Footnotes:

Footnotes:[1]John II of Portugal had assumed the title of Lord of Guinea in 1485.[2]Dumont,Corps Universel Diplomatique, VI, part 2, p. 367.[3]As for instance, in 1659, the seizure of a Dutch ship called the Vrede by a French captain under the pretense of a Swedish commission. Lias, West Indien, 1658 tot 1665, Zeeland chamber to the Amsterdam chamber of W. I. C. (West India Company), March 1, 1660 (N. S.). Also, in the same year, the Dutch confiscated a Courland ship called the Pietas for trespassing on Dutch territory.Ibid., Amsterdam chamber of W. I. C. to S. G. (States General), June 23, 1661 (N. S.). Louis XIV also complained about the disturbance of French commerce on the Gambia by the Dutch.Lettres, Mémoires et Négociations de Monsieur le Compte d'Estrades, I, 185, Louis XIV to d'Estrades, August 13, 1661 (N. S.).[4]Diederichs, pp. 20, 21. (Diederichs, H.,Herzog Jacobs von Kurland Kolonien an der Westkuste von Afrika.)[5]The West India Company was subdivided into the chambers of Amsterdam, Gröningen, Zeeland, North Holland and Friesland, and the Maas. The Amsterdam chamber was much the most important; it was known therefore as the "presidiale" chamber.[6]C. O. 1: 16, f. 191, February 4, 1659 (N. S.). At the same time Momber advised Steele, the Courland commander at Fort St. André, to pay no attention to the contract if he was in a position to defend himself, but Steele was unable to resist. Diederichs, pp. 45, 46.[7]Diederichs, pp. 46-8; C. O. 1: 16, ff. 193, 195-7.[8]Resolution of S. G., July 28, 1661 (N. S.); Aitzema, X, 76. (Aitzema, Lieuwe van,Historie of Verhael van Saken van Staet en Oorlogh.)[9]See the oath taken by Holmes' men dated March 7, 1660/1, enclosed in the letter of Nassau and others to the estates of H. and W. F. (Holland and West Friesland), January 17/27, 1662.[10]C. O. 1: 16, f. 193, relation of Otto Steele; Diederichs, p. 49. Holmes afterward admitted that there were but two men and a boy in the fort when it was taken. C. O. 1: 30, f. 74, Holmes to Sir Edward Walker, May 20, 1673.[11]VanGogh and others to S. G., September 6/16, 1661.[12]Lias, West Indien, 1658 tot 1665, Amsterdam chamber of W. I. C. to S. G., January 10, 1661 (N. S.).[13]Resolution of S. G., January 13, 1661 (N. S.).[14]Lias, West Indien, 1658 tot 1665, Amsterdam chamber of W. I. C. to S. G., January 31, 1661 (N. S.).[15]Resolution of S. G., February 5, 1661 (N. S.).[16]Ibid., July 28, 1661 (N. S.).[17]Clar. St. Paps. (Clarendon State Papers), 104, f. 211, the Dutch ambassadors to Ruysch, August 5, 1661 (N. S.).[18]Ibid., 104, f. 217, Downing to S. G., August 8, 1661.[19]Aitzema, X, 78, Charles II to S. G., August 14, 1661.[20]Clar. St. Paps., 104: 237, Downing to Clarendon, August 19, 1661 (N. S.). In another letter Downing declared, "it would be very well to accept of the Duke his transferring his interest to his Matie, and for the Dutch ambrs you will do well to be 6 or 8 moneths in examining the matter and then let them know his Maties mind." Egerton MSS., 2538, f. 12, Downing to Nicholas, January 27, 1661/2.[21]He suffered this punishment only because he had taken to Guinea a number of extra men whose wages the king felt obliged to pay. Admiralty Papers, Navy Board, In-Letters, 5, James to the Navy Board, September 10, 1661.[22]This seems to be a little too much to say of the king's letter.[23]C. O. 1: 15, f. 168, VanGogh and others to S. G., October 19/29, 1661.[24]P. C. R., Charles II, 2: 417, October 25, 1661.[25]Ibid., p. 459, November 27, 1661.[26]Ibid., pp. 510, 514, January 8, 10, 1662. He may also have been before the Council in December, as an order was made on December 21, 1661, rescinding the former order to stop his pay. Admiralty Papers, Navy Board, In-Letters, 6, James to the Navy Board, December 21, 1661.[27]Nassau and Hoorn to the estates of H. and W. F., January 17/27, 1662.[28]Egerton MSS., 2538, f. 12, Downing to Nicholas, January 27, 1661/2.[29]C. O. 1: 18, ff. 310, 311.[30]Papieren van Johan de Witt betreffende de Oost en West Indische compagnie, Carloff to Valckenburg, February 15, 16, 1658 (N. S.).[31]Loketkas, Staten Generaal, Sweden, no. 38.[32]Remonstrantie, aen de Ho. Mo. Heeren de Staten Generael der Veereenighde Nederlanden, p. 18.[33]Dammaert,Journal, September 19, 1652, May 18, 1653, December 7, 19, 1655, April 22, 1656 (N. S.).[34]S. P., Holland, 178, f. 123, undated paper dealing with the English title to Cape Corse.[35]Afterwards retaken by the English in the West Indies, toward the last of 1663. Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten Generaal, Downing to S. G., February 3, 1663/4. O. S.[36]Admiralty High Court, Libels, 114, no. 231.[37]Aitzema, X, 277.[38]Admiralty High Court, Libels, 115, no. 124;ibid., Examinations, 74, deposition of Edward Paulstagge, March 7, 1662/3.[39]Nassau and Hoorn to the estates of H. and W. F., January 24/February 3, 1662. In March, 1663, Bernard Sparke, owner of the Paragon which the Dutch had seized on the Gold Coast, arrested a West India Company ship at Ilfracombe. Sparke asked for the condemnation of the ship, but on account of a treaty entered into between the English and the Dutch in September, 1662, the Privy Council refused to detain the Dutch ship. Cunaeus to the estates of H. and W. F., March 27/April 6, 1663; P. C. R., Charles II, 3: 357, 380.[40]Egerton MSS., 2538, ff. 68, 69, Downing to S. G., May 3/13, 1662.[41]Clar. St. Paps., 76, ff. 217, 218, Downing to Clarendon, May 9, 1662. O. S.[42]Egerton MSS., 2538, f. 73, Downing to S. G., June 6/16, 1662.[43]Ibid., f. 106, Downing to S. G., August 6/16, 1662.[44]Add. MSS. (Additional Manuscripts), 22,919, f. 270.[45]Resolution of S. G., August 28, 1662 (N. S.).[46]Dumont,Corps Universel Diplomatique, VI, part 2, pp. 424, 425.[47]Index op het Register en Accorden met de Naturellen, Wilree to Edmund Young, May 24, 1662 (N. S.).[48]S. P., Holland, 176, f. 119.[49]Add. MSS., 22,919, f. 262.[50]Ibid., 22,920, f. 24, affidavit of William Crawford and others, before the Admiralty High Court, February 13, 1663/4.[51]Ibid., 22,919, f. 262, Wilree to the officers of the ship James, November 9, 1662 (N. S.).[52]Ibid., 22,920, f. 24, affidavit of Crawford and others, February 13, 1663/4.[53]S. P., Holland, 167, f. 251, Downing to Williamson, September 11, 1663. O.S.[54]Add. MSS., 22,920, ff. 13, 14, Downing to S. G., September 17/27, 1663.[54a]Clar. St. Paps., 106, f. 192, Downing to Clarendon, September 18, 1663. O. S.; S. P., Holland, 167, ff. 271, 272, Downing to Bennet.[55]Add. MSS., 22,920, f. 22, Royal Company to Downing, September 25, 1663.