CHAPTER X

Absalom Jones, opposed to the movement in general, raises objections to it. Why not colonize them on the banks of the Mississippi or the Missouri, he asks. William Penn, a Quaker too, answers the objection by pointing out that the whites are migrating to that section and that were the Negroes to settle there trouble would arise between the two races. The Indians, moreover, would make trouble with the Negroes.

Jones next asks why should the colored people leave America at all? They are happy in America, and more and more is done for their uplift all the time. To this objection Penn replied that prejudice will always keep them down. "Can one imagine," asks he, "that the period will ever arrive in which they will bear any sway in our country, guide our legislative councils, preside in our courts of judicature, or take the lead in the affairs of the republic? Is it possible that the time will ever come in which intermarriages will be sought between their families and those of the most respectable whites? It would be the height of folly to indulge in such an expectation; and until such is the case, they will never occupy the rank or enjoy the privileges of white men; until this is the case, they will ever hold an inferior and subordinate place in society, and be in some degree aliens in their own land." Paul Cuffe had the sensibility and discernment to perceive this state of things, the penetration to discover the early practicable means by which his race could be relieved from their painful sense of inferiority, and the activity to commence the execution of a project to remedy the evil.

Would not deportation stop the manumission of slaves, asks Jones. Penn replies that many southerners are now ready to emancipate their slaves, and that their only handicap is a just provision for them. A colony in Africa would gradually attract to its sphere every slave in America.

At the end of the dialogue Penn and Cuffe convince Jones that the deportation of the free Negroes in America to Africa is a meritorious plan. What the dialogue didfor one opponent of the scheme it was hoped that it would do for others.

The experiences of Cuffe were a great asset in the ventures of the colonizationists. In testimony to his services the Board of Managers of the American Colonization Society incorporated the following paragraph in its first annual report:

The managers cannot omit the testimony of Captain Paul Cuffe so well known in Africa, Europe, and America, for his active and large benevolence, and for his zeal and devotedness to the cause of the people of color. The opportunities of Captain Cuffe of forming a correct opinion were superior perhaps to those of any man in America. His judgment was clear and strong, and the warm interest he took in whatever related to the happiness of that class of people is well known. The testimony of such a man is sufficient to out weigh all the unfounded predictions and idle surmises of those opposed to the plan of this society. He had visited twice the coast of Africa, and became well acquainted with the country and its inhabitants. He states that, upon his opinion alone he could have taken to Africa at least two thousand people of color from Boston and its neighborhood. In the death of Paul Cuffe the society has lost a most useful advocate, the people of color a warm and disinterested friend, and society a valuable member. His character alone ought to be sufficient to rescue the people to which he belonged from the unmerited aspersions which have been cast upon them. The plan of the society met with his entire approbation, its success was the subject of his ardent wishes, and the prospect of its usefulness to the native Africans and their descendants in this country was the solace of his declining years, and cheered the last moments of his existence.[64]

The formation of the American Colonization Society stimulated interest in Negro deportation. Both whites and blacks put many inquiries to Cuffe. He was thought of as the prospective first governor of the colony but he did not live to realize this. Near the end of his career his advice to his people was to be quiet and trust in God; be industrious and honest; such conduct is the greatest boon toward liberation. "Experience is the best schoolmaster."

He took advantage of this correspondence to exhort his brethren to improve their morals. To William Harris he wrote: "We must depart from that Monster—I mean intemperance. Examine your selves, your families. Are you clean? If not set about this work immediately.... Do not admit him into your houses in any other shape than a mere medicine. I formerly kept him company but for many years I have forsaken him and I find great consolation thereby."

About a year before his death he gave sound financial advice to Edward Cooke. In the postscript of the letter he wrote "My dear Friend Edward Cooke, if I could know that thee had given up the use of strong drink, I should feel rejoiced, and would render thee such aid, that thee could soon become a man of property."

About the same time that he gave this advice, Isaac Gifford received a "Watchword." "By experience," wrote the Captain, "I have ever found when I attended to my business I seldom suffered loss. I have found it to be good to make choice of good companions. I have ever found it not to be profitable for me to sit long after dining and make a tipling habit of wine and other liquors. These very people who adopt those practices when they see a sober, steady man will put business in his way. The surestway to conquer strong drink is to make no use of it. We are born and we must die. Amen."

He points out to Joel Rogers, chosen to represent the Gayhead people, the fields among his neighbors, "devastated either by creatures or weeds." More frugality is needed. Excessive drink and idleness are very destructive to society. These and similar truths were recommended to Rogers to guide his work for his people. When Cuffe and his wife with some relatives visited there, meeting was held, and "many lively testimonies borne to the truth of their state and standing."

The admonitions were in accord with the life of Captain Cuffe. Another lively testimony was given to young men in a meeting in Arch Street, Philadelphia. He said to the young men that "he was afraid to dignify what he had to say, by calling it a vision, but it appeared to him at a time when he was very low in mind and much cast down, and being very disconsolate, there appeared before him the form of a man, inquiring what ailed him. He said he could not tell. The Form told him the disease was in his heart, and he could show it to him. Upon his expressing submission, the Form took a sharp instrument, separated his heart from his body and laid it before him. He was greatly terrified in viewing it, it being very unclear and contained all kinds of abominable things. The Form said he could never be healed, till he submitted to have his heart cleansed. Then, said he, I fear I never shall be healed. But on the Form asking him, if he was willing to have it cleansed, and he consenting, he took a sharp instrument and separated all that was vile and closed up the heart, replaced it, and healed the wound. Thus he said he felt himself a changed man and a new creature, and then recommended the young men to that Physician who could heal them, although their state was ever so deplorable.

"In the course of his testimony he also related that when he was about twelve years of age he lived upon an island where there was no house but that of his father.Being one evening near night sent on an errand alone, he became afraid that he should meet with some wild beast that would attack him. He crossed to a fence in order to cut a stick to defend himself; but after cutting it, the thought occurred that he was not on his father's ground, and as he had no right to the stick it was not likely it would serve to defend him. On which he laid it down, near the place he had taken it from and in recrossing the fence laid his hand on a loose piece of wood which was on their own ground resting against the fence. It proved to be a club, which he took up, and went cheerfully on his way."[65]

It was while engaged in activity of this kind that he met "the pale messenger." His health began to fail him early in the spring of 1817. In April, however, he was well enough to attend Quarterly Meeting, but in June he was "on the bed of languishing." An eminent Rhode Island physician was summoned but he could not heal him. He doubtless then realized what he himself expressed in these words to Samuel R. Fisher, February 28, 1817: "May we often call to remembrance that we have no certain containing city here but above all things may we seek one to come whose builder is God that when we put off this body of mortality we may be clothed with the spirit of immortality that we may be prepared and favored to experience that glorious regeneration and friendship of everlasting peace."

