayons le courage de l'avouer, leur bonheur et leurs talens ne sont pas encore au degré où ils pourroient atteindre.--Il existe encoure un trop grand intervalle entre eux et les blancs, sur-tout dans l'opinion publique, et cette difference humiliante arrête tous les efforts qu'ils feroient pour s'élever. Cette difference se montre par-tout. Par exemple, on admet les noirs aux écoles publiques; mais ils ne peuvent franchir le seuil d'un collège. Quoique libres, quoique indépendans, ils sont toujours eux-mêmes accoutumés à se regarder comme au-dessous du blanc; il y a des droits qu'ils n'out pas.2Concluons de là qu'on jugeroit mal de l'étendue, de la capacité des noirs, en prenant pour base celle des noirs libres dans les états du nord.

Mais quand on les compare aux noirs, esclaves des états du midi, quelle prodigieuse différence les sépare! Dans le midi, les noirs sont dans un état d'abjection et d'abrutissement difficile à peindre. Beaucoup sont nuds, mal nourris, logés dans de miserables huttes, couchés sur la paille.3On ne leur donne aucune éducation; on neles instruit dans aucune religion; on ne les marie pas, on les accouple; aussi sont ils avilis, paresseux, sans idées, sans énergie.--Ills ne se donneroient aucune peine pour avoir des habits, ou de meilleures provisions; ils aiment mieux porter des haillons que de les raccommoder. Ills passent le dimanche, qui est le jour du repos, entièrement dans l'inaction.--L'inaction est leur souverain bonheur; aussi travaillent-ils pen et nonchalamment.

Il faut rendre justice à la vérité; les Américains du midi traitent doucement les esclaves, et c'est un des effets produits par l'extension générale des idées sur la liberté; l'esclave travaille moins par-tout; mais on s'est borné là. Il n'en est pas mieux, ni pour la mourriture, ni pour son habillement, ni pour ses moeurs, ni pour ses idées; ainsi le maître perd, sans que l'esclaves acquière; et s'il suivoit l'exemple des Americains du nord, tous deux gagneroient au changement.

On a cru généralment jusqu'à ces derniers temps, que les nègres avoient moins de capacité morale que les blancs; des auteurs même estimables l'ont imprimé.4Ce préjugé commence à disparoitre; les états du nord pourroient fournir des exemples du contraire. Je n'en citerai que deux frappans; le premier, prouvera, qu'avec l'instruction, on peut rendre les noirs propres à toutes les professions; le second, que la tête d'un nègre est organsée pour les calculs les plus étonans, et par conséquent pour toutes les sciences.

J'ai vu, dans mon séjour à Philadelphie, un noir, appelé Jacques Derham, médecin, qui exerce dans la Nouvelle-Orleans, sur le Mississippi; et voici son histoire, telle qu'elle m'a été attestée par plusieurs médecins.--Ce noir a été élevé dans une famille de Philadelphie, où il a appris à lire, à écrire, et où on l'a instruit dans les principes du christianisme. Dans sa jeunesse, il fut vendu au feu docteur Jean Kearsley le jeune, de cette ville, qui l'employoit pour composer des médecines, et les administrer á ses malades.

A la mort du docteur Kearsley, il passa dans différentes mains, et il devint enfin l'esclave du docteur George West, chirurgien du seizième regiment d'Angleterre, sous lequel, pendant la dernière guerre en Amérique, il remplit les fonctions les moins importantes de la médecine.

A la fin de la guerre, le docteur West le vendit au Docteur Robert Dove, de la Nouvelle-Orleans, qui l'employa comme sonsecond. Dans cette condition, il gagna si bien la confiance et l'amité de son maître, que celui-ci consentit à l'affranchir deux ou trois ans après, et à des conditions modérées.--Derham s'étoit tellement perfectionné dans la medecine, qu'à l'époque de sa liberté, il fut en état de la pratiquer avec succès à la Nouvelle-Orleans.--Il a environ 26 ans; il est marié, mais il n'a point d'enfans; la medecine lui rapporte 3000 dollars, ou 16000 l. environ par an.

J'ai causé, m'a dit le docteur Wistar, avec lui sur les maladies aiguës et épidémiques du pays où il vit, et je l'ai trouve bien versé dans la méthode simple, usitée par les modernes pour le traitement de ces maladies.--Je croyois pouvoir lui indiquer de nouveaux remèdes; mais ce fut lui qui me les indiqua.--Il est modeste, et a des manières très-engageantes; il parle francois avec facilité et a quelques connoisances de l'espagnol. -- Qoique né dans une famille religieuse, on avoit, par accident, oublié de le faire baptiser. En conséquence, il s'est adressé au docteur Withe pour recevoir le baptême; il le lui a conféré, apres l'en avoir jugé digne, non-seulement par ses connoisances, mais par son excellente conduite.

Voice l'autre fait, tel qu'il m'a été attesté, et imprimé par le docteur Rush,5célèbre médecin et auteur, établi à Philadelphie et plusieurs détails m'en ont été confirmés par l'épouse de l'immortel Washington, dans le voisinage duquel ce nègre est depuis longtemps.

Son nom est Thomas Fuller; il est né en Afrique, et ne sait ni lire ni écrire; il a maintenant soixante-dix ans, et a vécu toute sa vie sur la plantation de MmeCox, a quatre milles d'Alexandrie. Deux habitans respectables de Pensylvanie, MM. Hartshom et Samuel Coates, qui voyageoient en Virginie, ayant appris la facilité singuliere que ce noir avoit pour les calculus les plus compliques, l'envoyèrent chercher, et lui firent differentes questions.

Première. Etant interrogé, combien de secondes il y avoit dans une année et demie, il repondit en deux minutes, 47,304,000, en comptant 365 jours dans l'année.

Deuxième. Combien de secondes auroit vécu un homme âgé de soix-ante-dix ans dix-sept jours et douze heures? Il répondit dans une minute et demie, 2,210,500,800.

Un des Americains qui l'interrogeoit et qui vérifioit ses calculs avec la plume, lui dit qu'il se trompoit, que la somme n'étoit pas si considerable; et cela étoit vrai: c'est qu'il n'avoit pas fait attention aux années bissextiles; il corrigea le calcul avec la plus grande célérité.

Autre question. Supposez un laboureur qui a six truies, et que chaque truie en met bas six autres la première année, et qu'elles multiplient dans la même proportion jusqu'à, l' fin de la huitème année: combien alors de truies aura le laboureur, s'il n'en perd aucune? Le vieillard répondit en dix minutes, 34,588,806.

La longueur du temps ne fut occasionée que parce qu'il n'avoit pas d'abord compris la question.

Après avoir satisfait à toutes les questions, il raconta l'origine et les progrès de son talent en arithmétique.--Il compta a'abord jusqu'a 10, puis 100; et s'imaginoit alors, disoit-il, être un habile homme. Ensuite il s'amusa à compter tous les grains d'un boisseau de ble, et successivement il sut compter le nombre de rails ou morceaux de bois necessaires pour enclore un champ d'une telle étendue, ou de grains nécessaires pour le semer.--Sa maîtresse avoit tiré beaucoup d'advantages de son talen; il ne parloit d'elle qu'avec la plus grande reconnoissance, parce qu'elle ne l'avoit jamais voulu vendre, malgre les offres considerables qu'on lui avoit faites pour l'acheter.--Sa tête commençoit à foiblir.--Un des Americains lui ayant dit que c'étoit dommage qu'il n'eut pas recu de l'éducation: Non, maître, dit-il; il vaut mieux que je n'aie rien appris, car bien des savans ne sont que des sots.