[56]Clar. St. Paps., 106, f. 223, Downing to Clarendon, October 2, 1663 O. S.[57]S. P., Holland, 168, ff. 41, 42.[58]Ibid., 176, f. 121.[59]Ibid., 167, f. 284, Downing to Bennet, September 25, 1664 (O. S.).[60]Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan den Raadpensionaris, Cunaeus to DeWitt, November 2, 1663 (N. S.).[61]C. S. P., Col., 1661-1668, p. 159, warrant to duke of York, Sept. 5, 1663.[62]S. P., Dom., Charles II, 114, f. 53. These instructions are not preserved in their complete form.[63]C. O. 1: 16, f. 157, oath of William Quick and others at Charles Island, June 1, 1662.[64]C. O. 1: 18, f. 154, deposition of Stephen Ustick, June 7, 1664; S. P., Dom., Charles II, 114, ff. 147, 148.[65]S. P., Dom., Charles II, 114, f. 148, Holmes' narrative. After taking the island Holmes sent for as many men as could be spared by the Royal Company's factors on the Gambia. Accordingly they took possession of it in the name of the company. C. O. 1: 18, f. 24.[66]Aitzema, XI, 294, deposition of Andries C. Vertholen, June 9, 1664 (N. S.); Lias, West Indien, 1658 tot 1665, depositions, June 19 and July 19, 1664 (N. S.).[67]C. O. 1: 18, f. 90, resolution of the council of war on board the Jersey, April 9, 1664.[68]Loketkas, Staten Generaal, Engeland, deposition of John Denn, commander of the ship Mary, December 3, 1663 (O. S.).[69]S. P., Dom., Charles II, 114, f. 149, Holmes' narrative.[70]S. P., Holland, 176, ff. 118-123, June 7, 1663 (N. S.). A mark of gold was supposed to be worth about £28. 16s.[71]Index op het Register der Contracten, letters dated June 13, 14, 1663. 1663.[72]S. P., Holland, 167, ff. 258-260, September 12, 1663. This protest with that of Valckenburg of June 7, 1663, was sent to England, where both were regarded as very important.[73]C. O. 1: 17, ff. 153, 154, Mr. Brett to the Royal Company, August 31, 1663; Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten Generaal, Downing to S. G., September 15, 1664 (O. S.).[74]Index op het Register der Contracten, September 17, 1663.[75]C. O. 1: 17, ff. 153, 154, contains a number of extracts of letters from factors of the Royal Company to the company dated from June to September, 1663. They mention many other conflicts with the Dutch, including the charge that the Dutch had hired the natives to attack the fort at Kormentine.[76]Aitzema, XI, 295, deposition of Andries C. Vertholen, June 9, 1664 (N. S.).[77]C. O. 1: 18, f. 39, order of the council of war held on board the Jersey, May 7, 1664.[78]S. P., Dom., Charles II, 114, ff. 51, 52, Holmes' examination. In his examination before the Privy Council Holmes asserted that in one of the ships captured from the Dutch, orders had been found from the States General commanding the Dutch factors to seize the English fort at Kormentine. There is no evidence to support this assertion and the States General afterwards characterized the statement as "an errand invention & a fowle lye." S. P., Holland, 181, f. 10.[79]S. P., Dom., Charles II, 114, ff. 150, 151, Holmes' account; C. O. 1: 18, f. 39, order of the council of war held on board the Jersey, May 7, 1664.[80]S. P., Holland, 174, f. 32, Downing to Bennet, January 10, 1664/5 (O. S.). This letter, written over a year later, shows that Downing was not acquainted with Holmes' instructions.[81]Lister, Thomas Henry,Life and Administration of Edward, first Earl of Clarendon, III, 259, Downing to Clarendon, November 6, 1663 (O. S.).[82]S. P., Holland, 168, f. 230, Downing to Bennet, December 18, 1663.[83]Clar. St. Paps., 107, f. 101, Downing to S. G., February 8, 1663/4 (O. S.).[84]Add. MSS., 22,920, f. 26, Schested to Downing, February 10, 1664; S. P., Denmark, 17, f. 150, Frederick III to Schested, December 15, 1663.[85]Loketkas, Staten Generaal, Engeland, W. I. C. to S. G., read December 1, 1663 (N. S.);ibid., S. G. to Downing, December, 1663.[86]S. P., Holland, 169, ff. 120, 121, Downing to (Bennet), February 12, 1663/4 (O. S.).[87]Ibid., f. 121.[88]Ibid., ff. 122, 124.[89]S. P. Holland, 169, f. 132, Downing to S. G., February 16, 1663/4 (O. S.).[90]Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten van H. en W. F., Cunaeus to DeWitt, March 11/21, 1664.[91]Pepys,Diary, IV, 103; Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten van H. en W. F., Cunaeus to DeWitt, (April 8/18, 1664, N. S.).[92]Clar. St. Paps., 107, f. 147, Downing to Clarendon, April 1, 1664 (O. S.); Dumont,Corps Universel Diplomatique, VI, part 2, p. 424, article XIV.[93]S. P., Holland, 170, ff. 16-18, Downing to Bennet, May 6, 1664 (O. S.); Clar. St. Paps., 107, ff. 195, 196, Downing to Clarendon, May 6, 1664 (O. S.).[94]Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten van H. en W. F., Cunaeus to DeWitt, May 6/16, 1664; Secretekas, Engeland, no. 123, Cunaeus to the directors of W.I.C., May 6/16, 1664.[95]Secretekas, Engeland, no. 123, W. I. C. to S. G., May 23, 1664 (N. S.).[96]S. P., Holland, 173, f. 129, Downing to Bennet, December 30, 1664 (O. S.).[97]Resolution of S. G., June 13, 1664 (N. S.).[98]Ibid., June 5, 1664 (N. S.).[99]S. P., Holland, 171, f. 174, VanGogh to S. G., June 24/July 4, 1664.[100]DeWitt,Brieven(DeWitt, Johan,Brieven, geschreven ende gewisselt tusschen den Heer Johan de Witt), IV, 311, DeWitt to VanGogh, July 11, 1664 (N. S.).[101]Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten van H. en W. F., VanGogh to DeWitt, July 15/25, 1664.[102]P. C. R., Charles II, 4: 122; S.P., Dom., Charles II, 99, f. 170, petition of the Royal Company for a convoy for its ships. It was also reported that the duke of York was fitting out a frigate at his own expense to send to Guinea. C. S. P., Dom., 1663-1664, p. 264, newsletter, September 2, 1663.[103]S. P., Holland, 171, f. 238, W. I. C. to S. G., July 21, 1664 (N. S.).[104]Clar. St. Paps., 108, ff. 39-41, Downing to Clarendon, July 22, 1664 (O. S.).[105]Pepys,Diary, IV, 202.[106]Ibid., 42, 143.[107]Clar. St. Paps., 108, ff. 48, 49, Downing to Clarendon, July 29, 1664 (O. S.).[108]Brandt, Gerard,La Vie de Michel de Ruiter, pp. 212-213.[109]Brandt,Vie de Ruiter, pp. 213, 214, 217.[110]S. P., Holland, 171, ff. 23, 24, Downing to Bennet, August 4, 1664 (O. S.);ibid., ff. 124, 125, Downing to Bennet, August 26, 1664 (O. S.).[111]S. P., Holland, 171, ff. 119, 120, Downing to S. G., August 25, 1664 (O. S.).[112]Ibid., f. 25, Downing to Bennet, August 4, 1664 (O. S.).[113]Ibid., f. 56, Downing to Bennet, August 12, 1664 (O. S.).[114]Clar. St. Paps., 108, ff. 75, 76, Downing to Clarendon, August 26, 1664 (O. S.).[115]Lister,Life of Clarendon, III, 344, Downing to Clarendon, September 9, 1664 (O. S.).