[8]“Al Padre Fray Francisco de Sant Miguel, la provincia de los Pecos con los siete Pueblos de la Ciénega que le cae al Oriente, y todas los baqueros de aquella cordillera y comarca hasta la Sierra Nevada, y los Pueblos de la Gran Salina, ... i asi mismo los tres Pueblos grandes de Xumanas ó rrayados, llamados en su lengua,atripuy,genobey,quelotetrey,pataotreycon sus subgetos.”——Obediencia y vasallaje a Su Magestad por los Indios del Pueblo de San Juan Baptista,Doc. Ined. de Indias, op. cit.,XVI, 113–114.
[9]Benavides,Memorial, 1630, inLand of Sunshine, Los Angeles, California, vol.XIV, p. 46, 1901. Vetancurt,Cronica, pp. 302–305, Mexico, reprint 1871.
[10]According to Vetancurt, op. cit., Benavides says: “They each one placed it [a cross] on the front of his tent,” indicating that they were living in temporary abodes while hunting the buffalo on the plains.
[11]Translated in theLand of Sunshine,XV, nos. 5 and 6, Nov. and Dec., 1901.
[12]Compare Bandelier,Gilded Man, p. 255, 1893, andFinal Report, pt.I, 131, 132, 168, and pt.II, p. 267; alsoFifth Annual Report of the Executive Committee of the Archæological Institute of America, pp. 37, 85, 1884. We must assume that the four “pueblos” occupied by the tribe in Oñate’s time (1598) had all been abandoned and that the “great pueblo of the Xumanos” mentioned by Benavides had been established after the Jumano had been induced by Salas to return from the plains. Bandelier suggests that the Piro pueblo of Tabirá was probably the village of the Jumano, but I find no evidence that the Piro and the Jumano occupied a settlement together (Bandelier,Final Report, pt.,I, pp. 131, 132). Escalante (op. cit.,Land of Sunshine, March, 1900, p. 248) states that on account of Apache hostilities the pueblos of Chililí, Tafique (Tajique), and Quarac of the Tehua (Tigua) Indians; and Abó, Jumancas, and Tabirá of the Tompiros, were abandoned. That “Jumancas” and the “Pueblo de los Jumanos” were one and the same there appears to be no doubt, consequently if Jumancas and Tabirá had been the same village they would hardly have been mentioned as distinct. Escalante, who wrote in 1778, gathered his information from the official archives at Santa Fé.
[13]“Informe a S. M. sobre las tierras de Nuevo Mejico, Quivira y Teguayo,” in Fernandez Duro,Don Diego de Penalosa, Madrid, 1882, p. 59. Posadas was custodian of the missions of New Mexico in 1661–64, during the governorship of the notorious Don Diego de Peñalosa y Briceño, and was a missionary there for ten years previously. HisInformewas written after 1678.
[14]Compare Bandelier,Final Report, pt.I, 167, note, 1890; Bancroft,North Mexican States and Texas,I, 386, 1886.
[15]Bandelier inArch. Inst. Papers, Am. Series, v, 182, 183, 1890; Bancroft,Hist. Arizona and New Mexico, 237, 1889.
[16]“Some Pueblo Ruins in Scott County, Kansas,” inKansas Historical Collections, vol. 6, p. 124, Topeka, 1900. See also a comment on the article by the present writer inAmerican Anthropologist, vol. 2, 1900, p. 778. For the location of Quivira, which, as we have seen, was beyond the Jumano settlements on the plains, see Hodge, “Coronado’s March to Quivira,” in Brower,Harahey (Memoirs of Explorations in the Basin of the Mississippi), St. Paul, 1899.
[17]Letter of Fray Silvestre Velez de Escalante, April 2, 1778, translated inLand of Sunshine, Los Angeles, Cala., vol.XII, p. 314, 1900. The citation tends also to show the proximity of El Quartelejo and the “Quivira” or Wichita settlements.
[18]Libro Primero de Casamientos de el Paso del Norte, fol. 12, cited by Bandelier,Final Report, pt.II, p. 267.
[19]See Vetancurt (Cronica, p. 325, reprint 1871), who says: “San Gabriel Abbo [Abó] tiene su sitio en el Valle de las Salinas.... Tiene dos pueblos pequeños, Tenabo y Tabira, con ochocientas personas que administraba un religioso: hasta aqui llega la administracion hácia el Oriente, aunque quince leguas de allí hay algunos xumanas, que eran de Quarac [Quarrá or Cuaraí] administrados.” This would indicate that these Christian Jumano were settled a number of miles east of their old villages or rancherias at the Mesa de los Jumanos, which is only 10 or 15 miles in a straight course east of the ruins of Abó. Vetancurt, however, who wrote in 1692, lost sight of the fact that all the pueblos of the Salinas country had been abandoned on account of Apache depredations prior to the revolt of 1680, hence there is little likelihood that the Jumano neophytes remained.