Ces exemples prouveront, sans doute, que la capacité des nègres peut s'étendre a tout; ils n'ont besoin que d'instruction et de liberté.--La différence qui se remarque entre ceux qui sont libres et instruits et les autres, se montre encore dans leurs travaux.--Les terres qu'habitent et les blancs et les noirs, soumis à ce rêgime, sont infiniment mieux cultivées, produisent plus abondamment, offrent par-tout l'image de l'aisance et du bonheur; et tel est, par exemple, l'aspect du Connecticut et de la Pensylvanie.--Passez dans le Maryland ou la Virginie, encore une fois, vous croyez être dans un autre monde. Ce ne sont plus des plaines bien cultivées, des maisons de campagne, propres et meme élégantes, des vastes granges bien distribuées; ce ne sont plus des troupeaux nombreux de bestiaux gras et vigoureux: non, tout dans le Maryland et la Virginia, porte l'empreinte de l'esclavage; sol brulé, culture mal entendue, maisons délabrées, bestiaux petits et peu nombreux, cadavres noirs ambulans; en un mot, vous y voyez une misère réelle a côté de l'apparence du luxe.

On commence à s'appercevoir, même dans les états méridionaux, que nourrir mal un exclave est une chétive économie, et que le fonds placé dans l'esclavage ne rend pas son interêt. C'est peut-être plusà cette considération, plus encore à l'impossibilité pécuniaire de recruter; c'est plus, dis-je, à ces considérations qu'à l'humanité, qu'on doit l'introduction du travail libre dans une partie de la Virginie, dans celle qui avoisine la belle rivière de la Shenadore. Aussi croiroit-on, en la voyant, voir encore la Pensylvanie.

Osons l'espérer, tel sera un jour le sort de la Virginie, quand elle ne sera plus souillée par l'esclavage; et ce terme n'est peut-être pas eloigné. Il n'y a des esclaves que parce qu'on les croit nécessaires á la culture du tabac, et cette culture décline tous les jours et doit décliner. Le tabac, qui se ciiltive près de l'Ohio et du Mississippi, est infiniment plus abondant, de meilleure qualité, exige moins de travaux. Quand ce tabac se sera ouvert le chemin de l'Europe, les Virginiens seront obligés de cesser sa culture, et de demander à la terre du blé, des pommes de terre, de faire des prairies et d'élever des bestiaux. Les Virginiens judicieux prévoient cette revolution, l'anticipent, et se livrent à la culture du blé.--A leur tête, on doit mettre cet homme étonnant, qui, général adoré, eut le courage d'être republican sincère; qui, couvert de gloire, seul, ne s'en souvient plus; héros dont la destinée unique sera d'avoir sauvé deux fois sa patrie, de lui ouvrir le chemin de la prospérité, apres avoir ouvert celui de la liberté. Maintenantentièrementoccupé6du soin d'améliorer ses terres, d'en varier le produit, d'ouvrir des routes, des communications, il donne à ses compatriotes un exemple utile, et qui sans doute sera suivi. Il a cependant, dois-je, le dire? une foule nombreuse d'esclaves noirs.--Mais ils sont traites avec la plus grande humanité. Bien nourris, bien vêtus, n'ayant qu'un travail modéré à faire, ils bénissent sans cesse le maître que le Ciel leur a donné.--Il est digne sans doute d'une âme aussi élevée, aussi pure, aussi désinteressé, de commencer la révolution en Virginie, d'y preparer l'affranchissement des nègres.--Ce grand homme, lorsque j'eus le bonheur de l'entretenir, m'avoua qu'il admiroit tout ce qui se faissoit dans les autres états, qu'il en desiroit l'extension dans son propre pays; mais il ne me cacha pas que de nombreux obstacles s'y opposoient encore, qu'il seroit dangereux de heurter de front un préjugé qui commencoit à diminuer.--Du temps, de la patience, des lumières, et on le convaincra, me dit-il. Presque tous les Virginiens, ajoutoit-il, ne croyent pas que la liberté des noirs puisse sitôt devenir générale.Voilà pourquoi ils ne veulent point former de société qui puisse donner des idées dangereuses à leurs esclaves. Un autre obstacle s'y oppose. Les grandes propriétés éloignent les hommes, rendent difficiles les assemblées, et vous ne trouverez ici que de grands propriétaires.

Les Virginiens se trompent, lui disois-je; il est evident que tôt ou tard les nègres obtiendront par-tout leur liberté, que cette révolution s'étendra en Virginie. Il est done de l'intérêt de vos compatriotes de s'y préparer, de tacher de concilier la restitution des droits des nègres avec leur propriété. Les Moyens à prendre, pour cet effet, ne peuvent être l'ouvrage que d'une société, et il est digne du sauveur de l'Amerique d'en être le chef, et de rendre la liberté à 300,000 hommes malheureux dans son pays. Ce grand homme me dit qu'il en desiroit la formation, qu'il la seconderoit; mail il ne croyoit pas le moment favorable.--Sans doute des vues plus élévees absorboient alors son attention et remplissoient son âme; le destin de l'amerique étoit prêt à étre remis une seconde fois dans ses mains.

C'est un malheur, n'en doutons pas, semblable société n'existe pas dans le Maryland et dans la Virginie; car c'est au zèle constant de celles de Philadelphie et de New-Yorck qu'on doit tous les progrès de cette révolution en Amerique, et la naissance de la société de Londres.

Que ne puis-je ici vous peindre l'impression dont j'ai été frappé en assistant aux séances de ces trois sociétés!--Quelle gravité dans la contenance des membres! quelle simplicité dans leurs discours! quelle candeur dans leurs discussions! quelle bienfaisance! quelle énergie dans leur résolution! Chacun s'empressoit d'y prendre part, non pour briller, mais pour être utile.--Avec quelle joie ils apprirent qu'il s'élevoit une société semblable à la leur dans Paris, dans cette capitale immense, si célèbre en Amerique par l'opulence, le faste, l'influence sur un vaste royaume, et sur presque tous les états de l'Europe! Avec quel empressement ils publièrent cette nouvelle dans toutes leurs gazettes, et répandirent partout la traduction du premier discours lu dans cette société! Avec quelle joie ils virent dans la liste des membres de cette société, un nom cher à leurs coeurs, et qu'ils ne prononcent qu'aves attendrissement, et les noms d'autres personness connues par leur énergie et leur patriotisme! Ils ne doutoient point que si cette société s'étendoit, bravoit les obstacles, s'unissoit avec celle de Londres, les lumières repandues par elles sur le trafic des nègres et sur son infamie inutile, n'éclairassent les gouvernmens, et n'en determinassent la suppression.

Ce fut, sans doute, à cet élan de joie et d'espoir, et aux recommendations flatteuses que j'avois emportées d'Europe, plus qu'à mes foibles travaux, que je dus l'honneur qu'ils me firent de m'associer à leur rang.

Ces sociétés ne se bornèrent pas à ces démonstrations; elles nommèrent dés comités pour m'assister dans mes travaux; leurs archives me furent ouvertes.

Ces sociétés bienfaisantes s'occupent maintenant de nouveaux prospects pour consommer leur oeuvre de justice et d'humanité; elles s'occupent à creer de nouvelles sociétés dans les états qui n'en out point; c'est ainsi qu'il vient de s'en élever une dans l'état de Delaware.--Elles forment de nouveaux projets pour décourager l'esclavage et le commerce des esclaves.--Cest ainsi que, pour arrêter les ventes scandaleuses qui s'en font encore dans New Yorck,7à des enchères publiques, tous les membres se sont engagés à ne jamais employer l'officier public, l'huissier-priseur qui présideroit à de pareilles ventes. Mais c'est sur-tout à sauver des mains de la cupidité des esclaves, qu'elle voudroit et ne doit pas retenir, que la société de Philadelphie est ingénieuse.--Un esclave est-il maltraité, il trouve dans elle une protection assurée et gratuite.--Un autre a fini son temps, et est toujours détenu; elle reclame ses droits.--Des étrangers amènent des noirs, et ne satisfont pas à la loi; la société en procure le benefice à ces malheureux nègres.--Un des plus célèbres avocats de Philadelphie, dont j'aime à vanter les talents et l'amitié qui nous unit, M.Myers Fisher, lui prête son ministère, presque toujours avec succès, et tojours avec désintéressement. Cette société s'est apperçue que de nombreuses assemblées, n'avoient pas d'action, parce que le mouvement se perdoit en se divisant en trop de membres; elle a créé plusiers comités, toujours en activite; elle sollicite des créations semblables dans tous les états; afin que par-tout les loix sur l'abolition de la traite et sur l'affranchissement soient executées; afin que par-tout on presente des pétitions aux legislatures, pour obtenir de nouvelles loix pour les cas non prévus. --Enfin, c'est a cette société, sand doute, que l'on devra un jour de semblables établissemens dans le midi. J. P. Brissot, (Warville). --"Nouveau Vouage dans les États-Unis de l'Amerique Septentrionale, 1788," Tome Second, 31-49.

