Footnotes:

Footnotes:[513]Boston Evening Post, Aug. 3, 1761. This issue carries an advertisement for such Negroes.[514]Ford, "Washington's Writing," II, 211.[515]Ibid., VI, 349.[516]Ford, "Washington's Writings," VII, 371.[517]Ibid., X, 48.[518]Ford, "Washington's Writings," IX, 392-393.[519]Ibid., X, 200.[520]In the letter here mentioned, Sir Guy Carleton had requested that Congress would empower some person or persons to go into New York, and assist such persons as he should appoint to inspect and superintend the embarkation of persons and property, in fulfilment of the seventh article of the provisional treaty, and "that they would be pleased to represent to him every infraction of the letter of spirit of the treaty, that redress might be immediately ordered."Diplomatic Correspondence, Vol. XI, p. 335. The commissioners appointed by General Washington for this purpose were Egbert Benson, William S. Smith, and Daniel Parker. Their instructions were dated the 8th of May.[521]This gives further light on the subject: "The breach of that (article) which stipulated a restoration of negroes, will be made the subject of a pointed remonstrance from our minister in Europe to the British Court, with a demand of reparation; and in the meantime Genl. Washington is to insist on a more faithful observance of that stipulation at New York."—Virginia Delegates in Congress to the Governor of Virginia, 27 May, 1783."Some of my own slaves, and those of Mr. Lund Washington who lives at my house, may probably be in New York, but I am unable to give you their description—their names being so easily changed, will be fruitless to give. If by chance you should come at the knowledge of any of them, I will be much oblige by your securing them, so that I am obtain them again."—Washington to Daniel Parker, 28 April, 1783. Ford, "Washington's Writings," X, 246-247.[522]Ford, "Washington's Writings," X, 241-243.[523]Ibid., X, 220.[524]The Philanthropist, March 4, 1836.[525]The Philanthropist, March 4, 1836.[526]The Philanthropist, March 4, 1836.[527]Ford, "Washington's Writings," XIV, 196-197.[528]"On 22d April 1785, when acting as chain bearer, while Washington was surveying a tract of land on Four Mile Run, William fell, and broke his knee pan; 'which put a stop to my surveying; and with much difficulty I was able to get jim to abingdon, being obliged to get a sled to carry him on, as he could neither walk, stand or ride.'"—Washington's Diary.See Spurious Letters Attributed to Washington, 8.[529]"The mulatto fellow, William, who has been with me all the war, is attached (married he says) to one of his own color, a free woman, who during the war, was also of my family. She has been in an infirm condition for some time, and I had conceived that the connextion between them had ceased; but I am mistaken it seems; they are both applying to get her here, and tho' I never wished to see her more, I cannot refuse his request (if it can be complied with on reasonable terms) as he has served me faithfully for many years."After premising this much, I have to beg the favor to procure her passage to Alexandria, either by Sea, in the Stage, or in the passage of boat from the head of the Elk, as you shall think cheapest and best, and her situation will admit; the cost of either I will pay. Her name is Margaret Thomas allias Lee (the name by whichhecalls himself). She lives in Philada. with Isaac and Hannah Sile—black people, who are oftern employ'd by families in the city as cooks."—Washington to to Clement Biddle, 28 July, 1784."The President would thank you to propose to Will to return to Mount Vernon when he can be removed for he cannot be of any service here, and perhaps will require a person to attend upon him constantly. If he should be incline to return to Mount Vernon, you will be so kind as to have him sent in the first Vessel that sails for Alexandria after he can be removed with safety—but if he is still anxious to come on here the President would gratify him Altho' he will be troublesome—He has been an old faithful Servant, this is enough for the President to gratify him in every reasonable wish."—Lear to Biddle, 3 March, 1789. Ford, "Washington's Writings," XIV, 272-274.[530]Knox, "An Historical Account of St. Thomas, West Indies," pp. 255-261.[531]This document and the Will of Robert Pleasants were collected by Mr. M. N. Work.[532]Annual Cyclopedia, 1867, pp. 19, 20.

[513]Boston Evening Post, Aug. 3, 1761. This issue carries an advertisement for such Negroes.

[513]Boston Evening Post, Aug. 3, 1761. This issue carries an advertisement for such Negroes.

[514]Ford, "Washington's Writing," II, 211.

[514]Ford, "Washington's Writing," II, 211.

[515]Ibid., VI, 349.

[515]Ibid., VI, 349.

[516]Ford, "Washington's Writings," VII, 371.

[516]Ford, "Washington's Writings," VII, 371.

[517]Ibid., X, 48.

[517]Ibid., X, 48.

[518]Ford, "Washington's Writings," IX, 392-393.

[518]Ford, "Washington's Writings," IX, 392-393.

[519]Ibid., X, 200.

[519]Ibid., X, 200.

[520]In the letter here mentioned, Sir Guy Carleton had requested that Congress would empower some person or persons to go into New York, and assist such persons as he should appoint to inspect and superintend the embarkation of persons and property, in fulfilment of the seventh article of the provisional treaty, and "that they would be pleased to represent to him every infraction of the letter of spirit of the treaty, that redress might be immediately ordered."Diplomatic Correspondence, Vol. XI, p. 335. The commissioners appointed by General Washington for this purpose were Egbert Benson, William S. Smith, and Daniel Parker. Their instructions were dated the 8th of May.

[520]In the letter here mentioned, Sir Guy Carleton had requested that Congress would empower some person or persons to go into New York, and assist such persons as he should appoint to inspect and superintend the embarkation of persons and property, in fulfilment of the seventh article of the provisional treaty, and "that they would be pleased to represent to him every infraction of the letter of spirit of the treaty, that redress might be immediately ordered."Diplomatic Correspondence, Vol. XI, p. 335. The commissioners appointed by General Washington for this purpose were Egbert Benson, William S. Smith, and Daniel Parker. Their instructions were dated the 8th of May.