On the morning of July 27 the Captain took solemn leave of his family. The hand that had guided theTravellerto so many ports was now so enfeebled that it was limp in the grasp of the little grandchildren. He shook hands with all the relations and the immediate members of his own household. As he bade them farewell it was "as broken a time," wrote his brother John, "as wast ever known amongst us." "Not many days hence," he said to his neighbors, "and ye shall see the glory of God; I know that my works are gone to judgment before me butit is all well, it is all well." Day by day he kept failing and on first day morning at two o'clock, September 9, the Captain was borne away on the invisible but irresistible tide.[66]

The funeral exercises were held on the following Monday afternoon. In marked solemnity a great concourse of people gathered. After waiting in great silence his friends bore testimony to his work and merit. He was buried in the Friends cemetery at the South Meeting House in Westport, a place of worship formerly known as the Old Meeting House when the Cuffe family worshipped there. "Many of his neighbors and friends," said William Rotch, Jr., "evinced their respect for his memory by attending his funeral (which was conducted agreeably to the usages of the Society of Friends, of which he was a member) and at which several lively testimonies were borne to the truth, that the Almighty Parent has made of one blood all the nations of men, and worketh righteousness, is accepted with him."[67]

The New York African Institution held services for him in October following his death. The funeral sermon was preached in the African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church by Peter Williams, Jr. That trait of character which rendered Cuffe so eminently useful, said the speaker, was "a steady perseverance in laudable undertaking, which overcomes obstacles apparently insurmountable and attains its object, while others fall back in despair."

"Shall I say to you, my African brethren," continued the Reverend Mr. Williams, "go and do likewise? Subjected as we too generally are, to multiplied evils of poverty, made more intolerant by the prejudices which prevail against us, his example is worthy of our imitation. It is only by an honest, industrious, and prudent husbanding of all the means which are placed in our power, that we can hope to rise on the scale of society."[68]

His death was chronicled in many papers with appropriate praise of his life.Niles Registernoted that all classes of people esteemed his morality, truth and intelligence.[69]The Columbian Sentinelpraised his charity and particularly his deep interest in his race. "He was concerned not only to set them a good example by his own correct conduct; to admonish and counsel them against the habits to which he found them most prone; but more extensively to promote their welfare."[70]The Colonization Heraldsaid, "Captain Cuffe was a man of the strictest integrity, modest yet dignified in his manners, of a feeling and liberal heart, public spirited and well versed in the business of the world."[71]

"In the example of Paul Cuffe," saidThe New York Spectator, "the free people of color in the United States may see the manner in which they may require competency and reputation. It is the beaten path of industry and integrity. Captain Cuffe cultivated his own farm and guided his own ship. He labored with his own hands and kept his own book of accounts. He did not waste his time in idleness, nor his income in extravagance. He was never charged with intrigue in his contracts, neglect in his promises, or fraud in his traffic.... His example therefore, is capable of imitation by every free person of color."[72]

Paul Cuffe had some descendants of consequence. Horatio P. Howard, a great-grandson of Captain Cuffe, wrote a short biography of his grandsire and erected a monument in his memory. Ruth Cuffe married Alexander Howard and their son, Shadrack, was the father of Horatio. He was born in New Bedford in 1854, and beginning in 1888 served as a clerk in the Custom House in New York City. Howard died February 20, 1923, leaving considerablewealth, $5000 of which he bequeathed to Hampton, and the balance of which he gave to Tuskegee as a fund to establish Captain Paul Cuffe Scholarships.

The monument which Howard erected is of Westerly Rhode Island granite and cost $400. It bears the inscription: "In memory of Captain Cuffe, Patriot, Navigator, Educator, Philanthropist, Friend." It stands five feet high on an elevation in the front part of the church yard and along the principal highway.

The biography is a booklet containing twenty-eight pages and is entitled "A Self-Made Man Captain Paul Cuffe." "By the erection of this lasting Memorial," says Howard, "in honor of the courage, achievements and life work of Capt. Paul Cuffe, a resident of Westport, Massachusetts, for many years, the donor, a great grandson, hopes to awaken and stimulate energy and ambition in the rising generation of Negro youth, that they may profit thereby."

On June 15, 1913, dedication services were held in Central Village, Westport. Rev. Tom A. Sykes, minister of the Westport Society of Friends, presided. The exercises, which were attended by about two hundred people, were opened by a flower brigade of school children led by Horatio P. Howard. Flowers were strewn on the graves of the Captain and his wife. Speeches were made by Rev. Mr. Sykes and Mr. Samuel T. Rex, the designer of the monument. Miss Elizabeth C. Carter read a paper descriptive of the career of Capt. Cuffe. Howard distributed his booklet and showed a compass used by his great-grandfather on his last voyages.

The life of Paul Cuffe is noteworthy for several reasons. In the first place, it is a tribute to American democracy. He is an example of an American youth handicapped on every side, but overcoming so well the difficulties which overshadowed him that he won recognition in three continents. There is no place in the world where suchachievement is less difficult than America. She offers opportunities for self-recognition unprecedented in the world.

In the next place his life is a tribute to the Quakers. No religious organization has given itself so unreservedly to the uplift of the Negro. This devotion is as old as that which won our political liberties, as deep as the scars on Edith Cavell's heart, and as wide in its reach as the waters of the sea. Cuffe's membership in this religious body and his adherence to its principles gave zest to his zeal for the betterment of his race. His plans grew so comprehensive that they embraced the Negroes of two continents and made calls on his philanthropic spirit for several thousand dollars. In all this he paid a tribute to Quaker ideals and life, and deserves mention with Woolman and Benezet.

The remedy that he believed would relieve the oppression of his race is also noteworthy. To him the withdrawal of the free Negro from the States would remove an obstacle to the emancipation of the slave, and in the course of time wholly stamp out slavery in America. Negroes would be better off by themselves, and those who settled in Africa could help civilize and Christianize that continent. In the meantime the slave trade would disappear.

Negro deportation had been advocated by some of America's most distinguished citizens and soon after Cuffe's death its advocates increased by leaps and bounds. In the early period it was not as futile as it now is and many believed that under governmental support and direction it was in the realm of possibility. When the measure took on its most colossal program in 1817, Cuffe cautioned his brethren to watch its operation for a year or two before taking sides for or against it.

Today Negro colonizationists are few in number. The American Colonization Society itself barely maintains its organization, and only occasionally sends a Negro to Africa. When an individual is sent he usually goes in the capacity of a missionary or teacher. Colonization as a panacea for the amelioration of the Negro race is impracticable.The Negro feels at home in America as much as the white man. Negro uplift must be sought not in deportation but in habits of living exemplified in Captain Cuffe.

There is his industry and thrift. It is a long step from nothing to twenty thousand dollars. And it is a hard step when there is practically no initial footing. But Paul Cuffe did it, and did it because he believed in work. He was always at his task. The dignity of labor he knew and valued. And he knew how to save. He made his money work for him. He stopped the leaks in his business boat. He spent wisely and invested well.

There is his interest in education. The painstaking endeavor and indefatigable effort which belonged to his labor in industry was equally a part of his labor in education. It is difficult for us today with our excellent opportunities for education to realize how meagre they were in Paul Cuffe's day. And if they were meagre for whites a century and one half ago they were all the more so for Negro children. Despite the handicaps he not only mastered the three R's but the principles of navigation as well.