[116]S. P., Holland, 172, f. 171, Downing to Bennet, September 9, 1664 (O. S.).[117]Clar. St. Paps., 108, f. 82, Downing to Clarendon, September 16, 1664 (O. S.).[118]S. P., Holland, 172, f. 241, Downing to Bennet, September 23, 1664 (O. S.).[119]Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten Generaal, VanGogh to S. G., September 23/October 3, 1664.[120]Pepys,Diary, IV, 254;Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten Generaal, VanGogh to S. G., September 30/October 10, 1664.[121]Pepys,Diary, IV, 254.[122]S. P., Holland, 172, f. 35, Downing to Bennet, October 7, 1664 (O. S.).[123]Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten van H. en W. F., VanGogh to DeWitt, October 3/13, 1664. A few days after this VanGogh very much annoyed the king by bringing up the Cape Verde incident again. The king burst out, "And pray, what is Cape Verde? A stinking place (using these very words): Is this of such importance to make so much adoe about! As much as I could ever yet learne of it, it is of noe use at all." S. P., Holland, 172, f. 158, VanGogh to Ruysch, October 24, 1664 (N. S.).[124]Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten van H. en W. F., VanGogh to DeWitt, October 3/13, 1664.[125]S. P., Holland, 173, f. 178, VanGogh to Ruysch, November 7, 1664 (N. S.); DeWitt,Brieven, IV, 387, 390, VanGogh to DeWitt, October 28/November 7, October 31/November 10, 1664.[126]DeWitt,Brieven, IV, 390, DeWitt to VanGogh, November 14, 1664 (N. S.).[127]Clar. St. Paps., 108, f. 126, Downing to Clarendon, November 11, 1664 (O. S.).[128]Ibid., f. 100, Downing to Clarendon, October 14, 1664 (O. S.); Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten Generaal, October 14/24, 1664.[129]Clar. St. Paps., 108, f. 108, Downing to Clarendon, October 28, 1664 (O. S.);ibid., f. 120, Downing to Clarendon, November 4, 1664 (O. S.).[130]Ibid., f. 117, Downing to Clarendon, November 4, 1664 (O. S.).[131]Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan der Raadpensionaris, VanGogh to DeWitt, October 17/27, 1664.[132]S. P., Holland, 173, f. 19, VanGogh to Ruysch, December 5, 1654 (N. S.). The duke of York was known to be very favorable to Holmes at the same time. S. P., Dom., Charles II, 105, f. 176, Coventry to Bennet, November 27, 1664.[133]Pepys,Diary, IV, 312.[134]He arrived at Cape Verde October 22, 1664, and left the Gold Coast February 27, 1665.[135]In this account it seems unnecessary to give the details of the capture of these places. They may be found at length in Brandt,Vie de Ruiter, pp. 223 to 265.[136]S. P., Dom., Charles II, 110, f. 19; Condition of Co., Jan. 2 (1664/5).[137]P. C. R., Charles II, 5: 4.[138]The Case of the Royal African Company of England and their Creditors, p. 6.[139]Add. MSS., 22,920, f. 46, Lord Hollis to (Downing), September 2/12, 1664.[140]On October 30, 1664 (N. S.), d'Estrades declared to the king of France that the real cause of the war then about to begin was the desire of the king of England to become master of Guinea.Mémoires d'Estrades, II, 517.[141]See the paper of Sir Richard Ford, one of the prominent members of the Royal Company. Clar. St. Paps., 83, f. 374.[142]C. S. P., Dom., 1664-5, p. 154, warrant to Holmes, January 7, 1654.[143]S. P., Holland, 174, f. 138, VanGogh to Ruysch, January 9/19, 1665.[144]S. P., Holland, 174, f. 138, VanGogh to Ruysch, January 13/23, 1665.[145]Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan den Raadpensionaris, VanGogh to Ruysch, January 27/February 6, 1665.[146]Ibid., VanGogh to Ruysch, January 30/February 9, 1665.[147]Ibid., Cunaeus to ——, February 24/March 6, 1665.[148]P. C. R., Charles II, 5:69.[149]Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan den Raadpensionaris, (VanGogh) to Ruysch, February 27/March 9, 1665.[150]C. S. P., Dom., 1664-5, p. 268, order to release Holmes, March 23, 1664/5.[151]The account of DeRuyter's voyage given here is a digest of what appears at much greater length in Brandt,Vie de Ruiter, pp. 223-265. A short contemporary English account may be found in C.O. 1: 19, ff. 88, 89.[152]S. P., Holland, 182, ff. 246, 247. The Dutch had entertained some hopes of inducing the English to surrender Cape Corse, as is evident from negotiations which they carried on with the Swedes and the Danes. In March, 1665, a treaty was drawn up between Sweden and the United Provinces in which the former country agreed to renounce her claims of damage against the West India Company and all her rights to any places on the African coast, for which renunciation the States General was to pay 140,000 rix dollars. The treaty failed of approbation on account of the reluctance of the king of Sweden to withdraw his interests from the coast of Africa. Aitzema, XI, 1102, 1103; S. P., Holland, 174, f. 148, Downing to Bennet, February 17, 1664/5 (O.S.); S. P., Holland, 179, f. 86, Downing to Bennet, March 10, 1665 (March 10, 1664/5. O. S.).With the Danes the Dutch had more success. On February 11, 1667, a treaty was entered into between Frederick III, of Denmark and the United Provinces, in which it was agreed that the Danes should surrender all their claims to Cape Corse, retaining, however, the adjacent fort of Fredericksburg. Dumont,Corps Universel Diplomatique, VI, part 3, p. 74.[153]Dumont,Corps Universel Diplomatique, VI, part I, pp. 44, 45, article 3.[154]Villaut,A Relation of the Coasts of Africa called Guinee, pp. 49, 56, 75.[155]Ibid., pp. 126, 131, 135. Villaut also speaks of an English fort at Eniacham (Anashan).[156]A. C. R., 75: 60.[157]S. P., Dom., Charles II, 217, f. 76, John Lysle to Williamson, September 16, 1667.[158]C. O. 1: 17, f. 243, John Allen to (the Royal Adventurers), December 18, 1663.[159]A. C. R., 75: 3.[160]S. P., Dom., Charles II, 380, f. 57;ibid., 381, ff. 138, 139.[161]C. O. 1: 23, ff. 3, 4, 6, 7, Wilree to Pearson, January 23/February 2, and February 14/24, 1668.[162]Ibid., 23, f. 5, Pearson to Wilree, n. d.[163]C. O. 1: 23, f. 2, Pearson and others to the Royal Adventurers, February 18, 1667/8.[164]A. C. R., 75: 75.[165]C. O. 1: 23, f. 1, petition of the Royal Adventurers (July 3), 1668; P. C. R., Charles II, 7: 374, July 3, 1668.[166]P. C. R., 7: 378, July 8, 1668. The minutes of the general court for November 14, 1668, mention a letter intended to be dispatched to Sir William Temple. A. C. R., 75: 81.[167]A. C. R., 100: 47, 48.[168]ibid., 75: 96.[169]C. O. 1: 25, f. 227, estimate of charges for supplies at Cape Corse, December 19, 1670; A. C. R., 75: 106, 107.[170]Foreign Entry Book, 176, minutes of the foreign committee, January 22, 1671/2.