[521]This gives further light on the subject: "The breach of that (article) which stipulated a restoration of negroes, will be made the subject of a pointed remonstrance from our minister in Europe to the British Court, with a demand of reparation; and in the meantime Genl. Washington is to insist on a more faithful observance of that stipulation at New York."—Virginia Delegates in Congress to the Governor of Virginia, 27 May, 1783."Some of my own slaves, and those of Mr. Lund Washington who lives at my house, may probably be in New York, but I am unable to give you their description—their names being so easily changed, will be fruitless to give. If by chance you should come at the knowledge of any of them, I will be much oblige by your securing them, so that I am obtain them again."—Washington to Daniel Parker, 28 April, 1783. Ford, "Washington's Writings," X, 246-247.

[521]This gives further light on the subject: "The breach of that (article) which stipulated a restoration of negroes, will be made the subject of a pointed remonstrance from our minister in Europe to the British Court, with a demand of reparation; and in the meantime Genl. Washington is to insist on a more faithful observance of that stipulation at New York."—Virginia Delegates in Congress to the Governor of Virginia, 27 May, 1783.

"Some of my own slaves, and those of Mr. Lund Washington who lives at my house, may probably be in New York, but I am unable to give you their description—their names being so easily changed, will be fruitless to give. If by chance you should come at the knowledge of any of them, I will be much oblige by your securing them, so that I am obtain them again."—Washington to Daniel Parker, 28 April, 1783. Ford, "Washington's Writings," X, 246-247.

[522]Ford, "Washington's Writings," X, 241-243.

[522]Ford, "Washington's Writings," X, 241-243.

[523]Ibid., X, 220.

[523]Ibid., X, 220.

[524]The Philanthropist, March 4, 1836.

[524]The Philanthropist, March 4, 1836.

[525]The Philanthropist, March 4, 1836.

[525]The Philanthropist, March 4, 1836.

[526]The Philanthropist, March 4, 1836.

[526]The Philanthropist, March 4, 1836.

[527]Ford, "Washington's Writings," XIV, 196-197.

[527]Ford, "Washington's Writings," XIV, 196-197.

[528]"On 22d April 1785, when acting as chain bearer, while Washington was surveying a tract of land on Four Mile Run, William fell, and broke his knee pan; 'which put a stop to my surveying; and with much difficulty I was able to get jim to abingdon, being obliged to get a sled to carry him on, as he could neither walk, stand or ride.'"—Washington's Diary.See Spurious Letters Attributed to Washington, 8.

[528]"On 22d April 1785, when acting as chain bearer, while Washington was surveying a tract of land on Four Mile Run, William fell, and broke his knee pan; 'which put a stop to my surveying; and with much difficulty I was able to get jim to abingdon, being obliged to get a sled to carry him on, as he could neither walk, stand or ride.'"—Washington's Diary.See Spurious Letters Attributed to Washington, 8.

[529]"The mulatto fellow, William, who has been with me all the war, is attached (married he says) to one of his own color, a free woman, who during the war, was also of my family. She has been in an infirm condition for some time, and I had conceived that the connextion between them had ceased; but I am mistaken it seems; they are both applying to get her here, and tho' I never wished to see her more, I cannot refuse his request (if it can be complied with on reasonable terms) as he has served me faithfully for many years."After premising this much, I have to beg the favor to procure her passage to Alexandria, either by Sea, in the Stage, or in the passage of boat from the head of the Elk, as you shall think cheapest and best, and her situation will admit; the cost of either I will pay. Her name is Margaret Thomas allias Lee (the name by whichhecalls himself). She lives in Philada. with Isaac and Hannah Sile—black people, who are oftern employ'd by families in the city as cooks."—Washington to to Clement Biddle, 28 July, 1784."The President would thank you to propose to Will to return to Mount Vernon when he can be removed for he cannot be of any service here, and perhaps will require a person to attend upon him constantly. If he should be incline to return to Mount Vernon, you will be so kind as to have him sent in the first Vessel that sails for Alexandria after he can be removed with safety—but if he is still anxious to come on here the President would gratify him Altho' he will be troublesome—He has been an old faithful Servant, this is enough for the President to gratify him in every reasonable wish."—Lear to Biddle, 3 March, 1789. Ford, "Washington's Writings," XIV, 272-274.

[529]"The mulatto fellow, William, who has been with me all the war, is attached (married he says) to one of his own color, a free woman, who during the war, was also of my family. She has been in an infirm condition for some time, and I had conceived that the connextion between them had ceased; but I am mistaken it seems; they are both applying to get her here, and tho' I never wished to see her more, I cannot refuse his request (if it can be complied with on reasonable terms) as he has served me faithfully for many years.

"After premising this much, I have to beg the favor to procure her passage to Alexandria, either by Sea, in the Stage, or in the passage of boat from the head of the Elk, as you shall think cheapest and best, and her situation will admit; the cost of either I will pay. Her name is Margaret Thomas allias Lee (the name by whichhecalls himself). She lives in Philada. with Isaac and Hannah Sile—black people, who are oftern employ'd by families in the city as cooks."—Washington to to Clement Biddle, 28 July, 1784.

"The President would thank you to propose to Will to return to Mount Vernon when he can be removed for he cannot be of any service here, and perhaps will require a person to attend upon him constantly. If he should be incline to return to Mount Vernon, you will be so kind as to have him sent in the first Vessel that sails for Alexandria after he can be removed with safety—but if he is still anxious to come on here the President would gratify him Altho' he will be troublesome—He has been an old faithful Servant, this is enough for the President to gratify him in every reasonable wish."—Lear to Biddle, 3 March, 1789. Ford, "Washington's Writings," XIV, 272-274.