[20]Vetancurt,Cronica, pp. 302–305.
[21]See Escalante, op. cit., p. 311, and compare Bandelier,Final Report, pt.I, pp. 80–81, 85, 167, 246. I do not find any substantial evidence that the Julimes and the Jumanos were identical, or that the various small tribes mentioned in Spanish documents of the period were in any way related to the latter. Of the languages of the myriad small tribes mentioned in the annals of Texas, practically nothing is known. Fray Nicolas Lopez recorded a vocabulary of the Jumano language in 1684, but it has disappeared.
[22]Born in the Jumano pueblo of New Mexico, according to Confessiones y Declaraciones, etc., 1683, cited by Bandelier,Final Report, pt.I, p. 132.
[23]Escalante’s Letter (1778) translated inLand of Sunshine, Los Angeles, vol.XII, no. 5, April, 1900, p. 309. Confirmatory of this account is the mention of the same Juan Sabeata, of the Jumana tribe living on the Rio Nueces, three days’ journey eastward from the mouth of the Conchos, by Cruzati, evidently Governor Cruzat or Cruzate of New Mexico, who assumed the office in 1683. Sabeata refers to thirty-six tribes that lived on the Rio Nueces in 1683 (Cruzati in Mendoza, Viage, manuscript in Archivo General of Mexico, kindly communicated by Professor H. E. Bolton, now of Leland Stanford Junior University).
[24]Final Report, pt.I, pp. 168, 169. Bandelier quotes an early document to the effect that “as late as 1697 a Jumano Indian, a female described as ‘a striated one of the Jumano nation,’ was sold at Santa Fé for a house of three rooms and a small tract of land besides. This woman had been sold to the Spaniards by other Indians, who had captured her.”
[25]Quoted by Bandelier,Contributions to the History of the Southwestern Portion of the United States, p. 181, 1890; alsoFinal Report, pt.I, p. 168, 1890. See also Bancroft,Arizona and New Mexico, 222, 1889.
[26]Bandelier, Contributions,Arch. Inst. Papers, Am. Ser.,V, 183–184, 1890; Bancroft,Arizona and New Mexico, 222, 236, 237, 1889. The Quartelejo is here reported to have been 130 leagues from Santa Fé.
[27]Bancroft,History of Arizona and New Mexico, states, on the authority of Padre Niel, that about the year 1700 two little French girls had been ransomed from the Navaho, and that in 1698 “the French had almost annihilated a Navaho force of 4,000 men.” The latter statement is probably an error, while in regard to the former the Navaho probably obtained the French girls from some other tribe, perhaps their kindred, the Apache.
[28]I fear that Bandelier (Final Report, pt.I, 168) has not sufficient ground for his assertion that the Jumano village of 1700 could not have been beyond the confines of New Mexico. The nearest Jicarilla settlement was 40 leagues (100 miles) northeast of Taos, while the main body—those of the Quartelejo—were 130 leagues (350 miles) northeast of Santa Fé, i. e. in Scott county, Kansas. See page 13, note 16.
[29]Joutel’s Journal in French,Historical Collections of Louisiana, pt.I, p. 139, 1846.
[30]Terán and others cited by Bancroft,History of the North Mexican States and Texas,I, 416, 1886.
[31]Bancroft,Arizona and New Mexico, 236, 1889; Bandelier,Contributions, 182–183, 1890.
[32]See Bandelier,Contributions, p. 179 et seq.; also “Some Unpublished History—A New Mexican Episode in 1748,”Land of Sunshine,VIII, February, 1898, p. 129.
[33]Declaration, recorded in Spanish, of Pedro Latren, March 5, 1750, manuscript in Archivo General de Mexico, Provincias Internas, tomo 37. Information kindly communicated by Professor Herbert E. Bolton.
[34]Cabello,Informe, 1784, folio 20, manuscript. Information kindly communicated by Professor Herbert E. Bolton.
[35]Manuscript cited by Bancroft,Arizona and New Mexico, 276, note, 1889.
[36]Pino,Exposicion Sucinto, Cadiz, 1812, andNoticias Historicas, Mexico, 1849, cited by Bancroft,Arizona and New Mexico, 286, note.
[37]Gregg,Commerce of the Prairies,II, 147, 1844.Ciboleroswere buffalo hunters, andcomancheroswere New Mexican Indian traders.
[38]One of the latest references, from personal knowledge, to the Tawehash and the Wichita as distinct divisions, is that given by Isaac McCoy inThe Annual Register of Indian Affairs, Washington, 1838, p. 27.
[39]Bandelier,Final Report, pt.I, 246, 1890.
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