He learned something more valuable than this—the fine art of diffusing knowledge. So dearly did he value education for the youth of his neighborhood that he himself on his own land erected a school building. He made contributions to teachers' salaries. And most of all, he taught the principles of navigation to every young man who offered himself for instruction. Such devotion to a cause grows out of a recognition of its great worth.

There is his interest in religion. He stood for righteousness. No one ever charged him with unfair dealing. His business was clean. He sought the fellowship of the church. He contributed to its needs and gave personal testimony to the power of Christ. Religion was vital in his life; he tried to foster it from Westport to Freetown. He was both a home and a foreign missionary. He knew the value of prayer. He gave advice that was tested first in his own experience.

Overshadowing his industry, his religion, and education stands his optimism. He believed in the victory of righteousness; therefore, he worked for it. He believed in the triumph of truth; therefore, he dedicated himself to it. He realized the mastery of poverty; therefore, he gave pursuit to wealth. He believed in the amelioration of his race; therefore, he consecrated himself to it.

Henry Noble Sherwood.

FOOTNOTES:[A]This biography is based on the original journal, letters, and papers of Paul Cuffe. They are preserved in the Public Library of New Bedford, Massachusetts. I am under obligations to the Librarian, George H. Pripp, for many favors in connection with the examination of these manuscripts.The petitions referred to in Chapter II are with the Cuffe papers. A copy of the one presented to the Probate Court of Massachusetts Bay was furnished by Mr. James J. Tracey, Chief of the Archives Division, State House, Boston. The story of the lawsuit related in this same chapter is based on the original papers to be found in the records of the Bristol County, Taunton, Massachusetts, Probate Court. They were examined for me by my Harvard classmate, Professor Arthur Buffinton of Williams College.I have previously published two articles bearing on this study. Early Negro Deportation Projects appeared in theMississippi Valley Historical Reviewfor March, 1916, the Formation of the American Colonization Society in theJournal of Negro Historyfor July, 1917. A third article,Paul Cuffe and his Contributions to the American Colonization Society, in volume six of theProceedings of the Mississippi Valley Historical Society, was an attempt to bring together a full statement of his life and service. Since the publication of this study I found the original Cuffe Papers and have made use of them in this biography. Another source of great help was theLife of William Allen with Selections from his Correspondence, 2 vols., Philadelphia, 1847. A full account of the services in connection with the memorial monument erected by Mr. Horatio P. Howard is contained in theNew Bedford Morning Mercuryand theNew Bedford Standardfor June 16, 1917.[1]Cuffe Manuscripts, New Bedford, Massachusetts, Public Library, from the bill of sale.[2]Ruth Cuffe to Joseph Congdon, February 12, 1851.[3]Dartmouth, Massachusetts, Town Book of Records for Entries of Intention of Marriage.[4]Cuffe Manuscripts, Memorandum of family marriages.[5]Book of Bristol County Land Records, Vol. 50, 478, 479.[6]His commercial activities are well told inMemoirs of Paul Cuffe, York, 1812.[7]See W. J. Allison inNon-Slaveholder, December, 1850.[8]Ibid.[9]Peter Williams,Discourse on the Death of Paul Cuffe, delivered before the New York African Institution, October 21, 1817.[12]Memoirs of Paul Cuffe, 14, 15.[14]Paul Cuffe to John and Jenny Cuffe, September 8, 1808.[10]Massachusetts Archives, Vol. 186, 134-136.[11]The quoted documents relating to the question of taxation are in theRecords of the Court of General Sessions, Taunton, Mass. They were examined for the writer by Professor Arthur Buffinton of Williams College.[13]William Armistead,Memoir of Paul Cuffe(London, 1846), 23.[17]For an extended account of these movements see H. N. Sherwood,Early Negro Deportation Projects, in Mississippi Valley Historical Review, II, 484 et seq.[18]The Case of our Fellow Creatures, the Oppressed Africans, respectfully recommended to the serious Consideration of the Legislature of Great Britain, London, 1784.[19]In theCuffe Manuscripts.[20]Life of William Allen with Selections from His Correspondence.(2 vols., Philadelphia, 1847), I, 85, 86.[21]InCuffe Manuscripts. Dated January 5, 1811.[22]TheJournalis in theCuffe Manuscripts.[23]Life of William Allen, I, 99-105.[24]The diary is fromPaul Cuffe's Journalin theCuffe Manuscripts.[25]Life of William Allen, I, 103.[26]The Seventh Report of the Directors of the African Institutionis in theEdinburgh Review, XXI.[27]Life of William Allen, I, 105.[28]In theCuffe Manuscripts.[29]In theCuffe Manuscripts. Dated June 12, 1812.[30]The Cuffe Manuscripts.Dated June 12, 1812.[31]InCuffe Manuscripts. Paul Cuffe to William Allen, April 4, 1811.A summary of his observations came out in print in 1812. It was called "A Brief Account of the Settlement and Present Situation of the Colony of Sierra Leone in Africa,"[32]and was dedicated to "his friend in New York." It contains an account of the topography of the country and states that the population was 2,518.[32]Published in New York, 1812.[33]On the Friendly Society seeLife of William Allen, I, 105-116; 139, 140.History of Prince Le Boo(Dublin, 1822), 162, 163;Cuffe Manuscripts. Paul Cuffe to Samuel J. Mills, August 6, 1816.[34]Life of William Allen, I, 133.[35]Annals of Congress, 13th Congress, 2nd session, I, 861-1863;National Intelligencerfor January 11, 1814, printed the memorial at the request of its subscribers.[36]Annals of Congress, 13th Congress, 2nd session, I, 1195, 1265.[37]Cuffe Manuscripts.[38]Second Annual Report of the American Colonization Society, 122.The Western Courier(Louisville, Kentucky) for October 26. 1815, reported Captain Cuffe's trip.[39]A memorandum in Cuffe's handwriting and containing the details concerning each passenger is in theCuffe Manuscripts.[40]Cuffe Manuscripts, Paul Cuffe to William Allen, April 1, 1816.[41]Ibid.[42]Second Annual Report of the American Colonization Society, 121, 122.[43]Second Annual Report of the American Colonization Society, 121.[44]Cuffe Manuscripts, Paul Cuffe to T. Brine, January 16, 1817.[45]Memorandum made by Cuffe inCuffe Manuscripts.[46]Cuffe Manuscripts, Paul Cuffe to John Kizell, August 14, 1816.[47]Ibid., Paul Cuffe to James Wise, September 15, 1816.[48]Quoted in Williams,Discourse on the Death of Paul Cuffe.[49]Cuffe Manuscripts, Paul Cuffe to Samuel C. Aiken, August 7, 1816.[50]Cuffe Manuscripts, Paul Cuffe to James Forten, August 14, 1816.[51]Cuffe Manuscripts, James Forten to Paul Cuffe, January 16, 1817.[52]Ibid., Paul Cuffe to the Imposter, January 13, 1817.[53]For an extended account of the activities mentioned in this paragraph see N. H. Sherwood,The Formation of the American Colonization Society, inThe Journal of Negro History, July, 1917.[54]Cuffe Manuscripts, Robert Finley to Paul Cuffe, December 5, 1816.[55]Cuffe Manuscripts, Samuel J. Mills to Paul Cuffe, March 12, 1817. See also Richard,Life of Samuel J. Mills(Boston, 1906); Spring,Memoir of Mills(Boston and New York, 1829); Brown,Biography of Robert Finley(Philadelphia, 1857).[56]Brown,Finley, 83.[57]Cuffe Manuscripts, Samuel J. Mills to Paul Cuffe, March 12, 1817.[58]Ibid., James Forten to Paul Cuffe, January 25, 1817.[59]Cuffe Manuscripts, Samuel J. Mills to Paul Cuffe, July 14, 1817.[60]Second Annual Report of the American Colonization Society, 151.[61]Ibid., 150.[62]Second Annual Report of the American Colonization Society, 152, 153.[63]See also Brown,Finley, note L.[64]First Annual Report of the American Colonization Society, 5.[65]Memorandum in theCuffe Manuscripts.[66]Cf.Cuffe Manuscripts, John Cuffe to Freelove Cuffe, September 10, 1817; David Cuffe, Jr., to Freelove Cuffe, July 8, 1817.[67]Clipping in theCuffe Manuscripts.[68]Peter Williams,Discourse on the Death of Paul Cuffe.[69]Niles Register, XIII, 64.[70]Cuffe Manuscripts, Clipping fromColumbian Sentinel, September 17, 1817.[71]Ibid., Clipping fromThe Colonization Herald.[72]Cuffe Manuscripts, Clipping fromNew York Spectator, October, 1817.