[530]Knox, "An Historical Account of St. Thomas, West Indies," pp. 255-261.

[530]Knox, "An Historical Account of St. Thomas, West Indies," pp. 255-261.

[531]This document and the Will of Robert Pleasants were collected by Mr. M. N. Work.

[531]This document and the Will of Robert Pleasants were collected by Mr. M. N. Work.

[532]Annual Cyclopedia, 1867, pp. 19, 20.

[532]Annual Cyclopedia, 1867, pp. 19, 20.

History of South Africa from 1795 to 1872.ByGeorge McCall Theal, Litt.D., LL.D. George Allen and Unwin, Ltd., London.

This work is intended to be a general history of South Africa in detail. It is to be completed as a revised edition in five volumes, three of which have already appeared. Each volume contains about 500 pages, is neatly printed and substantially bound. The work is well supplied with maps and charts reflecting the growth and development of the country.

The author of this history has lived in South Africa and has served as keeper of the archives of the Cape Colony. The preparation of this history has occupied his almost undivided attention during the last fifty years. He says that he has made the closest possible research among official documents of all kinds. Apparently he has had little use for secondary material, but his large collection of books on South Africa has served him as a guide. The author asserts that to the utmost of human ability he has striven to write without fear, favor or prejudice, to do equal justice to all with whom he had to deal. For this reason, he offers his work to the public as "not alone the only detailed history of South Africa yet prepared, but as a true and absolutely unbiased narrative." The work shows, however, that it is written in the attitude of arrogating to himself the privileges of the superior group, exhibiting occasionally a bit of sympathy for the inferior, who had to be exterminated to make room for those chosen of God.

The first volume of the work deals largely with the conquest of the colony. It is mainly a narrative of the deeds of the conquering leaders of the colonists, closing with an account of the destruction of the Bantu tribes. In succession, we read here about the exploits of James Henry Craig, Earl McCartney, Major General Dundas, Sir George Younge, Jacob Abraham De Mist, J.W. Janssens, General David Baird, Du Pré Alexander, Lord Charles Somerset, Sir Rufane Shaw, and General Richard Bourke.

The second volume adheres in the beginning to the same sort of style, making the history of the whole colony center largely around the life of a single man, mentioning such characters as Sir LowryCole, Sir Benjamin D'Urban, Sir George Napier, and Sir Peregrine Maitland. In the 32d chapter, however, the work becomes more nearly historical in taking up the emigration from Cape Colony, and the abandonment of that country by many thousands of substantial burghers, who were intent upon seeking homes in the wilderness. This movement is further illuminated by a treatment of the emigrant farmers in Natal, the republic of Natal, its overthrow, its transitory state, and movements north of the Orange.

The third volume maintains the standard of the last part of the second in dealing with the Kaffir Wars, and sketching the conditions leading up to the grant of a liberal constitution. It returns to the District of Natal from 1845 to 1857, discusses the creation of the Orange River Sovereignty, the abandonment of the Sovereignty, and the events north of the Vaal, in the South African Republic and Orange Free State from 1854 to 1857. In these last chapters the author brings out more prominently than elsewhere the conflict between the whites and the blacks, the correlated problems arising therefrom, and measures brought forward to solve them. The reader easily learns that the handling of the question in South Africa has not been very different from the method of attack in the United States. The South African method has, in some respects, been more cruel than that of the United States.

J. O. Burke.

Native Life in South Africa, before and since the European War and the Boer Rebellion.BySolomon T. Plaatje. P.S. King and Son, Ltd., London, 1916. Pp. 352.

Mr. Plaatje is a South African native, educated near Barkly West at a mission school. He later studied languages and served as an interpreter for important officials such as Duke of Connaught and Mr. Chamberlain. He later rose to a position of some importance in the Department of Native Affairs. He once edited a paper calledKoranta ea Becoana. He is now the editor of theTsala ea Batho(the People's Friend). Although treating of questions concerning the oppression of his people, his writings have been marked by moderation and common sense. He is not an agitator, not a firebrand, and can, therefore, be read with profit. Rather resenting the power of the uneducated chiefs who rule by virtue of their birth alone, Mr. Plaatje belongs to a new school of thought. He is making a new appeal for the native.

Mr. Plaatje modestly disclaims any pretension to literary merit. He is merely giving a "sincere narrative of a melancholy situation, in which, with all its shortcomings," he "has endeavored to describe the difficulties of South African natives under a very strange law, so as most readily to be understood by the sympathetic reader." The author had access to sources from which he obtained the facts presented. He has made personal observations in the Transvaal, Orange Free State and the Province of the Cape of Good Hope. He used other facts collected by Attorney Msimang of Johannesburg. Organizing these facts, Mr. Plaatje shows how the native has been maltreated and debased so as to be considered a pariah of society in his own native land. In the struggle between right and wrong, the latter has triumphed, culminating in such an evil as the Native Land Act, an effort at class legislation, the worst sort of discrimination and segregation in land tenure.

One would have difficulty in believing that such barbarities could be practiced within the British Empire, were it not for the fact that Mr. Plaatje not only quotes from the actin extensobut quotes also from the debates in the Colonial Parliament to show that the intention of the legislators was to restrict the native to their reservations or to servitude among the white population to placate the extreme Dutch Party in South Africa. In other words, the Colonial Parliament took the position of Mr. J.G. Keyter, the member for Ficksburg, who said: "They should tell the native, as the Free State told him, that it was white man's country, that he was not going to be allowed to buy land there or hire land there, and that if he wanted to be there, he must be in service." The author is thankful for the assistance given the natives by the British, but contends that the fortunes of the former should not have been committed to the hands of the Dutch Republicans without adequate safeguards.