[1]John II of Portugal had assumed the title of Lord of Guinea in 1485.

[2]Dumont,Corps Universel Diplomatique, VI, part 2, p. 367.

[3]As for instance, in 1659, the seizure of a Dutch ship called the Vrede by a French captain under the pretense of a Swedish commission. Lias, West Indien, 1658 tot 1665, Zeeland chamber to the Amsterdam chamber of W. I. C. (West India Company), March 1, 1660 (N. S.). Also, in the same year, the Dutch confiscated a Courland ship called the Pietas for trespassing on Dutch territory.Ibid., Amsterdam chamber of W. I. C. to S. G. (States General), June 23, 1661 (N. S.). Louis XIV also complained about the disturbance of French commerce on the Gambia by the Dutch.Lettres, Mémoires et Négociations de Monsieur le Compte d'Estrades, I, 185, Louis XIV to d'Estrades, August 13, 1661 (N. S.).

[4]Diederichs, pp. 20, 21. (Diederichs, H.,Herzog Jacobs von Kurland Kolonien an der Westkuste von Afrika.)

[5]The West India Company was subdivided into the chambers of Amsterdam, Gröningen, Zeeland, North Holland and Friesland, and the Maas. The Amsterdam chamber was much the most important; it was known therefore as the "presidiale" chamber.

[6]C. O. 1: 16, f. 191, February 4, 1659 (N. S.). At the same time Momber advised Steele, the Courland commander at Fort St. André, to pay no attention to the contract if he was in a position to defend himself, but Steele was unable to resist. Diederichs, pp. 45, 46.

[7]Diederichs, pp. 46-8; C. O. 1: 16, ff. 193, 195-7.

[8]Resolution of S. G., July 28, 1661 (N. S.); Aitzema, X, 76. (Aitzema, Lieuwe van,Historie of Verhael van Saken van Staet en Oorlogh.)

[9]See the oath taken by Holmes' men dated March 7, 1660/1, enclosed in the letter of Nassau and others to the estates of H. and W. F. (Holland and West Friesland), January 17/27, 1662.

[10]C. O. 1: 16, f. 193, relation of Otto Steele; Diederichs, p. 49. Holmes afterward admitted that there were but two men and a boy in the fort when it was taken. C. O. 1: 30, f. 74, Holmes to Sir Edward Walker, May 20, 1673.

[11]VanGogh and others to S. G., September 6/16, 1661.

[12]Lias, West Indien, 1658 tot 1665, Amsterdam chamber of W. I. C. to S. G., January 10, 1661 (N. S.).

[13]Resolution of S. G., January 13, 1661 (N. S.).

[14]Lias, West Indien, 1658 tot 1665, Amsterdam chamber of W. I. C. to S. G., January 31, 1661 (N. S.).

[15]Resolution of S. G., February 5, 1661 (N. S.).

[16]Ibid., July 28, 1661 (N. S.).

[17]Clar. St. Paps. (Clarendon State Papers), 104, f. 211, the Dutch ambassadors to Ruysch, August 5, 1661 (N. S.).

[18]Ibid., 104, f. 217, Downing to S. G., August 8, 1661.

[19]Aitzema, X, 78, Charles II to S. G., August 14, 1661.

[20]Clar. St. Paps., 104: 237, Downing to Clarendon, August 19, 1661 (N. S.). In another letter Downing declared, "it would be very well to accept of the Duke his transferring his interest to his Matie, and for the Dutch ambrs you will do well to be 6 or 8 moneths in examining the matter and then let them know his Maties mind." Egerton MSS., 2538, f. 12, Downing to Nicholas, January 27, 1661/2.

[21]He suffered this punishment only because he had taken to Guinea a number of extra men whose wages the king felt obliged to pay. Admiralty Papers, Navy Board, In-Letters, 5, James to the Navy Board, September 10, 1661.

[22]This seems to be a little too much to say of the king's letter.

[23]C. O. 1: 15, f. 168, VanGogh and others to S. G., October 19/29, 1661.

[24]P. C. R., Charles II, 2: 417, October 25, 1661.

[25]Ibid., p. 459, November 27, 1661.

[26]Ibid., pp. 510, 514, January 8, 10, 1662. He may also have been before the Council in December, as an order was made on December 21, 1661, rescinding the former order to stop his pay. Admiralty Papers, Navy Board, In-Letters, 6, James to the Navy Board, December 21, 1661.

[27]Nassau and Hoorn to the estates of H. and W. F., January 17/27, 1662.

[28]Egerton MSS., 2538, f. 12, Downing to Nicholas, January 27, 1661/2.

[29]C. O. 1: 18, ff. 310, 311.

[30]Papieren van Johan de Witt betreffende de Oost en West Indische compagnie, Carloff to Valckenburg, February 15, 16, 1658 (N. S.).

[31]Loketkas, Staten Generaal, Sweden, no. 38.

[32]Remonstrantie, aen de Ho. Mo. Heeren de Staten Generael der Veereenighde Nederlanden, p. 18.

[33]Dammaert,Journal, September 19, 1652, May 18, 1653, December 7, 19, 1655, April 22, 1656 (N. S.).

[34]S. P., Holland, 178, f. 123, undated paper dealing with the English title to Cape Corse.

[35]Afterwards retaken by the English in the West Indies, toward the last of 1663. Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten Generaal, Downing to S. G., February 3, 1663/4. O. S.

[36]Admiralty High Court, Libels, 114, no. 231.

[37]Aitzema, X, 277.

[38]Admiralty High Court, Libels, 115, no. 124;ibid., Examinations, 74, deposition of Edward Paulstagge, March 7, 1662/3.

[39]Nassau and Hoorn to the estates of H. and W. F., January 24/February 3, 1662. In March, 1663, Bernard Sparke, owner of the Paragon which the Dutch had seized on the Gold Coast, arrested a West India Company ship at Ilfracombe. Sparke asked for the condemnation of the ship, but on account of a treaty entered into between the English and the Dutch in September, 1662, the Privy Council refused to detain the Dutch ship. Cunaeus to the estates of H. and W. F., March 27/April 6, 1663; P. C. R., Charles II, 3: 357, 380.

[40]Egerton MSS., 2538, ff. 68, 69, Downing to S. G., May 3/13, 1662.

[41]Clar. St. Paps., 76, ff. 217, 218, Downing to Clarendon, May 9, 1662. O. S.

[42]Egerton MSS., 2538, f. 73, Downing to S. G., June 6/16, 1662.

[43]Ibid., f. 106, Downing to S. G., August 6/16, 1662.

[44]Add. MSS. (Additional Manuscripts), 22,919, f. 270.

[45]Resolution of S. G., August 28, 1662 (N. S.).

[46]Dumont,Corps Universel Diplomatique, VI, part 2, pp. 424, 425.

[47]Index op het Register en Accorden met de Naturellen, Wilree to Edmund Young, May 24, 1662 (N. S.).

[48]S. P., Holland, 176, f. 119.

[49]Add. MSS., 22,919, f. 262.

[50]Ibid., 22,920, f. 24, affidavit of William Crawford and others, before the Admiralty High Court, February 13, 1663/4.

[51]Ibid., 22,919, f. 262, Wilree to the officers of the ship James, November 9, 1662 (N. S.).

[52]Ibid., 22,920, f. 24, affidavit of Crawford and others, February 13, 1663/4.

[53]S. P., Holland, 167, f. 251, Downing to Williamson, September 11, 1663. O.S.

[54]Add. MSS., 22,920, ff. 13, 14, Downing to S. G., September 17/27, 1663.