[A]This biography is based on the original journal, letters, and papers of Paul Cuffe. They are preserved in the Public Library of New Bedford, Massachusetts. I am under obligations to the Librarian, George H. Pripp, for many favors in connection with the examination of these manuscripts.The petitions referred to in Chapter II are with the Cuffe papers. A copy of the one presented to the Probate Court of Massachusetts Bay was furnished by Mr. James J. Tracey, Chief of the Archives Division, State House, Boston. The story of the lawsuit related in this same chapter is based on the original papers to be found in the records of the Bristol County, Taunton, Massachusetts, Probate Court. They were examined for me by my Harvard classmate, Professor Arthur Buffinton of Williams College.I have previously published two articles bearing on this study. Early Negro Deportation Projects appeared in theMississippi Valley Historical Reviewfor March, 1916, the Formation of the American Colonization Society in theJournal of Negro Historyfor July, 1917. A third article,Paul Cuffe and his Contributions to the American Colonization Society, in volume six of theProceedings of the Mississippi Valley Historical Society, was an attempt to bring together a full statement of his life and service. Since the publication of this study I found the original Cuffe Papers and have made use of them in this biography. Another source of great help was theLife of William Allen with Selections from his Correspondence, 2 vols., Philadelphia, 1847. A full account of the services in connection with the memorial monument erected by Mr. Horatio P. Howard is contained in theNew Bedford Morning Mercuryand theNew Bedford Standardfor June 16, 1917.

The petitions referred to in Chapter II are with the Cuffe papers. A copy of the one presented to the Probate Court of Massachusetts Bay was furnished by Mr. James J. Tracey, Chief of the Archives Division, State House, Boston. The story of the lawsuit related in this same chapter is based on the original papers to be found in the records of the Bristol County, Taunton, Massachusetts, Probate Court. They were examined for me by my Harvard classmate, Professor Arthur Buffinton of Williams College.

I have previously published two articles bearing on this study. Early Negro Deportation Projects appeared in theMississippi Valley Historical Reviewfor March, 1916, the Formation of the American Colonization Society in theJournal of Negro Historyfor July, 1917. A third article,Paul Cuffe and his Contributions to the American Colonization Society, in volume six of theProceedings of the Mississippi Valley Historical Society, was an attempt to bring together a full statement of his life and service. Since the publication of this study I found the original Cuffe Papers and have made use of them in this biography. Another source of great help was theLife of William Allen with Selections from his Correspondence, 2 vols., Philadelphia, 1847. A full account of the services in connection with the memorial monument erected by Mr. Horatio P. Howard is contained in theNew Bedford Morning Mercuryand theNew Bedford Standardfor June 16, 1917.

[1]Cuffe Manuscripts, New Bedford, Massachusetts, Public Library, from the bill of sale.

[2]Ruth Cuffe to Joseph Congdon, February 12, 1851.

[3]Dartmouth, Massachusetts, Town Book of Records for Entries of Intention of Marriage.

[4]Cuffe Manuscripts, Memorandum of family marriages.

[5]Book of Bristol County Land Records, Vol. 50, 478, 479.

[6]His commercial activities are well told inMemoirs of Paul Cuffe, York, 1812.

[7]See W. J. Allison inNon-Slaveholder, December, 1850.

[8]Ibid.

[9]Peter Williams,Discourse on the Death of Paul Cuffe, delivered before the New York African Institution, October 21, 1817.

[12]Memoirs of Paul Cuffe, 14, 15.

[14]Paul Cuffe to John and Jenny Cuffe, September 8, 1808.

[10]Massachusetts Archives, Vol. 186, 134-136.

[11]The quoted documents relating to the question of taxation are in theRecords of the Court of General Sessions, Taunton, Mass. They were examined for the writer by Professor Arthur Buffinton of Williams College.

[13]William Armistead,Memoir of Paul Cuffe(London, 1846), 23.

[17]For an extended account of these movements see H. N. Sherwood,Early Negro Deportation Projects, in Mississippi Valley Historical Review, II, 484 et seq.

[18]The Case of our Fellow Creatures, the Oppressed Africans, respectfully recommended to the serious Consideration of the Legislature of Great Britain, London, 1784.

[19]In theCuffe Manuscripts.

[20]Life of William Allen with Selections from His Correspondence.(2 vols., Philadelphia, 1847), I, 85, 86.

[21]InCuffe Manuscripts. Dated January 5, 1811.

[22]TheJournalis in theCuffe Manuscripts.

[23]Life of William Allen, I, 99-105.

[24]The diary is fromPaul Cuffe's Journalin theCuffe Manuscripts.

[25]Life of William Allen, I, 103.

[26]The Seventh Report of the Directors of the African Institutionis in theEdinburgh Review, XXI.

[27]Life of William Allen, I, 105.

[28]In theCuffe Manuscripts.

[29]In theCuffe Manuscripts. Dated June 12, 1812.

[30]The Cuffe Manuscripts.Dated June 12, 1812.

[31]InCuffe Manuscripts. Paul Cuffe to William Allen, April 4, 1811.A summary of his observations came out in print in 1812. It was called "A Brief Account of the Settlement and Present Situation of the Colony of Sierra Leone in Africa,"[32]and was dedicated to "his friend in New York." It contains an account of the topography of the country and states that the population was 2,518.

[31]InCuffe Manuscripts. Paul Cuffe to William Allen, April 4, 1811.