The work will doubtless be successful as an appeal to the court of public opinion, as it is intended. The case is ably and seriously put and is supported by adequate evidence to warrant the author's conclusions as to the enormity of the crimes against the natives. In making this bold agitation for economic equality, this book may materially influence future events in South Africa and in England. It will doubtless lead British statesmen to conclude that the imperial power cannot dissociate itself from the responsibility for native affairs. The writer will attract attention too because of the novelty in that this work is the product of the brainsof an intelligent native, who can think and express himself well on public questions. It will be surprising to those Englishmen who have hitherto treated the natives altogether as an uneducated mass incapable of thinking and will certainly excite sympathy among those who believe in the principles of liberty and justice.

The Danish West Indies under Company Rule, 1671-1754.With a Supplementary Chapter, 1755-1917. ByWaldemar Westergaard, Assistant Professor of History at Pomona College. Introduction byH. Morse Stephens. Macmillan Company, New York, 1917. Pp. 359.

This work is the history of a company of Danish merchants desiring to avail themselves of the commercial opportunities of the New World. The work was undertaken prior to the recent negotiations of the United States for the purchase of the islands. It is the result of an attempt to "identify and appraise" a number of official and other papers found in the Bancroft Collection at the University of California. The study of these documents led to further research in the Danish libraries and archives, especially the archives of the Danish West India and Guinea Company. The work then becomes a treatise on the rise and fall of a great corporation with business as its objective rather than the sketch of a mere colony. It has a number of helpful maps and illustrations.

In writing this work, the author easily realized that treated as an isolated subject it would be worthless. It is, therefore, dealt with as a part of European history, that phase commonly characterized as commercial expansion. He, therefore, in accounting for the Danish interest in colonization and in estimating the part that nation actually played, finds that the experiences of the Danes were fairly typical of those of the Dutch, the French, the English and the Spanish. The narrative then is a succession of accounts of speculation, competition, prosperity and depression. There are sketches of adventurers, buccaneers and pirates all brought forward in such a way as to tell their own story.

The author directs attention to the West Indies as the great theater in which was played the drama of history in the New World during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Sugar is presented as king. The author is chiefly concerned with the crucial test to which the company was subjected, the establishment of the Brandenburgers at St. Thomas, the leasing of Guinea and St.Thomas, the governorship of John Lorentz, the plantation colonies of St. Thomas and St. John, the introduction of slavery, the slave trade, the relations of the planter and the company, the acquisition of St. Croix, and the career of the company under a new charter. In the appendix there is such valuable information as the list of governors in the West Indies and the Guinea, the directors and board of shareholders in Copenhagen, the first charter of the Danish West India and Guinea Company, the charter of 1697, important letters of officials and the report of the board of police and trade to King Frederick IV in 1716. One finds also the list of slave cargoes arriving in the Danish West Indies, the list of prices on St. Thomas from 1687 to 1751, West Indian sugar exported from Copenhagen, the company's receipts and debts at St. John and St. Croix, the capital invested in St. Thomas in 1747, the company's business in cotton, returns on the company's capital, and other statistics.

The supplementary chapter is an effort to connect as far as possible the sketch set forth in the preceding part of the book with the events leading up to the recent purchase of the group by the United States. The work throughout necessarily deals with the contact of the Negro with the European, as the African slaves constituted the class of population to be exploited and, of course, were the factor essential to the rise and growth of the company.

A. H. Clemmons.

The Taxation of Negroes in Virginia.ByTopton Ray Snavely, Phelps-Stokes Fellow at the University of Virginia, 1915-1917. Publication of the University of Virginia Phelps-Stokes Papers. Pp. 97.

This work is the result of the establishment at the University of Virginia of a fellowship through a gift from the trustees of the Phelps-Stokes Fund. The holder of this fellowship must "stimulate and conduct investigations and encourage a wider general interest among students concerning the character, condition and possibilities of the Negroes in the Southern States." Carrying out this plan the incumbents have organized classes for study and conducted special investigations, assigning related topics for study, bringing the results before classes for discussion and sometimes securing distinguished men for lectures in this field.

In this dissertation the author has undertaken something new. No one had so far treated the taxation of the Negroes in any State.As taxation is an important concern of the commonwealth, it was believed that the way in which the State determined how this burden should fall on the Negro race would do much in bringing out an understanding as to the attitude of the whites to the blacks. The author claims to have adhered strictly to the facts to give an unbiased interpretation of this phase of history. The work is well done in parts. It should have been amplified. The most valuable part of it is that which treats of the problem of taxation since the Civil War. In treating the antebellum period, the author shows a lack of breadth in that he does not connect the question of the taxation of Negroes with the struggle between Eastern and Western Virginia, which finally resulted in the disruption of the State. He does not show that the West wanted the increase in taxes, necessitated by the construction of internal improvements, obtained from a tax on slaves, as the mountaineers did not have many, while the East was anxious to tax more heavily cattle and the like which flourished beyond the Alleghanies.

During the colonial period and, at times, after the Revolution, Negroes paid a capitation tax. It is remarkable that the State of Virginia in 1814 collected $8,322 from 5,547 free Negroes. The same class of Negroes paid $11,554 in 1863 at the rate of $2 a head. Provision was made for the capitation tax in the Constitution of 1867-68. In 1870 the prepayment was required of voters but because of corruption at the ballot box it was repealed. Delinquency followed and to counteract this the tax was made a lien on real estate. The Constitution of 1901-02 made the poll-tax a political measure in providing that the payment of it six months in advance of election day should be a prerequisite for voting with a registration clause as another requirement. These provisions, it seems, have not been enforced and for that reason many Negroes are returned as delinquent. In 1914 the whites showed a delinquency of thirty per cent, and the Negroes sixty per cent.