Footnotes[return]1. Les noirs maries font certainement autant d'enfans que les blancs; mais on a remarqué que dans les villes, il perissoit plus d'enfans noirs. Cette difference tient moins a leur nature qu'au défaut d'aisance et de soins, sur-tout des médecins et des chirurgiens.[return]2. N'y eut-il que l'aversion des blancs pour le mariage de leurs filles avec les noirs, ce seul sentiment suffiroit pour avilir ces deniers. Cependant il y a quelques exemples de ces mariages.Il existe a Pittsbourg sur l'Ohio une blanche d'origine françoise, menée a Londres, et enlevée, à l'âge de douze ans, par des corsaires qui faisoient métier d'enlever des enfans, et de les vendre en Amerique pour un temps fixé de leur travail.--Des circonstances singulieres l'engagèrent à épouser un nègre qui lui acheta sa liberté, et qui la tira des mains d'un blanc, maître barbare et libi-dineux, qui avoit tout employé pour la desuire.--Une mulâtresse, sortie de cette union, a épousé un chirurgien de Nantes, établi à Pittsburg.--Cette famille est une des plus respectables de cette ville; le nègre fait un très bon commerce, et la maîtresse se fait un devoir d'accueillir et de bien traiter les étrangers, et sur tout les François que le hasard amène de ce côté.Mais on n'a point d'idée d'une pareille union dans le nord; elle revolteroit.--Dans les etablissemens, le long de l'Ohio il y a bien des négresses qui vivent avec des blancs non mariés.--Cependant on m'assura que cette union est regardée de mauvais oeil par les nègres mêmes. Si une négresse a une-querelle avec une mulâtresse, elle lui reproche d'être d'un sang mêlé.[return]3. Le docteur Rush, qui a été portée de traiter ces noirs, m'a communiqué une observation bien importante, et qui prouve combien l'énergie morale et intellectuelle d'un individu influe sur sa santé et son état physique. Il m'a dit qu'il étoit bien plus difficile de traiter et de guérir ces noirs esclaves que les blancs; qu'ils résistoient bien moins aux maladies violentes ou longues. C'est qu'ils tiennent pen par l'âme à la vie: la vitalité ou le ressort de la vie est presque nul dans eux.[return]4. J'ai deja plusieurs fois refuté cette opinion et sur-tout dans mon Examen critique des voyages de M. Chatellux. Elle a d'alleurs été détruite dans une foule d'excellens ouvrages.[return]5. Ce médecin est aussi célèbre en Amerique, par de bons écrits politiques. C'est un apôtre infatigable de la liberté.[return]6. Il n'étoit pas alors président des Etats-Unis. J'anticipe ici sur plusieurs conversations que j'ai eues avec ce grand homme, et dont je parlerai par la suite.[return]7. A l'assemblée de la société de New-Yorck, du 9 novembre 1787, il a été arrêté qu'on donneroit une medaille d'or pour le meilleur discours qui seroit prononcé a l'ouverture du college de New-Yorck sur l'injustice et la cruaute de la traite des nègres, et sur les funestes effets de l'esclavage.

[return]1. Les noirs maries font certainement autant d'enfans que les blancs; mais on a remarqué que dans les villes, il perissoit plus d'enfans noirs. Cette difference tient moins a leur nature qu'au défaut d'aisance et de soins, sur-tout des médecins et des chirurgiens.

[return]2. N'y eut-il que l'aversion des blancs pour le mariage de leurs filles avec les noirs, ce seul sentiment suffiroit pour avilir ces deniers. Cependant il y a quelques exemples de ces mariages.

Il existe a Pittsbourg sur l'Ohio une blanche d'origine françoise, menée a Londres, et enlevée, à l'âge de douze ans, par des corsaires qui faisoient métier d'enlever des enfans, et de les vendre en Amerique pour un temps fixé de leur travail.--Des circonstances singulieres l'engagèrent à épouser un nègre qui lui acheta sa liberté, et qui la tira des mains d'un blanc, maître barbare et libi-dineux, qui avoit tout employé pour la desuire.--Une mulâtresse, sortie de cette union, a épousé un chirurgien de Nantes, établi à Pittsburg.--Cette famille est une des plus respectables de cette ville; le nègre fait un très bon commerce, et la maîtresse se fait un devoir d'accueillir et de bien traiter les étrangers, et sur tout les François que le hasard amène de ce côté.

Mais on n'a point d'idée d'une pareille union dans le nord; elle revolteroit.--Dans les etablissemens, le long de l'Ohio il y a bien des négresses qui vivent avec des blancs non mariés.--Cependant on m'assura que cette union est regardée de mauvais oeil par les nègres mêmes. Si une négresse a une-querelle avec une mulâtresse, elle lui reproche d'être d'un sang mêlé.

[return]3. Le docteur Rush, qui a été portée de traiter ces noirs, m'a communiqué une observation bien importante, et qui prouve combien l'énergie morale et intellectuelle d'un individu influe sur sa santé et son état physique. Il m'a dit qu'il étoit bien plus difficile de traiter et de guérir ces noirs esclaves que les blancs; qu'ils résistoient bien moins aux maladies violentes ou longues. C'est qu'ils tiennent pen par l'âme à la vie: la vitalité ou le ressort de la vie est presque nul dans eux.

[return]4. J'ai deja plusieurs fois refuté cette opinion et sur-tout dans mon Examen critique des voyages de M. Chatellux. Elle a d'alleurs été détruite dans une foule d'excellens ouvrages.

[return]5. Ce médecin est aussi célèbre en Amerique, par de bons écrits politiques. C'est un apôtre infatigable de la liberté.

[return]6. Il n'étoit pas alors président des Etats-Unis. J'anticipe ici sur plusieurs conversations que j'ai eues avec ce grand homme, et dont je parlerai par la suite.

[return]7. A l'assemblée de la société de New-Yorck, du 9 novembre 1787, il a été arrêté qu'on donneroit une medaille d'or pour le meilleur discours qui seroit prononcé a l'ouverture du college de New-Yorck sur l'injustice et la cruaute de la traite des nègres, et sur les funestes effets de l'esclavage.