[54a]Clar. St. Paps., 106, f. 192, Downing to Clarendon, September 18, 1663. O. S.; S. P., Holland, 167, ff. 271, 272, Downing to Bennet.

[55]Add. MSS., 22,920, f. 22, Royal Company to Downing, September 25, 1663.

[56]Clar. St. Paps., 106, f. 223, Downing to Clarendon, October 2, 1663 O. S.

[57]S. P., Holland, 168, ff. 41, 42.

[58]Ibid., 176, f. 121.

[59]Ibid., 167, f. 284, Downing to Bennet, September 25, 1664 (O. S.).

[60]Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan den Raadpensionaris, Cunaeus to DeWitt, November 2, 1663 (N. S.).

[61]C. S. P., Col., 1661-1668, p. 159, warrant to duke of York, Sept. 5, 1663.

[62]S. P., Dom., Charles II, 114, f. 53. These instructions are not preserved in their complete form.

[63]C. O. 1: 16, f. 157, oath of William Quick and others at Charles Island, June 1, 1662.

[64]C. O. 1: 18, f. 154, deposition of Stephen Ustick, June 7, 1664; S. P., Dom., Charles II, 114, ff. 147, 148.

[65]S. P., Dom., Charles II, 114, f. 148, Holmes' narrative. After taking the island Holmes sent for as many men as could be spared by the Royal Company's factors on the Gambia. Accordingly they took possession of it in the name of the company. C. O. 1: 18, f. 24.

[66]Aitzema, XI, 294, deposition of Andries C. Vertholen, June 9, 1664 (N. S.); Lias, West Indien, 1658 tot 1665, depositions, June 19 and July 19, 1664 (N. S.).

[67]C. O. 1: 18, f. 90, resolution of the council of war on board the Jersey, April 9, 1664.

[68]Loketkas, Staten Generaal, Engeland, deposition of John Denn, commander of the ship Mary, December 3, 1663 (O. S.).

[69]S. P., Dom., Charles II, 114, f. 149, Holmes' narrative.

[70]S. P., Holland, 176, ff. 118-123, June 7, 1663 (N. S.). A mark of gold was supposed to be worth about £28. 16s.

[71]Index op het Register der Contracten, letters dated June 13, 14, 1663. 1663.

[72]S. P., Holland, 167, ff. 258-260, September 12, 1663. This protest with that of Valckenburg of June 7, 1663, was sent to England, where both were regarded as very important.

[73]C. O. 1: 17, ff. 153, 154, Mr. Brett to the Royal Company, August 31, 1663; Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten Generaal, Downing to S. G., September 15, 1664 (O. S.).

[74]Index op het Register der Contracten, September 17, 1663.

[75]C. O. 1: 17, ff. 153, 154, contains a number of extracts of letters from factors of the Royal Company to the company dated from June to September, 1663. They mention many other conflicts with the Dutch, including the charge that the Dutch had hired the natives to attack the fort at Kormentine.

[76]Aitzema, XI, 295, deposition of Andries C. Vertholen, June 9, 1664 (N. S.).

[77]C. O. 1: 18, f. 39, order of the council of war held on board the Jersey, May 7, 1664.

[78]S. P., Dom., Charles II, 114, ff. 51, 52, Holmes' examination. In his examination before the Privy Council Holmes asserted that in one of the ships captured from the Dutch, orders had been found from the States General commanding the Dutch factors to seize the English fort at Kormentine. There is no evidence to support this assertion and the States General afterwards characterized the statement as "an errand invention & a fowle lye." S. P., Holland, 181, f. 10.

[79]S. P., Dom., Charles II, 114, ff. 150, 151, Holmes' account; C. O. 1: 18, f. 39, order of the council of war held on board the Jersey, May 7, 1664.

[80]S. P., Holland, 174, f. 32, Downing to Bennet, January 10, 1664/5 (O. S.). This letter, written over a year later, shows that Downing was not acquainted with Holmes' instructions.

[81]Lister, Thomas Henry,Life and Administration of Edward, first Earl of Clarendon, III, 259, Downing to Clarendon, November 6, 1663 (O. S.).

[82]S. P., Holland, 168, f. 230, Downing to Bennet, December 18, 1663.

[83]Clar. St. Paps., 107, f. 101, Downing to S. G., February 8, 1663/4 (O. S.).

[84]Add. MSS., 22,920, f. 26, Schested to Downing, February 10, 1664; S. P., Denmark, 17, f. 150, Frederick III to Schested, December 15, 1663.

[85]Loketkas, Staten Generaal, Engeland, W. I. C. to S. G., read December 1, 1663 (N. S.);ibid., S. G. to Downing, December, 1663.

[86]S. P., Holland, 169, ff. 120, 121, Downing to (Bennet), February 12, 1663/4 (O. S.).

[87]Ibid., f. 121.

[88]Ibid., ff. 122, 124.

[89]S. P. Holland, 169, f. 132, Downing to S. G., February 16, 1663/4 (O. S.).

[90]Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten van H. en W. F., Cunaeus to DeWitt, March 11/21, 1664.

[91]Pepys,Diary, IV, 103; Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten van H. en W. F., Cunaeus to DeWitt, (April 8/18, 1664, N. S.).

[92]Clar. St. Paps., 107, f. 147, Downing to Clarendon, April 1, 1664 (O. S.); Dumont,Corps Universel Diplomatique, VI, part 2, p. 424, article XIV.

[93]S. P., Holland, 170, ff. 16-18, Downing to Bennet, May 6, 1664 (O. S.); Clar. St. Paps., 107, ff. 195, 196, Downing to Clarendon, May 6, 1664 (O. S.).

[94]Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten van H. en W. F., Cunaeus to DeWitt, May 6/16, 1664; Secretekas, Engeland, no. 123, Cunaeus to the directors of W.I.C., May 6/16, 1664.

[95]Secretekas, Engeland, no. 123, W. I. C. to S. G., May 23, 1664 (N. S.).

[96]S. P., Holland, 173, f. 129, Downing to Bennet, December 30, 1664 (O. S.).

[97]Resolution of S. G., June 13, 1664 (N. S.).

[98]Ibid., June 5, 1664 (N. S.).

[99]S. P., Holland, 171, f. 174, VanGogh to S. G., June 24/July 4, 1664.

[100]DeWitt,Brieven(DeWitt, Johan,Brieven, geschreven ende gewisselt tusschen den Heer Johan de Witt), IV, 311, DeWitt to VanGogh, July 11, 1664 (N. S.).

[101]Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten van H. en W. F., VanGogh to DeWitt, July 15/25, 1664.

[102]P. C. R., Charles II, 4: 122; S.P., Dom., Charles II, 99, f. 170, petition of the Royal Company for a convoy for its ships. It was also reported that the duke of York was fitting out a frigate at his own expense to send to Guinea. C. S. P., Dom., 1663-1664, p. 264, newsletter, September 2, 1663.

[103]S. P., Holland, 171, f. 238, W. I. C. to S. G., July 21, 1664 (N. S.).

[104]Clar. St. Paps., 108, ff. 39-41, Downing to Clarendon, July 22, 1664 (O. S.).

[105]Pepys,Diary, IV, 202.

[106]Ibid., 42, 143.

[107]Clar. St. Paps., 108, ff. 48, 49, Downing to Clarendon, July 29, 1664 (O. S.).

[108]Brandt, Gerard,La Vie de Michel de Ruiter, pp. 212-213.

[109]Brandt,Vie de Ruiter, pp. 213, 214, 217.

[110]S. P., Holland, 171, ff. 23, 24, Downing to Bennet, August 4, 1664 (O. S.);ibid., ff. 124, 125, Downing to Bennet, August 26, 1664 (O. S.).