Taking up real estate, which is the principal source of all taxes paid by Negroes, the author confines himself to the period since the War. The Negroes of Virginia had $12,464,377 subject to taxation in 1900 and $28,775,199 in 1914. The tax levy in 1910 was $48,173 and $93,245 in 1914, having almost doubled during the intervening years. The delinquency in real estate taxes too is much less than that in the case of capitation taxes.

In answer to the question as to whether the Negroes of the State are sharing its burden of taxation in proportion to theirability the author brings out some interesting facts. He finds it difficult to answer this question accurately. He shows, however, that Negroes composing 32.6 per cent. of the population pay only a small part of the $7,757,532 in taxes of all kinds. The real estate, capitation, personal property and income taxes paid by Negroes in 1914 aggregated $318,381, or 5 per cent. of the real estate taxes, 3.8 per cent. of the personal property taxes, 28.1 per cent. of the capitation taxes, and .000006 per cent. of the income taxes. In all the Negroes pay about 4.1 per cent. of the revenue of the State. This estimate is doubtless too low.

Mr. A. E. Martin, of the Pennsylvania State College, will soon publish through the Filson ClubThe Anti-Slavery Movement in Kentucky to 1850. Mr. Martin plans to bring this study down to 1870.

The New York Missionary Education Movement of the United States and Canada has publishedThe Lure of Africaby C. H. Patton.

W. M. Ramsay'sThe Intermixture of Races in Asia Minorhas come from the Oxford University Press.

The Harvard University Press has publishedEphod and Ark, by W. R. Arnold.

July number ofThe Journal of Race Developmentcontains two interesting articles:On the Culture of White Folk, by Dr. W. E. B. DuBois, andPsychic Factors in the New American Race Situation, by George W. Elliss, K.C., F.R.G.S.

The July number of theAmerican Journal of Sociologycontains a rather misinforming article onThe Superiority of the Mulatto, by Mr. E. B. Reuter, and another onClass and Caste, by Edward Alsworth Ross.

In the July number of theSouth Atlantic QuarterlyappearsThe Black Codes, by Prof. John M. Mecklin, of the University of Pittsburgh.

Prof. Benjamin Brawley will soon publish a work to be known asThe Genius of the Negro.

La Revista Bimestre Cubanahas published LosNegros Esclavos, a study in sociology and public law by Fernando Ortiz, professor in the University of Havana.

The United States Bureau of Education in cooperation with the Phelps-Stokes Fund has published in two volumes a report entitledNegro Education, a Study of the Private and Higher Schools for Colored People in the United States. This report was prepared under the direction of Dr. Thomas Jesse Jones, specialist in the education of racial groups. This work was undertaken to comply withthat provision of the will of Miss Caroline Phelps-Stokes directing that some portion of the income from a fund originally amounting to about $900,000 be used for the education of Negroes and for research and publication. In 1912 it was decided to prepare a report on Negro education to furnish the public with valuable information as to existing conditions throughout the South. The Bureau of Education agreed to cooperate with the trustees of the Phelps-Stokes Fund, bringing the work under the general supervision of the United States Commissioner of Education. This report is the result of their efficient cooperation.

On the thirtieth of August, there assembled at the request of the United States Commissioner of Education a conference to discuss this report. For two days practically all of the active white and colored educators in Negro schools discussed the various phases of education as brought out by this report and undertook to find a working basis for a more extensive cooperation of all agencies in the uplift of the Negro. The frank statements of several of the State Superintendents, like that of Mr. Harris of Louisiana, showed how much good a report of this kind may do in arousing the best white people of the South to a realization that it pays to educate all citizens of the state whether they be white or black. No definite decision was reached but the conference was a success in leading men to study more seriously the problems of Negro education.

There is no fixed rule to determine exactly where the meetings of the Association shall be held. The constitution grants this power to the Executive Council. Washington, however, naturally proved attractive for the reasons that it is located mid-way between the North and the South, the Association is incorporated under laws of the District of Columbia, and several of its officers reside there. The extensive advertising given the meeting and the occurrence of the conference in Washington on the education of the Negro the following day brought to the meeting probably the largest number of useful and scholarly Negroes ever assembled at the national capital. Among these were: President Nathan B. Young, Mr. W. T. B. Williams, President Byrd Prillerman, Dr. C. V. Roman, Prof. George E. Haynes, Mr. Monroe N. Work, President W. J. Hale, Dean Benjamin G. Brawley, Bishop I. N. Ross, Prof. J. R. Hawkins, Mr. R. P. Hamlin, Mr. C. H. Tobias, and Mr. A. L. Jackson. The meeting was further honored with the presence of some of the most useful and distinguished white persons in the country, namely: Mrs. Louis F. Post, the wife of the Assistant Secretary of Labor; Dr. Thomas Jesse Jones, Educational Expert of the United States Bureau of Education; Dr. James H. Dillard, Director of the John F. Slater Fund; Mr. George Foster Peabody, the New York banker; and Mr. Julius Rosenwald, the well-known philanthropist.

The morning session proved to be the most interesting of all. The introductory address was delivered by Dr. J. E. Moorland, the Secretary-Treasurer, who, in the absence of the President, presided throughout the meeting. In his remarks Dr. Moorland gave a brief account of what the Association had undertaken and endeavored to show how importantthe work is and how successfully it is being prosecuted under tremendous difficulties. He paid a high tribute to the Director of Research and Editor as the one who has done most of the work and contributed most of the money to finance the movement.