Slavery as Seen by Henry Wansey"In this state (He was then at Worcester) the Negroes are free and happy, are electors, but not elected to offices of state; their education, however, is the same as the whites. ... No negro child is suffered to be endentured beyond twenty-four years of age."We observe a school by the road-side in almost every parish, and out of it run negro boys and girls as well as white children, without any distinction. ... A road branched off here to our right hand, leading to Albany about 60 miles distant. I now observe six or eight negroes working together in a field, well dressed as other people. Notwithstanding, they are here free, and admitted to equal privileges with the white people, yet they love to associate with each other. It is observed that they are naturally lazier, and will not work so hard as a white servant.--Perhaps, the remembrance of former compulsive service, may make them place a luxury in idleness. Nor do they yet seem to feel their importance in society; this is a portion of inheritance reserved to the next generation of them. ..."Came on to Hartford....Here I staid two days that I might have time to inspect the woolen manufactory of this place, and attend the debates of the House of Representatives of this state.... Two very interesting subjects were in debate:--a bill brought in to repeal a law, passed in October last to order 'That the money arising from the sale of their lands, between the Ohio and Lake Erie, should be appropriated to increase the salaries of the ministers of the gospel and the masters of schools;' and another bill (for its second reading) 'To provide for those poor and sick negroes, who having been freed from slavery might be unprovided for; and that till the master was exculpated, by receiving a certificate from the state, that negro was discharged in perfect health, it should be incumbent on the master to continue to take care of him during sickness, or, at least, pay the expenses of his cure.' I was much pleased to see a legislature extend its humanity and care so far.After our breakfast, which was not a very good one, we set off for Elizabeth Town, near which, on the right, is Governor Livingstone's handsome house. This is six miles from Newark....I observed several negro houses, (low buildings of one story) detached from the family house; for the slaves (from their pilfering disposition) are not allowed to sleep in the same houses with theirmasters. Slavery, although many regulations have been made to moderate its severity, is not yet abolished in the New Jerseys...."Most of the families of New York have black servants. I should suppose that nearly one fifth of the inhabitants are negroes, most of whom are free, and many in good circumstances."--Henry Wansey, F.A.S., "The Journal of an excursion to the United States of America in the summer of 1794 (Journey from New York to Boston)," pp. 53, 57, 58, 67, and 227.

"In this state (He was then at Worcester) the Negroes are free and happy, are electors, but not elected to offices of state; their education, however, is the same as the whites. ... No negro child is suffered to be endentured beyond twenty-four years of age.

"We observe a school by the road-side in almost every parish, and out of it run negro boys and girls as well as white children, without any distinction. ... A road branched off here to our right hand, leading to Albany about 60 miles distant. I now observe six or eight negroes working together in a field, well dressed as other people. Notwithstanding, they are here free, and admitted to equal privileges with the white people, yet they love to associate with each other. It is observed that they are naturally lazier, and will not work so hard as a white servant.--Perhaps, the remembrance of former compulsive service, may make them place a luxury in idleness. Nor do they yet seem to feel their importance in society; this is a portion of inheritance reserved to the next generation of them. ...

"Came on to Hartford....

"Came on to Hartford....

Here I staid two days that I might have time to inspect the woolen manufactory of this place, and attend the debates of the House of Representatives of this state.... Two very interesting subjects were in debate:--a bill brought in to repeal a law, passed in October last to order 'That the money arising from the sale of their lands, between the Ohio and Lake Erie, should be appropriated to increase the salaries of the ministers of the gospel and the masters of schools;' and another bill (for its second reading) 'To provide for those poor and sick negroes, who having been freed from slavery might be unprovided for; and that till the master was exculpated, by receiving a certificate from the state, that negro was discharged in perfect health, it should be incumbent on the master to continue to take care of him during sickness, or, at least, pay the expenses of his cure.' I was much pleased to see a legislature extend its humanity and care so far.

After our breakfast, which was not a very good one, we set off for Elizabeth Town, near which, on the right, is Governor Livingstone's handsome house. This is six miles from Newark....

I observed several negro houses, (low buildings of one story) detached from the family house; for the slaves (from their pilfering disposition) are not allowed to sleep in the same houses with theirmasters. Slavery, although many regulations have been made to moderate its severity, is not yet abolished in the New Jerseys....

"Most of the families of New York have black servants. I should suppose that nearly one fifth of the inhabitants are negroes, most of whom are free, and many in good circumstances."--Henry Wansey, F.A.S., "The Journal of an excursion to the United States of America in the summer of 1794 (Journey from New York to Boston)," pp. 53, 57, 58, 67, and 227.

Esclavage Par La Rochefoucauld-LiancourtQuant à l'esclavage, l'État de New-Yorck est un de ceux où les idées m'ont paru le moins liberales. Il est donc naturel que les loix qui dans tous les pays suivent plus ou moins l'opinion générale, manquent aussi de libéralité à cet égard.On peut concevoir comment dans les États du Sud le grand nombre des esclaves rend leur émancipation difficile, et comment cette difficulté d'émancipation donne pretexte à l'opinion de la necessité de loix extrêmement sévères contre eux. Mais dans l'État de New-Yorck, où sur une population de plus de quatre cent mille âmes on ne compte pas vingt mille nègres; il est impossible de comprendre quels si grands obstacles l'emancipation peut rencontrer, et sur quoi l'on peut fonder l'opinion qui'il faut pour ce petit nombre de nègres des loix plus sévères que pour les hommes d'une autre couleur.Quoiqu'il en soit, une loi qui n'est pas plus ancienne que 1788, confirme l'état d'esclavage pour tout nègre, mulâtre our mêtif esclave à l'époque où elle a été rendue; déclare esclave tout enfant né ou à naître d'une femme esclave; autorise la vente des esclaves et les soumet pour les petits crimes, à un jugement, que l'on peut appeler prévotal, des juges de paix, qui peuvent les condamner à l'emprisonnement ou aux coups de fouet. Un article de cette loi les assuejétit à ce genre de jugement et à cette espèce de sentence pour avoir frappé un blanc, sans faire exception du cas où le blanc serait l'aggresseur. La faveur du jury est cependant accordée à l'esclave, si le crime dont il est accusé peut emporter peine de mort. Il est aussi admis en témoignage dans les affaires criminelles où d'autres nègres sont impliqués.La nouvelle jurisprudence criminelle, fondée sur les principes d'humanité et de justice, ne détruit aucune des dispositions réellement injustes et barbares, contenues dans cette loi. Cependant, les esclaves sont généralement traités avec plus de douceur par leursmaîtres dans l'État de New Yorck, et moins surchargés de travail que dans les États du Midi. Les moeurs prévalent à cet égard sur la rigidité des loix; mais les moeurs y sont aussi, comme dans beaucoup d'autres États de l'Amerique, imprégnées d'avidité et d'avarice. Cette disposition seule y empêche l'abolition de l'esclavage. Elle est fréquemment proposée dans la législature, et jusqu'ici tout moyen, même préparatoire, y a été rejetté. Quoique la proportion des hommes libres aux esclaves soit telle que le plus grand nombre des habitans de l'État de New-Yorck ne possède pas d'esclaves, le petit nombre de ceux qui en possèdent sont les plus riches, les plus grands propriétaires; et, dans l'État de New-Yorck comme ailleurs, ils ont la principale influence.Le respect dû àla propriété, est l'arme avec laquelle on combat toute proposition que tient à l'affranchissement. J'ai entendu un des hommes de loi les plus éclairés, et dont à tout autre égard les opinions sont libérales, soutenir que "ce serait attenter àla propriétéque de déclarer libres même les enfans à naître des femmes esclaves, parce que, disait-il, les maîtres qui out acheté ou hérité des esclaves, les possèdent dans la confiance que leurissuesera leur propriété utile et disponible."Ainsi, quand on dit en Virginie "qu'on ne peut y changer le sort de l'esclavage qu'en exportant a-la-fois tous les nègres de l'État"; on dit à New-Yorck "qu'on ne peut y penser à abolir l'esclage, ni rien faire de préparatoire à cette intention, sans payer à chaque possesseur d'esclaves le prix actuel de la valeur de ses nègres jeunes et vieux, et le prix estimé de leur descendance supposée." C'est sans doute opposer à l'abolition de l'esclavage tous les obstacles imaginables, c'est se montrer bien ennemi de cette abolition.Cependant l'obstacle présenté par les citoyens de New-Yorck, est moins difficile à vaincre. En admenttant le principe de la nécessité d'un dédommagement donné aux maîtres pour les nègres à affranchir, et en évaluant chaque nègre à cent trente dollars, la somme totale ne serait que de trois millions de dollars.Ce prix serait encore susceptible de reduction, par le puissant motif d'intérêt et d'honneur public auquel chaque membre de la société doit faire des sacrifices.La question de la propriété des enfans à naître ne tiendrait pas à un quart-d'heure de discussion, si elle était agitée devant la legislature; enfin cet affranchissement qui ne devrait être fait que par degrés, coûterait à l'État des sacrifices moins grands encore, etdont la succession les rendrait presqu'imperceptibles aux finances de l'État, qui ne pourraient d'ailleurs avoir un plus saint emploi.A New-Yorck comme ailleurs, l'affranchissement des nègres doit avoir pour but le bonheur de l'État, son bon ordre, le bonheur même des nègres qu'on veut affranchir. Un affranchissement trop prompt, trop subitement général, manquerait ces differens buts de premiere nécessité. Je ne répéterai pas ici ce que j'ai dit ailleurs à cet égard, et ce que tant d'autres ont dit avant moi. La dépense pour l'État serait donc réduite à de bien petites sommes, en les comparant avec l'utilité et le devoir de cette opération. Mais tant que l'État de New-Yorck, entouré des exemples du Connecticut, du Massachusetts et de Pensylvanie, ne fait rien qui conduise à cette libération, tant qu'il semble approuver par le silence ou les refus de sa legislature, la permanence de l'esclavage, il laisse sa constitution et ses loix flétries d'une tâche que l'on peut, sans exageration, dire deshonorante, puisqu'elle ne peut être excusée, ni palliée, par aucune des circonstances où se trouve cet État.L'importation dans l'État de New-Yorck d'esclaves étrangers est prohibée par la même loi qui confirme l'esclavage de ceux qui y existaient à l'époque où elle a été rendue; ainsi cette disposition de la loi, et la manière douce dont sont traités les esclaves en général, confirment dans l'opinion que l'intérêt pécuniaire, plus qu'une véritable approbation de l'esclavage empêche la legislature de New-Yorck, de procéder à cet égard avec la justice et les lumières qui dirigent généralement ses délibérations.--"Voyage dans Les États-Unis D'Amerique." Fait en 1795, 1796 et 1797. Par La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt. Tome Septième, 114-119.