A summary of his observations came out in print in 1812. It was called "A Brief Account of the Settlement and Present Situation of the Colony of Sierra Leone in Africa,"[32]and was dedicated to "his friend in New York." It contains an account of the topography of the country and states that the population was 2,518.

[32]Published in New York, 1812.

[33]On the Friendly Society seeLife of William Allen, I, 105-116; 139, 140.History of Prince Le Boo(Dublin, 1822), 162, 163;Cuffe Manuscripts. Paul Cuffe to Samuel J. Mills, August 6, 1816.

[34]Life of William Allen, I, 133.

[35]Annals of Congress, 13th Congress, 2nd session, I, 861-1863;National Intelligencerfor January 11, 1814, printed the memorial at the request of its subscribers.

[36]Annals of Congress, 13th Congress, 2nd session, I, 1195, 1265.

[37]Cuffe Manuscripts.

[38]Second Annual Report of the American Colonization Society, 122.The Western Courier(Louisville, Kentucky) for October 26. 1815, reported Captain Cuffe's trip.

[39]A memorandum in Cuffe's handwriting and containing the details concerning each passenger is in theCuffe Manuscripts.

[40]Cuffe Manuscripts, Paul Cuffe to William Allen, April 1, 1816.

[41]Ibid.

[42]Second Annual Report of the American Colonization Society, 121, 122.

[43]Second Annual Report of the American Colonization Society, 121.

[44]Cuffe Manuscripts, Paul Cuffe to T. Brine, January 16, 1817.

[45]Memorandum made by Cuffe inCuffe Manuscripts.

[46]Cuffe Manuscripts, Paul Cuffe to John Kizell, August 14, 1816.

[47]Ibid., Paul Cuffe to James Wise, September 15, 1816.

[48]Quoted in Williams,Discourse on the Death of Paul Cuffe.

[49]Cuffe Manuscripts, Paul Cuffe to Samuel C. Aiken, August 7, 1816.

[50]Cuffe Manuscripts, Paul Cuffe to James Forten, August 14, 1816.

[51]Cuffe Manuscripts, James Forten to Paul Cuffe, January 16, 1817.

[52]Ibid., Paul Cuffe to the Imposter, January 13, 1817.

[53]For an extended account of the activities mentioned in this paragraph see N. H. Sherwood,The Formation of the American Colonization Society, inThe Journal of Negro History, July, 1917.

[54]Cuffe Manuscripts, Robert Finley to Paul Cuffe, December 5, 1816.

[55]Cuffe Manuscripts, Samuel J. Mills to Paul Cuffe, March 12, 1817. See also Richard,Life of Samuel J. Mills(Boston, 1906); Spring,Memoir of Mills(Boston and New York, 1829); Brown,Biography of Robert Finley(Philadelphia, 1857).

[56]Brown,Finley, 83.

[57]Cuffe Manuscripts, Samuel J. Mills to Paul Cuffe, March 12, 1817.

[58]Ibid., James Forten to Paul Cuffe, January 25, 1817.

[59]Cuffe Manuscripts, Samuel J. Mills to Paul Cuffe, July 14, 1817.

[60]Second Annual Report of the American Colonization Society, 151.

[61]Ibid., 150.

[62]Second Annual Report of the American Colonization Society, 152, 153.

[63]See also Brown,Finley, note L.

[64]First Annual Report of the American Colonization Society, 5.

[65]Memorandum in theCuffe Manuscripts.

[66]Cf.Cuffe Manuscripts, John Cuffe to Freelove Cuffe, September 10, 1817; David Cuffe, Jr., to Freelove Cuffe, July 8, 1817.

[67]Clipping in theCuffe Manuscripts.

[68]Peter Williams,Discourse on the Death of Paul Cuffe.

[69]Niles Register, XIII, 64.

[70]Cuffe Manuscripts, Clipping fromColumbian Sentinel, September 17, 1817.

[71]Ibid., Clipping fromThe Colonization Herald.

[72]Cuffe Manuscripts, Clipping fromNew York Spectator, October, 1817.

Be it remembered, that I, Paul Cuffe of Westport in the County of Bristol and Commonwealth of Massachusetts, yeoman, being at this time (through mercy) in health and of a sound, disposing mind and memory, and considering that it is appointed for all men once to die, I do make and ordain this my last will and testament in the followering manner (viz.)

Imprimis. My will is, and I hearin order, that my just debts and funeral charges together with the expenses of setteling my estate be paid by my executors herein after named, out of my estate.

Item. I give unto my wife Alice Cuffe all my houshould goods except my two desks and book case, and books; I also give her in lieu of her right of dower in my estate, so long as she shall remain my widow, the use and improvement of my now dwelling house and the one half of all my lands, together with one half of the live stock, and all the famely provisions that may be on hand at my decease, and one hundred dollars in money, and all the profits arising from my half of the salt works, that Joseph Tripp & I built together. Should the salt works not be in operation before this will is proved or should not be built, then my will is she should have one hundred dollars annually.

Item. I give unto my daughter in law Lydia Wainer one hundred dollars.

Item. I give unto my daughter Mary Phelpess & to her heirs and assigns forever, the house and lot of land which I bought of Lucy Castino.

Item. I give unto my son Paul Cuffe, and to his oldest male heir forever, the farm that was given to me by my father Cuffe Slocum, and my maple desk, also one half of my wereing appearl, my will further is that five hundred dollars be retained out of my estate, and put to interest in some safe hands, the income of which I order to be used annually for the support of my son Paul Cuffe' family, forever. I also order that one fourth part of the brigTraveller together with the five hundred dollars, be placed under care and guardianship of my executors, in order that my son Paul and his heirs, might be benefited by it yearly and every year forever, also the one sixth part of the residue be placed under the care & guardianship of my executors for the benefit of Paul & his heirs as above mentioned, forever.

Item. I give unto my son William Cuffe and to his oldest male heir forever, the lot of land which I bought of Ebenezer Eddy called the Allen lot, and one fourth part of the brig Traveller, and my walnut desk and book case standing thereon, and Johnsons Dictionary in two volums, and one half of my weareing appearel, and three hundred dollars in money, to be laid out in building him a dwelling house on the Allen lot.

Item. I give unto my cousin Ruth Cottell fifty dollars. Ruth Howard, Alice Cuffe Jr. and Rhoda Cuffe one half of the brig Traveller, that is to each one of them one eighth part.

Item. I give unto my two grand daughters, namely, Almira Howard and Alice Howard, daughters of my daughters Naomi Howard deceased, fifty dollars to each one, when and as they arive to the age of twenty one years.

Item. I give unto my cousin Ruth Cottell fifty dollars.

Item. I give unto my brother David Cuffe ten dollars.

Item. I give unto my brother Jonathan Cuffe ten dollars.

Item. I give unto my brother John Cuffe ten dollars.

Item. I give unto my sister Freelove Cuffe ten dollars.

Item. I give unto my sister Fear Phelpess ten dollars.

Item. I give unto my three sisters namely Sarah Durfee, Lydia Cuffe and Ruth Weeden, six dollars annually to each one dureing their natural life. Should they or either of them make bad use of the money given them, in such a case I request my executors to pay them in provision or cloathing, and such things that may be for their comfort.