[111]S. P., Holland, 171, ff. 119, 120, Downing to S. G., August 25, 1664 (O. S.).

[112]Ibid., f. 25, Downing to Bennet, August 4, 1664 (O. S.).

[113]Ibid., f. 56, Downing to Bennet, August 12, 1664 (O. S.).

[114]Clar. St. Paps., 108, ff. 75, 76, Downing to Clarendon, August 26, 1664 (O. S.).

[115]Lister,Life of Clarendon, III, 344, Downing to Clarendon, September 9, 1664 (O. S.).

[116]S. P., Holland, 172, f. 171, Downing to Bennet, September 9, 1664 (O. S.).

[117]Clar. St. Paps., 108, f. 82, Downing to Clarendon, September 16, 1664 (O. S.).

[118]S. P., Holland, 172, f. 241, Downing to Bennet, September 23, 1664 (O. S.).

[119]Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten Generaal, VanGogh to S. G., September 23/October 3, 1664.

[120]Pepys,Diary, IV, 254;Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten Generaal, VanGogh to S. G., September 30/October 10, 1664.

[121]Pepys,Diary, IV, 254.

[122]S. P., Holland, 172, f. 35, Downing to Bennet, October 7, 1664 (O. S.).

[123]Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten van H. en W. F., VanGogh to DeWitt, October 3/13, 1664. A few days after this VanGogh very much annoyed the king by bringing up the Cape Verde incident again. The king burst out, "And pray, what is Cape Verde? A stinking place (using these very words): Is this of such importance to make so much adoe about! As much as I could ever yet learne of it, it is of noe use at all." S. P., Holland, 172, f. 158, VanGogh to Ruysch, October 24, 1664 (N. S.).

[124]Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten van H. en W. F., VanGogh to DeWitt, October 3/13, 1664.

[125]S. P., Holland, 173, f. 178, VanGogh to Ruysch, November 7, 1664 (N. S.); DeWitt,Brieven, IV, 387, 390, VanGogh to DeWitt, October 28/November 7, October 31/November 10, 1664.

[126]DeWitt,Brieven, IV, 390, DeWitt to VanGogh, November 14, 1664 (N. S.).

[127]Clar. St. Paps., 108, f. 126, Downing to Clarendon, November 11, 1664 (O. S.).

[128]Ibid., f. 100, Downing to Clarendon, October 14, 1664 (O. S.); Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten Generaal, October 14/24, 1664.

[129]Clar. St. Paps., 108, f. 108, Downing to Clarendon, October 28, 1664 (O. S.);ibid., f. 120, Downing to Clarendon, November 4, 1664 (O. S.).

[130]Ibid., f. 117, Downing to Clarendon, November 4, 1664 (O. S.).

[131]Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan der Raadpensionaris, VanGogh to DeWitt, October 17/27, 1664.

[132]S. P., Holland, 173, f. 19, VanGogh to Ruysch, December 5, 1654 (N. S.). The duke of York was known to be very favorable to Holmes at the same time. S. P., Dom., Charles II, 105, f. 176, Coventry to Bennet, November 27, 1664.

[133]Pepys,Diary, IV, 312.

[134]He arrived at Cape Verde October 22, 1664, and left the Gold Coast February 27, 1665.

[135]In this account it seems unnecessary to give the details of the capture of these places. They may be found at length in Brandt,Vie de Ruiter, pp. 223 to 265.

[136]S. P., Dom., Charles II, 110, f. 19; Condition of Co., Jan. 2 (1664/5).

[137]P. C. R., Charles II, 5: 4.

[138]The Case of the Royal African Company of England and their Creditors, p. 6.

[139]Add. MSS., 22,920, f. 46, Lord Hollis to (Downing), September 2/12, 1664.

[140]On October 30, 1664 (N. S.), d'Estrades declared to the king of France that the real cause of the war then about to begin was the desire of the king of England to become master of Guinea.Mémoires d'Estrades, II, 517.

[141]See the paper of Sir Richard Ford, one of the prominent members of the Royal Company. Clar. St. Paps., 83, f. 374.

[142]C. S. P., Dom., 1664-5, p. 154, warrant to Holmes, January 7, 1654.

[143]S. P., Holland, 174, f. 138, VanGogh to Ruysch, January 9/19, 1665.

[144]S. P., Holland, 174, f. 138, VanGogh to Ruysch, January 13/23, 1665.

[145]Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan den Raadpensionaris, VanGogh to Ruysch, January 27/February 6, 1665.

[146]Ibid., VanGogh to Ruysch, January 30/February 9, 1665.

[147]Ibid., Cunaeus to ——, February 24/March 6, 1665.

[148]P. C. R., Charles II, 5:69.

[149]Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan den Raadpensionaris, (VanGogh) to Ruysch, February 27/March 9, 1665.

[150]C. S. P., Dom., 1664-5, p. 268, order to release Holmes, March 23, 1664/5.

[151]The account of DeRuyter's voyage given here is a digest of what appears at much greater length in Brandt,Vie de Ruiter, pp. 223-265. A short contemporary English account may be found in C.O. 1: 19, ff. 88, 89.

[152]S. P., Holland, 182, ff. 246, 247. The Dutch had entertained some hopes of inducing the English to surrender Cape Corse, as is evident from negotiations which they carried on with the Swedes and the Danes. In March, 1665, a treaty was drawn up between Sweden and the United Provinces in which the former country agreed to renounce her claims of damage against the West India Company and all her rights to any places on the African coast, for which renunciation the States General was to pay 140,000 rix dollars. The treaty failed of approbation on account of the reluctance of the king of Sweden to withdraw his interests from the coast of Africa. Aitzema, XI, 1102, 1103; S. P., Holland, 174, f. 148, Downing to Bennet, February 17, 1664/5 (O.S.); S. P., Holland, 179, f. 86, Downing to Bennet, March 10, 1665 (March 10, 1664/5. O. S.).With the Danes the Dutch had more success. On February 11, 1667, a treaty was entered into between Frederick III, of Denmark and the United Provinces, in which it was agreed that the Danes should surrender all their claims to Cape Corse, retaining, however, the adjacent fort of Fredericksburg. Dumont,Corps Universel Diplomatique, VI, part 3, p. 74.

With the Danes the Dutch had more success. On February 11, 1667, a treaty was entered into between Frederick III, of Denmark and the United Provinces, in which it was agreed that the Danes should surrender all their claims to Cape Corse, retaining, however, the adjacent fort of Fredericksburg. Dumont,Corps Universel Diplomatique, VI, part 3, p. 74.

[153]Dumont,Corps Universel Diplomatique, VI, part I, pp. 44, 45, article 3.

[154]Villaut,A Relation of the Coasts of Africa called Guinee, pp. 49, 56, 75.

[155]Ibid., pp. 126, 131, 135. Villaut also speaks of an English fort at Eniacham (Anashan).

[156]A. C. R., 75: 60.

[157]S. P., Dom., Charles II, 217, f. 76, John Lysle to Williamson, September 16, 1667.

[158]C. O. 1: 17, f. 243, John Allen to (the Royal Adventurers), December 18, 1663.

[159]A. C. R., 75: 3.

[160]S. P., Dom., Charles II, 380, f. 57;ibid., 381, ff. 138, 139.

[161]C. O. 1: 23, ff. 3, 4, 6, 7, Wilree to Pearson, January 23/February 2, and February 14/24, 1668.

[162]Ibid., 23, f. 5, Pearson to Wilree, n. d.

[163]C. O. 1: 23, f. 2, Pearson and others to the Royal Adventurers, February 18, 1667/8.

[164]A. C. R., 75: 75.