Quant à l'esclavage, l'État de New-Yorck est un de ceux où les idées m'ont paru le moins liberales. Il est donc naturel que les loix qui dans tous les pays suivent plus ou moins l'opinion générale, manquent aussi de libéralité à cet égard.

On peut concevoir comment dans les États du Sud le grand nombre des esclaves rend leur émancipation difficile, et comment cette difficulté d'émancipation donne pretexte à l'opinion de la necessité de loix extrêmement sévères contre eux. Mais dans l'État de New-Yorck, où sur une population de plus de quatre cent mille âmes on ne compte pas vingt mille nègres; il est impossible de comprendre quels si grands obstacles l'emancipation peut rencontrer, et sur quoi l'on peut fonder l'opinion qui'il faut pour ce petit nombre de nègres des loix plus sévères que pour les hommes d'une autre couleur.

Quoiqu'il en soit, une loi qui n'est pas plus ancienne que 1788, confirme l'état d'esclavage pour tout nègre, mulâtre our mêtif esclave à l'époque où elle a été rendue; déclare esclave tout enfant né ou à naître d'une femme esclave; autorise la vente des esclaves et les soumet pour les petits crimes, à un jugement, que l'on peut appeler prévotal, des juges de paix, qui peuvent les condamner à l'emprisonnement ou aux coups de fouet. Un article de cette loi les assuejétit à ce genre de jugement et à cette espèce de sentence pour avoir frappé un blanc, sans faire exception du cas où le blanc serait l'aggresseur. La faveur du jury est cependant accordée à l'esclave, si le crime dont il est accusé peut emporter peine de mort. Il est aussi admis en témoignage dans les affaires criminelles où d'autres nègres sont impliqués.

La nouvelle jurisprudence criminelle, fondée sur les principes d'humanité et de justice, ne détruit aucune des dispositions réellement injustes et barbares, contenues dans cette loi. Cependant, les esclaves sont généralement traités avec plus de douceur par leursmaîtres dans l'État de New Yorck, et moins surchargés de travail que dans les États du Midi. Les moeurs prévalent à cet égard sur la rigidité des loix; mais les moeurs y sont aussi, comme dans beaucoup d'autres États de l'Amerique, imprégnées d'avidité et d'avarice. Cette disposition seule y empêche l'abolition de l'esclavage. Elle est fréquemment proposée dans la législature, et jusqu'ici tout moyen, même préparatoire, y a été rejetté. Quoique la proportion des hommes libres aux esclaves soit telle que le plus grand nombre des habitans de l'État de New-Yorck ne possède pas d'esclaves, le petit nombre de ceux qui en possèdent sont les plus riches, les plus grands propriétaires; et, dans l'État de New-Yorck comme ailleurs, ils ont la principale influence.

Le respect dû àla propriété, est l'arme avec laquelle on combat toute proposition que tient à l'affranchissement. J'ai entendu un des hommes de loi les plus éclairés, et dont à tout autre égard les opinions sont libérales, soutenir que "ce serait attenter àla propriétéque de déclarer libres même les enfans à naître des femmes esclaves, parce que, disait-il, les maîtres qui out acheté ou hérité des esclaves, les possèdent dans la confiance que leurissuesera leur propriété utile et disponible."

Ainsi, quand on dit en Virginie "qu'on ne peut y changer le sort de l'esclavage qu'en exportant a-la-fois tous les nègres de l'État"; on dit à New-Yorck "qu'on ne peut y penser à abolir l'esclage, ni rien faire de préparatoire à cette intention, sans payer à chaque possesseur d'esclaves le prix actuel de la valeur de ses nègres jeunes et vieux, et le prix estimé de leur descendance supposée." C'est sans doute opposer à l'abolition de l'esclavage tous les obstacles imaginables, c'est se montrer bien ennemi de cette abolition.

Cependant l'obstacle présenté par les citoyens de New-Yorck, est moins difficile à vaincre. En admenttant le principe de la nécessité d'un dédommagement donné aux maîtres pour les nègres à affranchir, et en évaluant chaque nègre à cent trente dollars, la somme totale ne serait que de trois millions de dollars.

Ce prix serait encore susceptible de reduction, par le puissant motif d'intérêt et d'honneur public auquel chaque membre de la société doit faire des sacrifices.

La question de la propriété des enfans à naître ne tiendrait pas à un quart-d'heure de discussion, si elle était agitée devant la legislature; enfin cet affranchissement qui ne devrait être fait que par degrés, coûterait à l'État des sacrifices moins grands encore, etdont la succession les rendrait presqu'imperceptibles aux finances de l'État, qui ne pourraient d'ailleurs avoir un plus saint emploi.

A New-Yorck comme ailleurs, l'affranchissement des nègres doit avoir pour but le bonheur de l'État, son bon ordre, le bonheur même des nègres qu'on veut affranchir. Un affranchissement trop prompt, trop subitement général, manquerait ces differens buts de premiere nécessité. Je ne répéterai pas ici ce que j'ai dit ailleurs à cet égard, et ce que tant d'autres ont dit avant moi. La dépense pour l'État serait donc réduite à de bien petites sommes, en les comparant avec l'utilité et le devoir de cette opération. Mais tant que l'État de New-Yorck, entouré des exemples du Connecticut, du Massachusetts et de Pensylvanie, ne fait rien qui conduise à cette libération, tant qu'il semble approuver par le silence ou les refus de sa legislature, la permanence de l'esclavage, il laisse sa constitution et ses loix flétries d'une tâche que l'on peut, sans exageration, dire deshonorante, puisqu'elle ne peut être excusée, ni palliée, par aucune des circonstances où se trouve cet État.