Item. I give unto the monthly meeting or society of friends, called Quakers in Westport, fifty dollars, to be paid over to their treasurer, by my executors, according to direction of the monthly meeting.

Item. My mind and will is that those daughters that are single and unmarried, shall have privelege to live in the house with their mother, and, after their mothers decease, they to have the privelege to live in and occupie the south part of the house,with privelege to the well and in the seller and garden to raise saurce in so long as they remain singel and unmaried.

I give unto my two said sons and four daughters namely Paul, William, Mary, Ruth, Alice and Rhoda all the rest and residue of my estate not hearin otherwise disposed of to be divided between them six equally.

And my will further is, that the one fourth part of the brig Traveller and the one sixth part of the residue, that I have herein given to my son William, I place under the care and guardianship of my executors, to order the use of the same as they shall think best for Williams interest, untill he arives to twenty five years of age. Then if his care and conduct be good, they then are requested to pay the whole over to him together with all the profits ariseing from it.

And my will further is, the balance that may become due to my estate not hearin otherwise disposed of to be divided between or otherway be given up to them.

I further order that all land that I have bought belonging to the estate of Benjmin Cook late of Dartmouth deceased, be returned to the widow and the heirs, they paying what the land cost and interest.

And my will further is that for the payments annually that my executors retain enough of the residue of my estate to put on interest to rais the anual payments mentioned in this way last will.

Lastly. I do constitute and apoint William Rotch Junr. of New Bedford and Daniel Wing of Westport aforesaid executors of this my last will and testament.

In testemony whereof I do hear unto set my hand and seal eighteenth day of the fourth month in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and seventeen 1817.

Paul Cuffe (seal)

Signed, sealed, published and declared by the said Paul Cuffe as and for his last will and testament in the presence of us

Edward PhillipsLuthan TrippDavid M. Gifford

Oct. 7, 1817, Approved.

From the Records of the Probate Office, Taunton, Mass.

Africa and the Discovery of America.Volume II. ByLeo Wiener, Professor of Slavic Languages and Literatures at Harvard University. Innes & Sons, Philadelphia, Pa. 1922.

Professor Wiener, in the second volume of his seriesAfrica and the Discovery of America, deals exhaustively with the documentary information relating to "the presence in America of cotton, tobacco and shell money, before the discovery of America by Columbus.... The accumulative evidence is overwhelmingly in favor of an introduction of the articles under discussion from Africa by European or Negro traders, decades earlier than 1492." (Foreword, p. ix.)

The importance, for the history of Pre-Columbian civilization, of these discoveries cannot be overestimated. Moreover, their significance is not concerned alone with the history of America. They will compel a revision and realignment of historical frontiers in Europe and Africa as well, from a date not later than the first quarter of the fifteenth century. Lastly, "Africa and the Discovery of America" forms, as it were, a sequel to Professor Wiener'sContributions toward a History of Arabico-Gothic Culture, enabling the historian to trace the influence of the Arabs as the torch-bearers of civilization. It was they who in the eighth century, through the medium of the Spanish Mozarabs, recreated European culture, and at a later period, through that of the Arabicised Negroes, of whom the West African Mandingoes were the most important, at least almost entirely re-created, if they did not actually create, the civilization of the native American tribes, throughout both continents, and planted, so to speak, in the New World, the seeds of two great modern industries, cotton and tobacco.

Let us then consider, first, what is the bearing of Professor Wiener's work on the history of cotton. Assyria and India were centers of cotton culture at a very early date. The evidence that the Arabs popularized cotton in Africa, in connection with the ceremonial purification of the dead, that is, stuffing the orifices of the body with cotton, is shown by the fact that Arabic'utb"cotton,"a loan word from Coptictbbe"to purify," has produced the West African "cotton" words, exactly as Arabicwudu'"ablution" has given rise, doubtless through Hausa influence, to the "cotton" words of Nigeria. What is particularly important to note, however, is that Arabicqutn"cotton" has gone everywhere into the Mandingo dialects, which have, in turn, influenced the native American languages. Thus for example, in South America, the Mandingokotondo, etc., "cotton," derived from Arabicqutn, has left derivatives in the Indian languages "from Venezuela south to Peru, and in Central Brazil" (page 80), beside derivatives from Kimbunoumujinha"cotton," in eastern Brazil, northward and westward. If we concede the presence of cotton in South America before Columbus, we can only conclude, on the basis of linguistic evidence, that it was introduced either directly or indirectly from Africa. The Aztec wordychca, the native Mexican word for "cotton," furnishes no proof that cotton was known to the Mexicans before the coming of the Spaniards, sinceychcais not originally a specific name, but has reference to any kind of fibre,—of a fluffy character, and came to mean "cotton" only secondarily.

Columbus, however, reported that on Oct. 11, 1492, the Indians of Guanahani brought parrots and cotton thread in balls, to trade for beads and hawks' bills. Either he told the truth, or he did not. If he told the truth, it is still remarkable that the Indians should not only have known of the traders' demand for cotton and parrots, but should also have offered the very articles which Cada Mosto, nearly fifty years earlier, had mentioned as coming from Africa, particularly the cotton, then offered for sale in the Negro markets. Columbus's references to growing cotton are specific in declaring that the cotton grew on trees,—hence it is obvious that he did not see any true cotton growing, but only the false cotton, the product of the tree Bombax Ceiba, used for stuffing mats, but not capable of being spun (page 28). A study of the early records of Mexico is conclusive in the evidence it furnishes to show that cotton never formed part of the tribute due the Mexican emperor, but that the payment of tribute in cotton was "an innovation of the Spaniards, and did not have the sanction of the Aztec tribute" (page 56). Hence we have nothing to indicate that, either in the Indies or in Mexico, the material of which the "cotton clothing" of the natives, mentioned by the Spaniards,was made, was really cotton. If it was cotton, its presence points to contact between America and Africa before Columbus, and the readiness of the natives to offer cotton in exchange for hawks' bills testifies clearly to the extent of trade relations between the two countries.

The contention of archæologists is that cotton culture in Peru may go back to a date as early as 200 A.D. The only criterion for such an assumption rests on the theoretical rate of accumulation of guano deposits, in which mummies, wrapped in cotton, have been found,—calculated at two and one half feet per century. This conclusion is absurd, not only for the stress it lays on the capricious habits of sea-birds, but also for the reason that it fails to take into account the irregularity of the guano deposits, as shown in the Peruvian Government Survey of 1854. No conclusion whatever as to the age of even a single mummy-case can be drawn, owing to certain facts concerning Indian burial customs, recorded by Cieza de Leon in 1553, Ondegardo in 1571, and Cobo, nearly a century later. These travellers state that the Peruvian natives were accustomed to open graves, change the clothes of the dead from time to time, and re-bury them (page 67 ff.). The proof that they told the truth is contained in the report by Baessler, of the X-ray examinations of Peruvian mummy-packs in the Royal Museum at Berlin. One such pack contains "the bones offour separate individuals, but of none there were enough to construct even distantly one complete skeleton. Besides, there were someanimal bonespresent" (page 71). This disinterment of bodies, and of course the same confusion of the remains, revealed by the X-ray, was practised by the Indians as late as 1621. Nothing then remains to militate against the linguistic testimony so strongly in support of the conclusion that South American cotton culture is of African origin.