[165]C. O. 1: 23, f. 1, petition of the Royal Adventurers (July 3), 1668; P. C. R., Charles II, 7: 374, July 3, 1668.

[166]P. C. R., 7: 378, July 8, 1668. The minutes of the general court for November 14, 1668, mention a letter intended to be dispatched to Sir William Temple. A. C. R., 75: 81.

[167]A. C. R., 100: 47, 48.

[168]ibid., 75: 96.

[169]C. O. 1: 25, f. 227, estimate of charges for supplies at Cape Corse, December 19, 1670; A. C. R., 75: 106, 107.

[170]Foreign Entry Book, 176, minutes of the foreign committee, January 22, 1671/2.

The early trade of the English to the coast of Africa was very largely in exchange for products which could be sold in England. Among these may be mentioned elephants' teeth, wax, malaguetta and gold. As has been shown, the hope of discovering gold mines was the principal cause of the first expedition sent to Africa by the Royal Adventurers in December, 1660. When this scheme to mine gold was abandoned the company's agents traded for gold which was brought down from the interior or washed out by the slow and laborious toil of the natives. The other African products, especially elephants' teeth, were brought to London where they sold quite readily for very good prices.

Although this direct trade between England and Africa was never neglected, the slave trade with the English colonies in the West Indies was destined to absorb the company's attention because the supply of indentured servants[1]was never great enough to meet the needs of the rapidly growing sugar and indigo plantations. From the planters point of view, moreover, slaves had numerous advantages over white servants as plantation laborers. Slaves and their children after them were chattel property for life. The danger of rebellion was very small because often the slaves could not even converse with one another, since they were likely to be from different parts of Africa and therefore to speak a different dialect. Finally, neither the original outlay for slaves nor the cost of feeding and clothing them was great, and therefore slaves were regarded as more economical than indentured servants. Moreover, there was much to be said against encouraging the lower classes of England to come to the plantations, where they often engagedengaged in disturbances of one kind and another. Also, after a service of a few years, it was necessary to allow them to go where they pleased. Nevertheless, with all their disadvantages, it may be truly said that the planters preferred the white servants to any others. It was, however, impossible to obtain the needed supply of labor from this source and therefore it was always necessary to import slaves from Africa.

Previous to the accession of Charles II not many slaves were imported into the English possessions in the West Indies. Of this small number all but a few had been brought by the ships of the Dutch West India Company. The Dutch centered their West India trade at the island of Curaçao, whence they could supply not only their own colonies with slaves but those of the French, English and even the Spanish when opportunity offered. So great was the demand for slaves and other necessities procured from the Dutch that the English planters in the West Indies regarded this trade as highly desirable. For instance, when the island of Barbadoes surrendered to the Parliamentary forces, January 11, 1652, it stipulated that it should retain its freedom of trade and that no company should be formed which would monopolize its commodities.[2]Nevertheless, by the Navigation Act of 1660 colonial exports, part of which had to be carried only to England, were confined to English ships. This was a sufficient limitation of their former freedom of trade to incense the planters in the West Indies but, as a matter of greater importance to them, the king granted to the Company of Royal Adventurers the exclusive trade to the western coast of Africa, thus limiting their supply of Negro slaves to this organization. The company therefore undertook this task, realizing that in the Negro trade it would find by far its most lucrative returns. Not only did the company supply the planters with slaves, their greatest necessity, but in exchange for these it took sugar and otherplantation products which it carried to England. It was natural that the company should endeavor to make a success of its business, but, on the other hand, it was to be expected that the planters would regard the company as a monopoly and a nuisance to be outwitted if possible.

In 1660 Barbadoes was in much the same condition as is true of every rapidly expanding new country. The settlers occupied as much land as they could obtain and directed every effort toward its cultivation and improvement. The growing of sugar had proved to be very profitable and every planter saw his gains limited only by the lack of labor to cultivate his lands. Every possible effort was therefore made to obtain laborers and machinery. Although the planters had little ready capital, they made purchases with a free hand, depending upon the returns from their next year's crop to pay off their debts. As a result, the planters were continually in debt to the merchants. The merchants greatly desired that Barbadoes should be made as dependent on England as possible in order that the constantly increasing amount of money which the planters owed them might be better secured. Moreover, they wished to prevent the planters from manipulating the laws of the island in such a way as to hinder the effective collection of debts.[3]The planters, on the other hand, appreciated very keenly the ill effects upon themselves of the laws which were passed in England for the regulation of commerce. They bitterly complained of the enumerated article clause of the Navigation Act of 1660, which provided that all sugars, indigo and cotton-wool should be carried only to England. Already the planters were very greatly in debt to the merchants and they saw in this new law the beginning of the restrictions by which the merchants intended to throttle their trade. Indeed it seemed to the planters as if they were completely at the mercy of the merchants, who paid what they pleased for sugar, and charged excessiveprices for Negroes, cattle and supplies.[4]Among those who were regarded as oppressors were the factors of the Royal Company, which controlled the Negro supply upon which the prosperity of the plantations depended.

Sir Thomas Modyford, speaker of the assembly, also became the agent for the Royal Adventurers in Barbadoes. Modyford was very enthusiastic about the company's prospects for a profitable trade in Negroes with the Spanish colonies. The people of Barbadoes neither shared Modyford's enthusiasm for this trade nor for the company's monopoly because they believed that thereby the price of slaves was considerably increased. On December 18, 1662, the council and assembly of Barbadoes resolved to ask the king for a free trade to Africa or to be assured that the factors of the Royal Company would sell their slaves for the same price as other merchants.[5]Very shortly, the duke of York, the company's governor, informed Governor Willoughby that the company had made arrangements to provide Barbadoes and the Caribbee Islands with 3,000 slaves per annum and that the needs of the islands would be attended to as conditions changed. Moreover, the company pledged itself to see that all Negroes imported into the island should be sold by lots, as had been the custom, at the average rate of seventeen pounds per head or for commodities of the island rated at that price.[6]The duke of York also requested Governor Willoughby to ascertain if possible how many Negroes were desired by the planters at that rate, and to see that any planters who wished to become members of the company should be given an opportunity to do so.[7]

When the company's factors, Sir Thomas Modyford and Sir Peter Colleton, began to sell Negroes to the planters they encountered endless trouble and litigation in the collection of debts. In a vivid description of their difficulties to the company they declared that Governor Willoughby did nothing to assist them until he received several admonitions from the king. To be sure the governor's power in judicial matters was limited by the council, which in large part was made up of landholders who naturally attempted to shield the planters from their creditors. In case an execution on a debt was obtained from a local court the property remained in the hands of the debtor for eighty days. During this time the debtor often made away with the property, if it was in the form of chattel goods. If the judgment was against real estate the land also remained in the hands of the debtor for eighty days, during which time a committee, usually neighbors of the debtor, appraised the land, often above its real value. If this sum exceeded the debt, the creditor was compelled to pay the difference. As the factors declared, therefore, it was a miracle if the creditors got their money.[8]

In 1664, Sir Thomas Modyford was called from Barbadoes to become governor of Jamaica.[9]In his place the Royal Adventurers selected John Reid, who had resided for several years in Spain and was therefore conversant with the needs of the Spanish colonies concerning slaves. Reid also obtained the office of sub-commissioner of prizes in Barbadoes.[10]