L'importation dans l'État de New-Yorck d'esclaves étrangers est prohibée par la même loi qui confirme l'esclavage de ceux qui y existaient à l'époque où elle a été rendue; ainsi cette disposition de la loi, et la manière douce dont sont traités les esclaves en général, confirment dans l'opinion que l'intérêt pécuniaire, plus qu'une véritable approbation de l'esclavage empêche la legislature de New-Yorck, de procéder à cet égard avec la justice et les lumières qui dirigent généralement ses délibérations.--"Voyage dans Les États-Unis D'Amerique." Fait en 1795, 1796 et 1797. Par La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt. Tome Septième, 114-119.

Observations Sur l'Esclavage Par La Rochefoucauld-LiancourtIl est natural de supposer qu'un nègre esclave, fatigué de travail depuis le commencement de l'année jusqu'à la fin, obligé, sous peine du fouet, d'aller aux champs, qu'il soit où non en état de santé, ne voye dans la liberté que la faculté de ne plus travailler. Tant qu'il était esclave, il était plus ou moins mal nourri, mais il l'était sans aucun soin de sa part, et sans qu'un travail plus assidu, plus actif, lui valut une meilleure nourriture ou un meilleur nourriture ou un meilleur vêtement. Le travail n'était donc pour lui qu'une peine, sans être jamais un moyen de bien être, il est donc, il doit donc être paresseux et imprévoyant. Il jouit des premiers momens de sa liberté, en ne travaillant point, car le fouet ne claque plus à ses oreilles; les besoins se font sentir; aucune éducation ne lui aété donnée que celle de l'esclavage, qui enseigne à tromper, à voler, comme à mentir; il cherche à satisfaire ses besoins, auxquels son travail n'a pas pourvu, en dérobant quelques bleds, quelques provisions à ses voisins; il devient recéleur des nègres esclaves.Tout cela peut et doit être, mais ne doit dégouter de l'affranchissement progressif des nègres que ceux ne veulent pas penser qu'avec des soins préparatoires, et sur-tout des soins généreux qui auraient pour objet une émancipation générale successive, appropriée au nombre des nègres dans le pays, et à plusieurs autres circonstances, la plus grande quantité de ces inconvéniens serait evitée, et le serait totalement pour la génération future si elle ne pouvait l'être pour la présente. Mais comment espérer une philanthropie si prévoyante de ceux qui ne voyent que leur intérêt du moment, et qui le croyent blessé.Dans L'État de Maryland les esclaves sont jugés par les mêmes tribunaux que les blancs, et comme eux par l'arbitrage des juris. Les punitions pour les noirs sont plus sévères; mais les moeurs sont douces au moins dans la partie du Maryland où je suis a présent, et elles prévalent sur la rigueur des loix. J'ai été témoin d'un fait qui prouve que l'humanité des juges et le désir de rendre une exacte justice les occupent pour les accusés esclaves, comme pour les blancs. Une négresse est en prison, accusée d'avoir voulu empoisonner sa maîtresse et d'avoir empoisonné un enfant. Sa maîtresse est son accusatrice. C'est une femme d'une bonne reputation dans le pays, appartenant à une famille très-etendue dans le comté, et y ayant d'ailleurs beaucoup d'influence; les juges craignant l'effet de cette influence sur les juris, ont profité de la faculté qu'ils out de renvoyer le jugement à la cour générale du district qui se tient à soixante milles de Chester, pour donner à l'accusée toute la chance possible d'un jugement sain et impartial.Il n'y a encore aucune mesure prise en Maryland pour l'affranchissement progressif des esclaves. Quelques hommes bien intentionnées espèrent amener la legislature dans peu de temps à une démarche à cet égard, mais l'opinion du pays n'y semble pas dispossée. --"Voyage dans Les États-Unis D'Amerique." Par La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt. Tome Sixième, 69-71.Les nègres libres se trouvent assez facilement pour le travail des champs. Us coûtent quatre-vingt dollars par an. Les nègres esclaves se louent à cinquante. Quelques planteurs préfèrent des ouvriers blancs et des nègres libres aux esclaves; ils ont moins d'embarras et plus de profit. Les vaches se vendent ici de quinze à vingt dollars, les boeufs quarante, les chevaux pour le labour cent; ceuxpour la voiture coutent souvent six cents dollars la paire. Le comté de Kent, dont Chester est le cheflieu, contient treize mille habitans, dont cinq mille six cents sont nègres esclaves; il fournit peu de betail aux marchés de Baltimore et de Philadelphie. Presque tout ce qu'il produit dans ce genre est consommé dans son enciente.--"Voyage dans Les États-Unis D'Amerique." Par La Rouchefoucauld-Liancourt. Tome Sixieme, 79-80.

Il est natural de supposer qu'un nègre esclave, fatigué de travail depuis le commencement de l'année jusqu'à la fin, obligé, sous peine du fouet, d'aller aux champs, qu'il soit où non en état de santé, ne voye dans la liberté que la faculté de ne plus travailler. Tant qu'il était esclave, il était plus ou moins mal nourri, mais il l'était sans aucun soin de sa part, et sans qu'un travail plus assidu, plus actif, lui valut une meilleure nourriture ou un meilleur nourriture ou un meilleur vêtement. Le travail n'était donc pour lui qu'une peine, sans être jamais un moyen de bien être, il est donc, il doit donc être paresseux et imprévoyant. Il jouit des premiers momens de sa liberté, en ne travaillant point, car le fouet ne claque plus à ses oreilles; les besoins se font sentir; aucune éducation ne lui aété donnée que celle de l'esclavage, qui enseigne à tromper, à voler, comme à mentir; il cherche à satisfaire ses besoins, auxquels son travail n'a pas pourvu, en dérobant quelques bleds, quelques provisions à ses voisins; il devient recéleur des nègres esclaves.

Tout cela peut et doit être, mais ne doit dégouter de l'affranchissement progressif des nègres que ceux ne veulent pas penser qu'avec des soins préparatoires, et sur-tout des soins généreux qui auraient pour objet une émancipation générale successive, appropriée au nombre des nègres dans le pays, et à plusieurs autres circonstances, la plus grande quantité de ces inconvéniens serait evitée, et le serait totalement pour la génération future si elle ne pouvait l'être pour la présente. Mais comment espérer une philanthropie si prévoyante de ceux qui ne voyent que leur intérêt du moment, et qui le croyent blessé.

Dans L'État de Maryland les esclaves sont jugés par les mêmes tribunaux que les blancs, et comme eux par l'arbitrage des juris. Les punitions pour les noirs sont plus sévères; mais les moeurs sont douces au moins dans la partie du Maryland où je suis a présent, et elles prévalent sur la rigueur des loix. J'ai été témoin d'un fait qui prouve que l'humanité des juges et le désir de rendre une exacte justice les occupent pour les accusés esclaves, comme pour les blancs. Une négresse est en prison, accusée d'avoir voulu empoisonner sa maîtresse et d'avoir empoisonné un enfant. Sa maîtresse est son accusatrice. C'est une femme d'une bonne reputation dans le pays, appartenant à une famille très-etendue dans le comté, et y ayant d'ailleurs beaucoup d'influence; les juges craignant l'effet de cette influence sur les juris, ont profité de la faculté qu'ils out de renvoyer le jugement à la cour générale du district qui se tient à soixante milles de Chester, pour donner à l'accusée toute la chance possible d'un jugement sain et impartial.

Il n'y a encore aucune mesure prise en Maryland pour l'affranchissement progressif des esclaves. Quelques hommes bien intentionnées espèrent amener la legislature dans peu de temps à une démarche à cet égard, mais l'opinion du pays n'y semble pas dispossée. --"Voyage dans Les États-Unis D'Amerique." Par La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt. Tome Sixième, 69-71.