Mr. Monroe N. Work then read a very carefully prepared and illuminating paper on "The Negro and the World War." Taking a world-wide view of the great struggle, Mr. Work discussed the social, economic and political roots of the war as it concerns the black race and explained how the interests of these people connect with the upheaval in all its ramifications. As Dr. R. R. Wright, Jr., was unavoidably absent, all the time allowed for the discussion of the paper was given to Prof. George E. Haynes. Basing his remarks on the actual facts of the migration of the Negroes to the North, Professor Haynes spoke of the war as a rejuvenating and regenerating factor in enabling the Negro to know his possibilities and to come into his own.

Dr. C. G. Woodson followed Mr. Work, making a clear statement as to the meaning of the movement to study Negro life and history and setting forth the plans to save the records of the black race that the Negro may not, like the Indian, leave no written account of his thoughts, feelings, aspirations, and achievements. Dr. Woodson went into detail to explain how necessary it is to have trained investigators to undertake this work immediately, before it is too late, as many valuable documents bearing on the Negro are being destroyed for the reason that persons now possessing them do not know their value and the facilities for collection of such materials now afforded are inadequate. This topic was further discussed by Dr. C. V. Roman and Dr. Thomas Jesse Jones. Dr. Roman restricted his remarks largely to a definition of civilization to determine whether or not the Negro has made any contribution to it. After speaking of certain achievements of the Negro he deplored the fact that not only the white people but the Negroes themselves know very little about what their race has contributed to the progress of mankind. Dr. Jones spoke ofhow important it is for a race to know and write its own history, for because of race prejudice, a man of one race cannot easily tell the truth about one of another. He then expressed his deep interest in the work and lauded the enterprise of those who are prosecuting it.

Probably the most interesting features of the morning session, however, were the brief addresses of Mr. George Foster Peabody, Mr. Julius Rosenwald, and Mr. James H. Dillard. Mr. Peabody expressed his delight at seeing such an important work undertaken and urged cooperation as the only successful way of carrying it on. He took occasion, also, to speak of his general interest in the Negro and his belief in his ultimate success. Mr. Julius Rosenwald referred to the time when he received a copy of the first issue of theJournal of Negro Historyand how it so impressed him that he decided to contribute one hundred dollars to its support every quarter. He believes that this magazine of standard scientific stamp, published in the interest of the propagation of the truth concerning the Negro, will be another means of helping him onward and upward. Dr. James H. Dillard spoke of the importance of studying Africa, mentioning several books which are so informing to him that the far-off continent seems to be an unexplored land of wonders. He maintained that largely through the study of the history of one's race one can have high ideals, without which there can be no actual progress.

The business session was looked forward to as an important one, as interested members were anxious to know what the Association had done during the first two years of its history. As there was no unfinished business, new business was in order. The chairman appointed Professor Kelly Miller, Dean Benjamin G. Brawley and Mr. M. N. Work as the committee on nominations and Mr. A. L. Jackson, Prof. George E. Haynes and Dr. Thomas J. Jones as an auditing committee. The most important business was amending the constitution, the changes of which having been previously sanctioned by a majority of the members of theExecutive Council, they were duly ratified by the Association. This constitution follows.

IThe name of this body shall be the Association for the Study of Negro Life and History.IIIts object shall be the collection of sociological and historical documents and the promotion of studies bearing on the Negro.IIIAny person approved by the Executive Council may become a member by paying $1.00 and after the first year may continue a member by paying an annual fee of one dollar. Persons paying $2.00 annually become both active members of the Association and subscribers to theJournal of Negro History. On the payment of $30.00, any person may become a life member, exempt from assessments. Persons not resident in the United States may be elected honorary members and shall be exempt from payment of assessments. Members organized as clubs for the study of the Negro shall gratuitously receive from the Director such instruction in this field as may be given by mail.IVThe Officers of this Association shall be a President, a Secretary-Treasurer, a Director of Research and Editor, and an Executive Council, consisting of the three foregoing officers and twelve others elected by the Association. The Association shall elect three members of the Executive Council as trustees. It shall also appoint a business committee to certify bills and to advise the Director in matters of administrative nature. These officers shall be elected by ballot through the mail or at each biennial meeting of the Association.VThe President and Secretary-Treasurer shall perform the duties usually devolving on such officers. The Director of Research and Editor shall devise plans for the collection of documents, direct the studies of members and determine what matter shall be published in theJournal. The Executive Council shall have charge of the general interests of the Association, including the election of members, the calling of meetings, the collection and disposition of funds.VIThisConstitutionmay be amended at any biennial meeting, notice of such amendment having been given at the previous biennial meeting or the proposed amendment having received the approval of the Executive Council.

The name of this body shall be the Association for the Study of Negro Life and History.

Its object shall be the collection of sociological and historical documents and the promotion of studies bearing on the Negro.

Any person approved by the Executive Council may become a member by paying $1.00 and after the first year may continue a member by paying an annual fee of one dollar. Persons paying $2.00 annually become both active members of the Association and subscribers to theJournal of Negro History. On the payment of $30.00, any person may become a life member, exempt from assessments. Persons not resident in the United States may be elected honorary members and shall be exempt from payment of assessments. Members organized as clubs for the study of the Negro shall gratuitously receive from the Director such instruction in this field as may be given by mail.

The Officers of this Association shall be a President, a Secretary-Treasurer, a Director of Research and Editor, and an Executive Council, consisting of the three foregoing officers and twelve others elected by the Association. The Association shall elect three members of the Executive Council as trustees. It shall also appoint a business committee to certify bills and to advise the Director in matters of administrative nature. These officers shall be elected by ballot through the mail or at each biennial meeting of the Association.