Professor Wiener's tentative conclusion that tobacco smoking was of African origin, outlined in his first volume of this series, has been strongly reinforced by a study of the Old-World origin of capnotherapy. "Smoking for medicinal purposes," he says on page 180, "is very old, and goes back at least to Greek medicine. A large number of viscous substances, especially henbane and bitumen, were employed in fumigation, and taken through the mouth, sometimes through the nose, for certain diseases, especially catarrh, toothache and pulmonary troubles. This fumigation took place through a funnel which very much resembles a modern pipe, but by its knot-like end at the bottom of the bowl shows its derivationfrom the distilling cap of the alchemist's retort." Thebitumencorresponds to thetubbaqortobbaqof the Arab doctors, a name applied to several medicinal plants containing a pungent and viscous juice. One of these plants was known in Spain astobbaqah.

Fumigation as a curative measure soon degenerated in Europe into quackery,—the Arab smoke doctor giving place to the itinerant charlatan whose Arabic name lingers in Portuguesebufarinheiro"peddler," originally "smoke vender." In Africa, medical fumigation spread southward through the Negro country, finding its way to America perhaps a full century before the coming of Columbus. The manner in which smoking was introduced into America is made clear by the history of the Negropombeiro, the African bootlegger in the service of the Portuguese colonists, who taught the natives to drinkpombe, a kind of intoxicating liquor. This wordpombeis a corruption of Latinpulpa, which through the Spanishpulpahas persisted in Mexico aspulque, the name of an intoxicant used by the Indians, exactly as Arabichashish, through Spanishchicha, has entered Nahuatl, producing the Nahuatlchichila"to ferment, etc." The method of preparing thechichain Peru, by masticating grain, is clearly of African origin, since in the Sudan, a kind of drink is made by chewing the fruit of the baobab. The clearest proof, however, that suchpombeirosreached America in Pre-Columbian days is found in Columbus's reference to the report by the Indians of Hispaniola, that "black peoplehad come thither from the south and south east, with spearheads ofguanin." Nowguaninis a Mandingo word; the name of an alloy of 18 parts of gold, 6 of silver and 8 of copper.

The history of shell and bead money, familiar as the wampum of the northern Indians, forms the third part of the present volume, and is perhaps the source of the strongest arguments to show the Pre-Columbian relation of Africa and America. Ultimately, the use of cowry shells for money comes from China, where such shells, calledpei,tze-pei,pei-tze, had been used from time immemorial. The Chinese name of the cowry,ho-pei, probably anciently pronounced something likeka-par, is evidently the origin of Sanskritkaparda, Hindustanikauri(whence Englishcowry), Dravidiankavadi"cowry." "From the ninth century on, we have many references in the Arabic authors to the cowries in Asia and Africa" (page 208). It is quite to be expected, then, that in the Negro languages, we should find derivatives of this ultimately Chineseword, descended through the medium of successive borrowings, via Hindustani and Arabic,—that is, Hausaal-kawara,kawara, etc., Zanzibarkauri, Wolofkorre, Bambarakori, etc., side by side with a group descended from Dravidianwoda"shell,"—that is Hausawori, Malinkewuri, Bambarawari.

The substitution of beads for shells, as the development of this primitive form of currency went on, has left its mark likewise in linguistic records. That is to say, we have in Africa a group of words descended ultimately from Chinesepar,pei, originally meaning "cowry," and secondarily "bead," together with a new group, traceable through an Arabic intermediary stage to Persiansang"onyx," the bead-stone par excellence. From the cowry-words have come Benincori,kori,koli, "blue bead," whenceakori, the "aggry" bead of the white traders, Neulegri"beads," and Bauleworye"blue bead," a loan-word from Mandingowori. In Bantuzimbo, we have either a Bantu plural ofabuy, itself a derivative of Maldiveboli,bolli, which is the Chinesepei"cowry," or a direct loan-word, through Arabic or Portuguese influence, of Chinesetsze-pei"purple shell." The transference in meaning from "cowry" to "bead" is illustrated in Kaffirin-tsimbi"beads." Similarly, the original "bead" words, from Persiansang"onyx," have given Zanzibar, Swahiliushanga"bead," Kongonsanga"string of blue beads," with a recession of meaning in Kongonsungu"cowry shell."

The transference of African currency to America is shown by two significant facts. First, we have the name. In the Braziliancaang"to prove, try,"caangaba"mould, picture, etc.," is to be seen a form of some African derivative of Persiansang, as seen in Zanzibarushanga"bead," Kongonsanga"blue beads," etc., the change of meaning leading to the connotation "mould" being due to the substitution of the European idea of money as a piece of stamped metal, in place of that of bead or shell money. Exactly as thepetunwords for tobacco spread from South to North America along the trade routes, so the words for "money" followed the same course. Jacques Cartier's wordesnogny, given as the Indian name of shell money,—the shells actually gathered by an African method of fishing for shell-fish with a dead body,—is traceable only to some form of the Brazilliançaang, which has also given Greesoniwaw"silver," Long Islandsewan"money." The Chino-African cowry-word, seen in Africanabuy, is preserved in the North Americanbi,pi(pluralpeag,peak) "wampum," side by side with theGuaranimboi,poi, "shell bead." Lest the reader still harbor a lingering doubt of the fact of early trade relations between Brazil and Canada, Professor Wiener shows how Spanishaguja"needle" has left derivatives in a large number of Indian languages distant by many hundreds of miles from any Spanish settlement.

Secondly, we have the standard of value. From the earliest times, in China, the purple cowry was more valuable than the white. The same standard prevailed in Africa, and was transferred to the beads when beads were substituted for cowries. Among the Indians, theblue, ordark coloredcurrency, whether shells or beads, was consistently reckoned as superior in worth to the white. Shell-money was first popularized on Long Island by the Dutch, who, as we are informed, imported cowries andaggrybeads from the East to sell them to the Guinea-merchants. Moreover, Gov. Bradford has stated that it took the Massachusetts colonists two years to teach the Indians to use shell or bead money. Finally, Professor Wiener concludes that "in the Norman country, ... the wampum belt, as a precious ornament for European women, had its origin, and was by the Frenchmen transferred to Brazil and Canada" (page 258).

The fifteen full-page illustrations serve well to bring home much of the force of the arguments, even to a casual reader.

Phillips Barry, A.M., S.T.B.

Groton, Massachusetts.

The Negro Press in the United States.ByFrederick G. Detweiler. The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1922. Pp. 274.