After Modyford's departure from Barbadoes the factors still experienced great difficulty in collecting the company's debts. Since Willoughby had not exerted himself in its behalf the company informed the king that it had supplied the planters liberally with slaves, but that the plantersowed the company £40,000,[11]and that by reason of the intolerable delays in the courts it was impossible to collect this sum. Thereupon the earl of Clarendon wrote to Governor Willoughby admonishing him to take such measures as would make a renewal of the company's complaints unnecessary. In this letter Clarendon also declared that while the king had shown great care for the planters by restraining the company from charging excessive prices for slaves, he should also protect the interests of the merchants. Willoughby, therefore, was recommended to see speedy justice given to the company, and to use his influence in obtaining a better law for the collection of debts.[12]

To add to the company's difficulties private traders began to infringe upon the territory included in the company's charter. As an instance of this Captain Pepperell, in charge of one of the company's ships, seized an interloper called the "William" and "Jane" off the coast of New Callabar in Guinea. When Pepperell appeared at Barbadoes with his prize, one of the owners of the captured ship brought suit in a common law court against the company's commander for damages to the extent of 500,000 pounds of sugar. The company's factors at once went bail for Pepperell. Ordinarily the case would have been tried by a jury of planters from whom the company's agents could expect no consideration. The factors, therefore, petitioned to have the case removed from the common law courts to the admiralty court where the governor was the presiding officer. A jury of sympathetic islanders would thus be dispensed with and, if necessary, the case could be appealed to a higher court in England with greater ease. When Willoughby called the admiralty court on June 17, 1665, the factors cited the company's royal charter which justified the seizure of interlopers. Notwithstanding the clear case which the company's agents seemed to have the casewas adjourned for a week. Fearing that the governor might take action adverse to the company's interests the factors succeeded in sending the ship in question to Jamaica where it was not under the jurisdiction of Lord Willoughby.[13]The bail bonds against Pepperell were not withdrawn, and therefore he stood in as great danger of prosecution as ever. When the company learned of this situation it immediately petitioned Secretary Arlington that Willoughby be commanded not to permit any further procedures against Pepperell and to transmit the whole case to the Privy Council. It also requested that those who had transgressed the company's charter should be punished.[14]The Privy Council issued an order in accordance with the company's desires.[15]Willoughby accused the factors of having reported the case falsely and of having affronted him grossly by taking the vessel in question away from the island by stealth. Moreover, he declared that he would have made them understand his point of view "if they had not been employed by soe Royall a Compagnie."[16]

Since Willoughby persistently neglected to send Pepperell's bail bonds to England, the Royal Company finally reported the matter again to the king.[17]Once more the case was heard in the Privy Council where it was referred to the committee on trade and plantations.[18]On January 31, 1668, the Privy Council issued an order to Governor Willoughby, brother of the former incumbent, commanding him to stop all proceedings against the Royal Company and commanding him to send everything in regard to the case to England without delay.[19]Lord Willoughbyreplied that so far as he could ascertain all the records had been sent to England and that if any others were found he would also despatch them.[20]Thus ended this contest in regard to the maintenance of the company's privileges. The king had not allowed his royal prerogative to be interfered with and the company's charter was regarded as intact. Theoretically the victory was all in favor of the company, but on account of the losses which it was incurring in the Anglo-Dutch war, it was impossible for the company to furnish a sufficient supply of Negroes to Barbadoes, that is, if Lord Willoughby's heated protests can be trusted.

Speaking of the general prohibitions on their trade, the governor exclaimed, May 12, 1666, that he had "come to where itt pinches, and if yor Maty gives not an ample & speedy redress, you have not onely lost St. Christophers but you will lose the rest, I (aye) & famous Barbadoes, too, I feare." In bitter terms he spoke of the poverty of the island, protesting that anyone who had recommended the various restraints on the colony's trade was "more a merchant than a good subject." The restriction on the trade to Guinea, he declared, was one of the things that had brought Barbadoes to its present condition; and the favoritism displayed toward the Royal Company in carrying on the Negro trade with the Spaniards had entirely deprived the colonial government of an export duty on slaves.[21]

The decision of the company to issue licenses to private traders did not allay the storm of criticism that continued to descend on the company from Barbadoes. The new governor, as his brother had done, urged a free trade to Guinea for Negroes, maintaining that slaves had become so scarce and expensive that the poor planters would be forced to go to foreign plantations for a livelihood.[22]He complained that the Colletons, father and son, the latter of whom was one of the company's factors, had helped to bring aboutthis critical condition.[23]On September 5, 1667, representatives of the whole colony petitioned the king to throw open the Guinea trade or to force the company to supply them with slaves at the prices promised in the early declaration, although even those prices seemed like a canker of usury to the much abused planters.[24]

Following these complaints Sir Paul Painter and others submitted a petition to the House of Commons in which they asserted that an open trade to Africa was much better than one carried on by a company. They maintained that previous to the establishment of the Royal Adventurers Negroes had been sold for twelve, fourteen and sixteen pounds per head, or 1,600 to 1,800 pounds of sugar, whereas now the company was selling the best slaves to the Spaniards at eighteen pounds per head, while the planters paid as high as thirty pounds for those of inferior grade. This, they declared, had so exasperated the planters that they often refused to ship their sugar and other products to England in the company's ships no matter what freight rates the factors offered.

In reply to the petition of Sir Paul Painter, Ellis Leighton, the company's secretary, admitted that as a natural result of the Anglo-Dutch war the price of slaves like all other products in Barbadoes, had increased considerably. He denied that this increase could be attributed to the sale of Negroes to the Spaniards since the company had not disposed of more than 1,200 slaves to them. He contended that the company had been thrown into a critical financial condition, partly as the result of the losses incurred from DeRuyter in Africa, but mostly by the constantly increasing debts which the planters owed to the company. Notwithstanding these difficulties Secretary Leighton maintained that since the formation of the company Barbadoeshad been supplied more adequately with slaves than at any previous time. As for the planters' having refused to ship their goods on the company's ships, he declared that this was nothing more than they had consistently done since the formation of the company.[25]

In answer to the planters' representation of September 5, 1667, Sir Ellis Leighton admitted that if Barbadoes alone was being considered, a free trade to Guinea was preferable to any other, but since the trade of the whole nation had to be given first consideration the idea was pernicious. He asserted that the company was willing to furnish the planters with all the Negroes they desired at the rates already published, seventeen pounds per head, provided security was given for payment in money or sugar; that instead of a lack of Negroes in Barbadoes there had been so large a number left on the hands of the factors that many had died; and that if the planters were sincere in their complaints they would be willing to agree with the company on a definite number of slaves which they would take annually.[26]

Since the importance of the Royal Company was by this time definitely on the wane Sir Paul Painter succeeded in presenting his petition regarding affairs in Barbadoes to the House of Commons, in September, 1667. Although the Royal Company was ordered to produce its charter no further action was taken. The planters were by no means discouraged and again requested the Privy Council to considerthe matter of granting a free trade to Guinea.[27]Later the people of Barbadoes once more represented to the king the inconceivable poverty caused by the lack of free trade to Guinea and other places.[28]Some of the Barbadoes assemblymen even suggested that all the merchants be excluded from the island, and that an act be passed forbidding any one to sue for a debt within four years.[29]

Finally, on May 12, 1669, in answer to the numerous complaints of Barbadoes, the Privy Council informed the islanders that the king would not infringe upon the charter granted to the African Company; and that sufficient Negroes would be furnished to the planters at reasonable prices providing the company was assured of payment.[30]The company was pleased at the king's favorable decision and at once represented to him its critical financial condition because the planters refused to pay their just debts.[31]The complaint of the company was considered in the Council September 28, 1669, at which time an order was issued requiring that henceforth land as well as chattel property in Barbadoes might be sold at public auction for the satisfaction of debts. The governor was directed to see that this order not only became a law in Barbadoes, but that after it had been passed it was to be executed.[32]

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