The President and Secretary-Treasurer shall perform the duties usually devolving on such officers. The Director of Research and Editor shall devise plans for the collection of documents, direct the studies of members and determine what matter shall be published in theJournal. The Executive Council shall have charge of the general interests of the Association, including the election of members, the calling of meetings, the collection and disposition of funds.

ThisConstitutionmay be amended at any biennial meeting, notice of such amendment having been given at the previous biennial meeting or the proposed amendment having received the approval of the Executive Council.

Then the Director followed by the Secretary-Treasurer, with a financial statement, made this report:

The Association was organized in Chicago, September 9, 1915, by five persons who felt that something effective should be done to direct attention to the long-neglected work of saving the records of the Negro race. At first, it was thought best to call a national meeting to form an organization. This plan was abandoned, however, for the reason that it was not believed that a large number of persons would pay any attention to the movement until an actual demonstration as to the possibilities of the field had been made. The Director, therefore, had these few persons join him in organizing, so to speak, in a corner and proceeded at once to bring out theJournal of Negro History. How it was received by the public is now a matter of history.The growth of theJournalhas been more than was expected. The first edition was 1,500, the second 1,300, the third 1,000, the fourth 2,000. At the end of 1916 the demand for back numbers so increased that it soon became evident that the editions were not large enough and that the back numbers would have to be reprinted. One thousand copies of volume I, and some extra numbers of it were accordingly reprinted and the current edition was increased to 4,000. The total circulation of theJournalis 2,830. The subscription list shows 1,430 subscribers, about 400 copies are sold at newstands, 1,000 copies are used for promotion, and about 1,000 copies are kept on hand for future subscribers.These achievements, however, have been due to sacrifice both of time and means. The Director has had to work under tremendous difficulties, but he has never lost faith in his coworkers and believes in the ultimate triumph of the cause. The problem has been threefold, that of research, that of editing and that of promotion.As the Association has not had adequate funds to provide the Director with an office force or sufficient stenographic assistance, he has too often found himself in the position of having to do all things at one time. But in spite of these handicaps there was a gradual increase in the number of subscribers and contributors until unfortunately the income from these sources was greatly diminished by the war. A few substantial friends, however, have helped us when seemingly at our extremity. Among the more important contributions obtained are: $75 from Dr. R. E. Park, $100 from the Phelps-Stokes Fund, $100 from Mr. Jacob H. Schiff, $200 from Mr. Harold H. Swift, $500 from Mr. Julius Rosenwald and $1,000 from Dr. C. G. Woodson. We have, therefore, been able to come to the end of the first two years of our history free from debt and with a considerable balance on the right side of the ledger as is attested by the following financial statement of the Secretary-Treasurer:Statement of Receipts and Expenditures of the Association for the Study of Negro Life and History, from October 14, 1915, to September 9, 1917, InclusiveReceiptsExpendituresBound Volumes and Subscriptions$1,216.39Printing and Stationery$2,993.32Life and Active Memberships512.75Petty Cash603.59Contributions and Advertising1,800.05Stenographic Services254.16News Agents222.84Rent and Light81.00Loans296.50Bond10.00————————————Total Receipts$4,048.53Total Expenses$3,942.07Balance on hand106.46——————$4,048.53Respectfully submitted,J. E. MoorlandSecretary-Treasurer.

The Association was organized in Chicago, September 9, 1915, by five persons who felt that something effective should be done to direct attention to the long-neglected work of saving the records of the Negro race. At first, it was thought best to call a national meeting to form an organization. This plan was abandoned, however, for the reason that it was not believed that a large number of persons would pay any attention to the movement until an actual demonstration as to the possibilities of the field had been made. The Director, therefore, had these few persons join him in organizing, so to speak, in a corner and proceeded at once to bring out theJournal of Negro History. How it was received by the public is now a matter of history.

The growth of theJournalhas been more than was expected. The first edition was 1,500, the second 1,300, the third 1,000, the fourth 2,000. At the end of 1916 the demand for back numbers so increased that it soon became evident that the editions were not large enough and that the back numbers would have to be reprinted. One thousand copies of volume I, and some extra numbers of it were accordingly reprinted and the current edition was increased to 4,000. The total circulation of theJournalis 2,830. The subscription list shows 1,430 subscribers, about 400 copies are sold at newstands, 1,000 copies are used for promotion, and about 1,000 copies are kept on hand for future subscribers.

These achievements, however, have been due to sacrifice both of time and means. The Director has had to work under tremendous difficulties, but he has never lost faith in his coworkers and believes in the ultimate triumph of the cause. The problem has been threefold, that of research, that of editing and that of promotion.

As the Association has not had adequate funds to provide the Director with an office force or sufficient stenographic assistance, he has too often found himself in the position of having to do all things at one time. But in spite of these handicaps there was a gradual increase in the number of subscribers and contributors until unfortunately the income from these sources was greatly diminished by the war. A few substantial friends, however, have helped us when seemingly at our extremity. Among the more important contributions obtained are: $75 from Dr. R. E. Park, $100 from the Phelps-Stokes Fund, $100 from Mr. Jacob H. Schiff, $200 from Mr. Harold H. Swift, $500 from Mr. Julius Rosenwald and $1,000 from Dr. C. G. Woodson. We have, therefore, been able to come to the end of the first two years of our history free from debt and with a considerable balance on the right side of the ledger as is attested by the following financial statement of the Secretary-Treasurer:

Statement of Receipts and Expenditures of the Association for the Study of Negro Life and History, from October 14, 1915, to September 9, 1917, Inclusive