Struck by the number and distribution of Negro magazines and newspapers, many investigators in the social sciences have recently directed their attention to the study of the Negro press. This increased interest resulted largely from the unusual impetus given the Negro press during the World War when it played the part of proclaiming the oppression of the Negroes to the nations pretending to be fighting for democracy when they were actually oppressing their brethren of color at home. And why should not the public be startled when the average Negro periodical, formerly eking out an existence, became extensively circulated almost suddenly and began to wield unusual influence in shaping the policy of an oppressed group ambitious to right its wrongs? These investigators, therefore, desire to know the influences at work in advancing the circulation of these periodicals, the cause of the change of the attitudeof the Negroes toward their publications, their literary ability to appreciate them, the areas of their greatest circulation, and the attitude of the white people toward the opinion of this race.

While it is intended as a sort of scientific work treating this field more seriously than Professor Robert T. Kerlin'sThe Voice of the Negro, it leaves the impression that the ground has not been thoroughly covered. In the first place, the author does not show sufficient appreciation of the historic background of the Negro press prior to emancipation. He seems acquainted with such distinguished characters as Samuel Cornish, John B. Russwurm, and the like but inadequately treats or casually passes over the achievements of many others who attained considerable fame in the editorial world. In any work purporting to be a scientific treatment of the Negro press in the United States the field cannot be covered by a chapter of twenty pages as the author in question has undertaken to do. Furthermore, many of the underlying movements such as abolition, colonization, and temperance, which determined the rise and the fall of the Negro editor prior to the Civil War, are not sufficiently discussed and scientifically connected in this work. The book, then, so far as the period prior to the Civil War is concerned, is not a valuable contribution.

The author seemed to know more about the Negro press in freedom. Living nearer to these developments he was doubtless able to obtain many of these facts at first-hand and was able to present them more effectively. He well sets forth the favorite themes of the Negro press and the general make-up of the Negro paper, but does not sufficiently establish causes for this particular trend in this sort of journalism. Taking up the question of the demand for rights, the author explains very clearly what the Negro press has stood for. Then he seemingly goes astray in the discussion of the solution of the race problem, Negro life, Negro poetry, and Negro criticism, which do not peculiarly concern the Negro editor more than others in the various walks of life. Looking at the problem from the outside and through a glass darkly, as almost any white man who has spent little time among Negroes must do, the work is about as thorough as most of such investigators can make it and it should be read by all persons directing attention to the Negro problem.

The Disruption of Virginia.ByJames C. McGregor. The Macmillan Company, New York, 1922. Pp. 328, price $2.00.

This book was written, according to the author, as an attempt to present an unbiased account of the strange course of events in the history of Virginia from the time of Lincoln's election to the presidency to the time of the admission of West Virginia into the Union. It is, however, more of a polemic than an historical contribution. The author raises this very question himself by his declaration that he has no grudges to satisfy and no patrons to please. "If he seems harsh in his opinions and conclusions regarding the irregular and inexpedient methods employed in cutting off the western counties of Virginia and forming them into a new State," says he, "it is due to the conviction that an unnecessary wrong was committed, a wrong that helped not at all in Lincoln's prosecution of the Civil War." The author is convinced that not only was the act unconstitutional but that it was not desired by more than a small minority of the people of the new State. He believes that the President and Congress, being grateful to the Union men in northwestern Virginia for their loyalty to the Union, rewarded them by giving their consent to the organization of a new State which, nevertheless, was in violation of the principles of the Constitution.

Unlike Professor C. H. Ambler who, in hisSectionalism in Virginia, has set forth in detail the differing political interests of the sections of Virginia, this author reduces it to a mere exploit on the basis that the end justified the means. Furthermore, the author differs widely from C. G. Woodson who in an unpublished thesis similarly entitledThe Disruption of Virginia, presented in 1911 to the Graduate School of Harvard University in partial fulfilment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, emphasized the economic differences as the underlying causes. Dr. McGregor minimizes such causes by reducing his treatment of the economic situation to a single chapter of ten pages. He then briefly discusses the opening of the breach, the Constitutional Convention of 1829-30 and the growth of sectionalism between that Convention and the Civil War. Approaching the main feature of the work, the author takes up the preliminaries of the Convention of 1861, the various conventions of the northwestern counties out of which evolved the organization of the new State of West Virginia, and finally the question of admission before Congress.

Why such a work could be considered necessary and accepted as a contribution in this particular field when valuable works havealready been written upon this subject, is justified by the author on the ground that he has discovered considerable new material which convinces him that the new State movement in West Virginia was unrepresentative of the majority of the people of the northwestern counties but was put through in dictatorial fashion by a militant minority. It is true that some new material has been added to this work, but it hardly convinces well informed historians that the far-reaching and sweeping conclusion of the author are justified by the few additional facts which he has been able to find. Almost a causal study of the history of Virginia shows that the western part of the State became estranged from the eastern because their economic interests were different and the authorities failed to make the improvements necessary to connect these sections and thus unify such interests. By the time of the Civil War the northwestern counties were commercially connected with the North and West and accordingly followed these in that upheaval.

A Comparative Study of the Bantu and Semi-Bantu Languages. Volume II.BySir Harry H. Johnston, G.C.M.G., K.C.B., Sc.D. (Cambridge). The Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1922. Pp. 544.

This work is the result of a study of the Bantu languages commenced by the author in 1881 in the Library of the British Museum, and instigated by the project of accompanying the Earl of Mayo on an exploratory expedition in South West Africa, Angola and the countries south and east of the Kunene River. The expedition, according to the author, was extended by him to the upper Congo thanks to the assistance offered by H. M. Stanley. With this large view of Africa his studies were continued with little intermission during the forty years which followed his first introduction into that continent. Even the World War itself was not exactly an interruption but permitted the author to extend the scope of his research by bringing him into closer acquaintance with certain of the western Semi-Bantu languages through the presence in France of contingents of Senegambian troops. The Colonial office, moreover, assisted the work by requesting its officials in British West Africa to examine the Semi-Bantu languages of British Nigeria, South-west Togoland, Sierra Leone and the Gambia. Furthermore, an important discovery of two Bantu languages was made in the southern part of the Anglo-Egyptian province of Bahr-al-ghazal. He is indebted to Mr. Northcote W. Thomas's researches whichrevealed new and interesting forms of Semi-Bantu speech in the Cross River districts of Southern Nigeria. In the comparison of roots, moreover, the author had considerably more material to draw on than in the case of the first volume. He found also much more information concerning Hōma and Bañgminda through Major Paul Larkin and Captain White. These are the chief features which, he believes, make the second volume a valuable contribution.

In spite of the extensive investigation, however, the author still finds a good deal about which he is not certain. About many of these languages he knows little regarding their structure and grammar. In other words they have been studied merely from the outside. In spite of his extensive travels, moreover, he had so much to do and apparently such a short time in which to accomplish his task that this work, as valuable as it is, can be considered no more than an introductory treatise going a little further into a field inadequately explored. Already he says he finds that he has been reproached for not bringing within the scope of these two volumes a group of languages in the North-east Togoland and Kisi and the Limba tongues of Sierra Leone. Yet although he finds that these have some Bantu features, they were too mixed to justify their treatment here. He found resemblances of the Bantu and Semi-Bantu families elsewhere but not closely enough akin to require their treatment in connection with this work.

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