Les nègres libres se trouvent assez facilement pour le travail des champs. Us coûtent quatre-vingt dollars par an. Les nègres esclaves se louent à cinquante. Quelques planteurs préfèrent des ouvriers blancs et des nègres libres aux esclaves; ils ont moins d'embarras et plus de profit. Les vaches se vendent ici de quinze à vingt dollars, les boeufs quarante, les chevaux pour le labour cent; ceuxpour la voiture coutent souvent six cents dollars la paire. Le comté de Kent, dont Chester est le cheflieu, contient treize mille habitans, dont cinq mille six cents sont nègres esclaves; il fournit peu de betail aux marchés de Baltimore et de Philadelphie. Presque tout ce qu'il produit dans ce genre est consommé dans son enciente.--"Voyage dans Les États-Unis D'Amerique." Par La Rouchefoucauld-Liancourt. Tome Sixieme, 79-80.

What Isaac Weld Observed in Slave States"The principal planters in Virginia have nearly every thing they can want on their estates. Amongst the slaves are found tailors, shoe-makers, carpenters, smiths, turners, wheelwrights, weavers, tanners, etc. I have seen patterns of excellent coarse woolen cloth made in the country by slaves, and a variety of cotton manufacturers, amongst the rest good nankeen. Cotton grows here extremely well; the plants are often killed by frost in winter, but they always produce abundantly the first year in which they are sown. The cotton from which nankeen is made is of a particular kind naturally of a yellowish color."The large estates are managed by stewards and overseers, the proprietors just amusing themselves with seeing what is going forward. The work is done wholly by slaves, whose numbers are in this part of the country more than double that of white persons. The slaves on the large plantations are in general very well provided for, and treated with mildness. During three months nearly, that I was in Virginia, but two or three instances of ill treatment towards them came under my observation. Their quarters, the name whereby their habitations are called, are usually situated one or two hundred yards from the dwelling house, which gives appearance of a village to the residence of every plantation in Virginia; when the estate, however, is so large as to be divided into several farms, then separate quarters are attached to the house of the overseer on each farm. Adjoining their little habitations, the slaves commonly have small gardens and yards of poultry, which are all of their property; they have ample time to attend to their own concerns, and their gardens are generally found well stocked, and their flocks of poultry numerous. Besides the food they raise for themselves, they are allowed liberal rations of salted pork and Indian corn. Many of their little huts are comfortably furnished, and they are themselves, in general, extremely well clothed. In short their condition is by no means so wretched as might be imagined. They are forced to work certain hours in the day; but inreturn they are clothed, dieted, and lodged comfortably, and saved all anxiety about provision for their offspring. Still, however, let the condition of the slave be made ever so comfortable, as long as he is conscious of being the property of another man, who has it in his power to dispose of him according to the dictates of caprice; as long as he hears people around him talking about the blessings of liberty, and considers that he is in a state of bondage, it is not to be supposed that he can feel equally happy with the freeman. It is immaterial under what form slavery presents itself, whenever it appears there is ample cause for humanity to weep at the sight, and to lament that men can be found so forgetful of their own situations, as to live regardless of the blessings of their fellow creatures."With respect to the policy of holding slaves in any country, on account of the depravity of morals which it necessarily occasions, besides the many other evil consequences attendant upon it, so much has already been said by others, that it is needless here to make comments on the subject."The number of the slaves increases most rapidly, so that there is scarcely any state but what is overstocked. This is a circumstance complained of by every planter as the maintenance of more than are requisite for the culture of the estate is attended with great expense. Motives ... of humanity deter them from selling the poor creatures, or turning them adrift from the spot where they have been born and brought up, in the midst of friends and relations."What I have here said, respecting the condition and treatment of slaves, appertains, it must be remembered, to those only who are upon the larger plantations in Virginia; the lot of such as are unfortunate enough to fall into the hands of the lower class of white people, and of hard task-masters in towns, is very different. In the Carolinas and Georgia again, slavery presents itself in very different colors from what it does even in its worst form in Virginia. I am told that it is no uncommon thing there, to see gangs of negroes staked at a horse race, and to see these unfortunate beings bandied about from one set of drunken gamblers to another for days together. How much to be deprecated are the laws which suffer such abuses to exist! Yet these are the laws enacted by the people who boast of their love of liberty and independence, and who presume to say, that it is in the breasts of Americans alone that the blessings of freedom are held in just estimation."--Isaac Weld, Jr., "Travels through the States of North America and theprovinces of Upper and Lower Canada," 1795, 1796, and 1797.(London, 1799.)

"The principal planters in Virginia have nearly every thing they can want on their estates. Amongst the slaves are found tailors, shoe-makers, carpenters, smiths, turners, wheelwrights, weavers, tanners, etc. I have seen patterns of excellent coarse woolen cloth made in the country by slaves, and a variety of cotton manufacturers, amongst the rest good nankeen. Cotton grows here extremely well; the plants are often killed by frost in winter, but they always produce abundantly the first year in which they are sown. The cotton from which nankeen is made is of a particular kind naturally of a yellowish color.

"The large estates are managed by stewards and overseers, the proprietors just amusing themselves with seeing what is going forward. The work is done wholly by slaves, whose numbers are in this part of the country more than double that of white persons. The slaves on the large plantations are in general very well provided for, and treated with mildness. During three months nearly, that I was in Virginia, but two or three instances of ill treatment towards them came under my observation. Their quarters, the name whereby their habitations are called, are usually situated one or two hundred yards from the dwelling house, which gives appearance of a village to the residence of every plantation in Virginia; when the estate, however, is so large as to be divided into several farms, then separate quarters are attached to the house of the overseer on each farm. Adjoining their little habitations, the slaves commonly have small gardens and yards of poultry, which are all of their property; they have ample time to attend to their own concerns, and their gardens are generally found well stocked, and their flocks of poultry numerous. Besides the food they raise for themselves, they are allowed liberal rations of salted pork and Indian corn. Many of their little huts are comfortably furnished, and they are themselves, in general, extremely well clothed. In short their condition is by no means so wretched as might be imagined. They are forced to work certain hours in the day; but inreturn they are clothed, dieted, and lodged comfortably, and saved all anxiety about provision for their offspring. Still, however, let the condition of the slave be made ever so comfortable, as long as he is conscious of being the property of another man, who has it in his power to dispose of him according to the dictates of caprice; as long as he hears people around him talking about the blessings of liberty, and considers that he is in a state of bondage, it is not to be supposed that he can feel equally happy with the freeman. It is immaterial under what form slavery presents itself, whenever it appears there is ample cause for humanity to weep at the sight, and to lament that men can be found so forgetful of their own situations, as to live regardless of the blessings of their fellow creatures.

"With respect to the policy of holding slaves in any country, on account of the depravity of morals which it necessarily occasions, besides the many other evil consequences attendant upon it, so much has already been said by others, that it is needless here to make comments on the subject.

"The number of the slaves increases most rapidly, so that there is scarcely any state but what is overstocked. This is a circumstance complained of by every planter as the maintenance of more than are requisite for the culture of the estate is attended with great expense. Motives ... of humanity deter them from selling the poor creatures, or turning them adrift from the spot where they have been born and brought up, in the midst of friends and relations.

"What I have here said, respecting the condition and treatment of slaves, appertains, it must be remembered, to those only who are upon the larger plantations in Virginia; the lot of such as are unfortunate enough to fall into the hands of the lower class of white people, and of hard task-masters in towns, is very different. In the Carolinas and Georgia again, slavery presents itself in very different colors from what it does even in its worst form in Virginia. I am told that it is no uncommon thing there, to see gangs of negroes staked at a horse race, and to see these unfortunate beings bandied about from one set of drunken gamblers to another for days together. How much to be deprecated are the laws which suffer such abuses to exist! Yet these are the laws enacted by the people who boast of their love of liberty and independence, and who presume to say, that it is in the breasts of Americans alone that the blessings of freedom are held in just estimation."--Isaac Weld, Jr., "Travels through the States of North America and theprovinces of Upper and Lower Canada," 1795, 1796, and 1797.(London, 1799.)