ReceiptsExpendituresBound Volumes and Subscriptions$1,216.39Printing and Stationery$2,993.32Life and Active Memberships512.75Petty Cash603.59Contributions and Advertising1,800.05Stenographic Services254.16News Agents222.84Rent and Light81.00Loans296.50Bond10.00————————————Total Receipts$4,048.53Total Expenses$3,942.07Balance on hand106.46——————$4,048.53

Respectfully submitted,

J. E. MoorlandSecretary-Treasurer.

When the time came for the election of officers, Professor Kelly Miller, the chairman of the committee on nominations, reported a list of names for the various positions. The name of Dr. G. C. Hall, President of the Association, was, at his request, omitted. Thereupon, Dr. C. G. Woodson and Dr. J. E. Moorland expressed regret that Dr. Hall desired to retire and paid him high tributes as a coworker without whom the work could not have been made so successful. The Association then voted that the Secretary-Treasurer be instructed to cast its unanimous ballot for the persons nominated. These officers are: R. E. Park, President; J. E. Moorland, Secretary-Treasurer; C. G. Woodson, Director of Research and Editor, and, with the foregoing officers, Julius Rosenwald, Chicago, Illinois; George Foster Peabody, Saratoga Springs, New York; James H. Dillard, Charlottesville, Virginia; John R. Hawkins, Washington, D.C.; R. E. Jones, New Orleans, Louisiana; Thomas Jesse Jones, Washington, D. C.; A. L. Jackson, Chicago, Illinois; Sir Edmund Walker, Toronto, Canada; Moorefield Storey, Boston, Massachusetts; and J. G. Phelps Stokes, New York City, as members of the Executive Council. R. E. Park, J. E. Moorland and C. G. Woodson were appointed trustees and Thomas Jesse Jones, L. Hollingsworth Wood and J. E. Moorland as the business committee.Mr. A. L. Jackson, the chairman of the auditing committee, read the report certifying that the books of the Secretary-Treasurer had been properly kept and all moneys accounted for. Mr. Jackson took occasion, also, to point out the fact that in addition to taking upon himself the burden of editing theJournal of Negro History, Dr. Woodson gives more than half of the amount received as contributions to maintain it.

Several suggestions were offered for the good of the cause. Professor Kelly Miller spoke in a commendatory manner concerning the work and urged the people to direct their attention to the study of their traditions. Mr. R. C. Edmonson suggested that the Association pay more attention to the collection of statistics concerning the race. Mr. John W. Davis asked members to volunteer to secure a larger number of subscribers. He himself submitted a pledge to obtain 25 subscribers during the year.

At the evening session, Dean Benjamin G. Brawley, of Morehouse College, read an excellent paper onThree Negro Poets: Horton, Mrs. Harper and Whitman, giving his audience startling information about these literary workers in the days when opportunities were meager. In this way, Dean Brawley successfully bridged the gap between Phyllis Wheatley and Paul Lawrence Dunbar. Professor Kelly Miller then delivered an instructive address onThe Place of Negro History in our Schools. Professor Miller's discourse was well received and seemed to arouse interest in the study of Negro history. Dr. C. G. Woodson made some remarks concerning the plans of the Association and Dr. J. E. Moorland appealed to the people for their support. Many new members were added. The Association then adjourned.

Transcriber's Notes:Every effort has been made to replicate this text as faithfully as possible, including obsolete and variant spellings and other inconsistencies. The transcriber made the following changes to the text to correct obvious errors:1. p.  49, No footnote marker for footnote #45 in original text.2. p.  63, No footnote marker for footnote #79 in original text.3. p.  69, No footnote marker for footnote #96 in original text.4. p. 120, Footnote #153, "pp. 263 ff" changed to "pp. 263 ff."5. p. 130, Footnote #178, "Woolmans'" changed to "Woolman's"6. p. 186, "kinds of graots" changed to "kinds of groats"7. p. 213, No footnote marker for footnote #244.8. p. 216, Footnote #255, "XXXV, 126" changed to "XXXV, 126."9. p. 226, Footnote #286, "December 26, 1916", left unchanged10. p. 259, "Like Miss Patterson" changed to "Like Miss Patterson,"11. p. 349, No footnote marker for footnote #402.12. p. 380, Footnote #465 and 466 were referenced with thesame footnote marker number in the original text.13. p. 419, Footnote #524, 525, 526 were all referenced with thesame footnote marker number in the original text.14. All     The footnotes have been re-numbered.

Transcriber's Notes:

Every effort has been made to replicate this text as faithfully as possible, including obsolete and variant spellings and other inconsistencies. The transcriber made the following changes to the text to correct obvious errors:

1. p.  49, No footnote marker for footnote #45 in original text.2. p.  63, No footnote marker for footnote #79 in original text.3. p.  69, No footnote marker for footnote #96 in original text.4. p. 120, Footnote #153, "pp. 263 ff" changed to "pp. 263 ff."5. p. 130, Footnote #178, "Woolmans'" changed to "Woolman's"6. p. 186, "kinds of graots" changed to "kinds of groats"7. p. 213, No footnote marker for footnote #244.8. p. 216, Footnote #255, "XXXV, 126" changed to "XXXV, 126."9. p. 226, Footnote #286, "December 26, 1916", left unchanged10. p. 259, "Like Miss Patterson" changed to "Like Miss Patterson,"11. p. 349, No footnote marker for footnote #402.12. p. 380, Footnote #465 and 466 were referenced with thesame footnote marker number in the original text.13. p. 419, Footnote #524, 525, 526 were all referenced with thesame footnote marker number in the original text.14. All     The footnotes have been re-numbered.


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