John Davis's Thoughts on Slavery"The negroes on the plantation, including house-servants and children, amounted to a hundred; of whom the average price being respectively seventy pounds, made them aggregately worth seven thousand to their possessor."Two families lived in one hut, and such was their unconquerable propensity to steal, that they pilfered from each other. I have heard masters lament this defect in their negroes. But what else can be expected from man in so degraded a condition, that among the ancients the same word implied both a slave and a thief."Since the introduction of the culture of cotton in the State of South Carolina, the race of negroes has increased. Both men and women work in the field, and the labour of the rice plantation formerly prevented the pregnant negroes from bringing forth a long-lived offspring. It may be established as a maxim that on a plantation where there are many children, the work has been moderate. . . ."Of genius in negroes many instances may be recorded. It is true that Mr. Jefferson has pronounced the Poems of Phillis Wheatley, below the dignity of criticism, and it is seldom safe to differ in judgment from the author of Notes on Virginia. But her conceptions are often lofty, and her versification often surpasses with unexpected refinement. Ladd, the Carolina poet, in enumerating the bards of his country, dwells with encomium on "Wheatley's polished verse"; nor is his praise undeserved, for often it will be found to glide in the stream of melody. Her lines on Imagination have been quoted with rapture by Imley of Kentucky, and Steadman the Guinea Traveler; but I have ever thought her happiest production the Goliath of Gath."Of Ignatius Sancho, Mr. Jefferson also speaks neglectingly; and remarks, that he substitutes sentiment for argumentation. But I know not that argumentation is required in a familiar epistle; and Sancho, I believe, has only published his correspondence." --John Davis, "Travels of four years and a half in the United States of America during 1798, 1799, 1800, 1801, 1802," p. 86.

"The negroes on the plantation, including house-servants and children, amounted to a hundred; of whom the average price being respectively seventy pounds, made them aggregately worth seven thousand to their possessor.

"Two families lived in one hut, and such was their unconquerable propensity to steal, that they pilfered from each other. I have heard masters lament this defect in their negroes. But what else can be expected from man in so degraded a condition, that among the ancients the same word implied both a slave and a thief.

"Since the introduction of the culture of cotton in the State of South Carolina, the race of negroes has increased. Both men and women work in the field, and the labour of the rice plantation formerly prevented the pregnant negroes from bringing forth a long-lived offspring. It may be established as a maxim that on a plantation where there are many children, the work has been moderate. . . .

"Of genius in negroes many instances may be recorded. It is true that Mr. Jefferson has pronounced the Poems of Phillis Wheatley, below the dignity of criticism, and it is seldom safe to differ in judgment from the author of Notes on Virginia. But her conceptions are often lofty, and her versification often surpasses with unexpected refinement. Ladd, the Carolina poet, in enumerating the bards of his country, dwells with encomium on "Wheatley's polished verse"; nor is his praise undeserved, for often it will be found to glide in the stream of melody. Her lines on Imagination have been quoted with rapture by Imley of Kentucky, and Steadman the Guinea Traveler; but I have ever thought her happiest production the Goliath of Gath.

"Of Ignatius Sancho, Mr. Jefferson also speaks neglectingly; and remarks, that he substitutes sentiment for argumentation. But I know not that argumentation is required in a familiar epistle; and Sancho, I believe, has only published his correspondence." --John Davis, "Travels of four years and a half in the United States of America during 1798, 1799, 1800, 1801, 1802," p. 86.

Observations of Robert Sutcliff"I had the curiosity to look into some of their little habitations; but all that I examined were wretched in the extreme and far inferior to many Indian cottages I have seen."I slept at C. A.'s and this morning set out for Fredericksburg, being accompanied by his young man, our road lying through the woods the greater part of the way. At the place where we dined, we were waited on by two mulatto girls, whose only clothing appeared to be loose garments of cotton and woollen cloth, girt round the waist with a small cord. I had observed that this was the common dress of the working female negroes in the fields; but when engaged in business in the house it seemed hardly sufficient to cover them. In the yard, I observed a number of slaves engaged in the management of a still, employed in making spirits from cider. Here again I had the curiosity to look into some of the negro huts, which like those I had seen, presented little else but dirt and rags."We came to Fredericksburg and lodged at Fisher's Tavern. The next morning I was waked early by the cries of a poor negro, who was undergoing a severe correction, previously to his going to work. On taking a walk on the banks of the Rappahannock, the river on which the town is seated, I stepped into one of the large tobacco warehouses which are built here, for the reception and inspection of that plant before it is permitted to be exported. On entering into conversation with an inspector, as he was employed in looking over a parcel of tobacco, he lamented the licentiousness which he remarked so generally prevailed in this town. He said that in his remembrance, the principal part of the inhabitants were emigrants from Scotland, and that it was considered so reproachful to the white inhabitants, if they were found to have illicit connection with their female slaves, that their neighbors would shun the company of such, as of persons whom it was a reproach to be acquainted. The case was now so much altered that, he believed, there were but few slave holders in the place who were free from guilt in this respect: and that it was now thought but little of. Such was the brutality and hardness of heart which this evil produced, that many amongst them paid no more regard to selling their own children, by their females slaves, or even their brothers and sisters, in the same line, than they would do to the disposal of a cow or a horse, or any other property in the brute creation. To so low a degree of degradation does the system of negro slavery sink the white inhabitants, who are unhappily engaged in it."--Robert Sutcliff,Travels in some parts of North America in Years 1804, 1805, 1806, pp. 37-52.

"I had the curiosity to look into some of their little habitations; but all that I examined were wretched in the extreme and far inferior to many Indian cottages I have seen.

"I slept at C. A.'s and this morning set out for Fredericksburg, being accompanied by his young man, our road lying through the woods the greater part of the way. At the place where we dined, we were waited on by two mulatto girls, whose only clothing appeared to be loose garments of cotton and woollen cloth, girt round the waist with a small cord. I had observed that this was the common dress of the working female negroes in the fields; but when engaged in business in the house it seemed hardly sufficient to cover them. In the yard, I observed a number of slaves engaged in the management of a still, employed in making spirits from cider. Here again I had the curiosity to look into some of the negro huts, which like those I had seen, presented little else but dirt and rags.

"We came to Fredericksburg and lodged at Fisher's Tavern. The next morning I was waked early by the cries of a poor negro, who was undergoing a severe correction, previously to his going to work. On taking a walk on the banks of the Rappahannock, the river on which the town is seated, I stepped into one of the large tobacco warehouses which are built here, for the reception and inspection of that plant before it is permitted to be exported. On entering into conversation with an inspector, as he was employed in looking over a parcel of tobacco, he lamented the licentiousness which he remarked so generally prevailed in this town. He said that in his remembrance, the principal part of the inhabitants were emigrants from Scotland, and that it was considered so reproachful to the white inhabitants, if they were found to have illicit connection with their female slaves, that their neighbors would shun the company of such, as of persons whom it was a reproach to be acquainted. The case was now so much altered that, he believed, there were but few slave holders in the place who were free from guilt in this respect: and that it was now thought but little of. Such was the brutality and hardness of heart which this evil produced, that many amongst them paid no more regard to selling their own children, by their females slaves, or even their brothers and sisters, in the same line, than they would do to the disposal of a cow or a horse, or any other property in the brute creation. To so low a degree of degradation does the system of negro slavery sink the white inhabitants, who are unhappily engaged in it."--Robert Sutcliff,Travels in some parts of North America in Years 1804, 1805, 1806, pp. 37-52.

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