Miscellaneous
Teknonomy.
The Khasis, like the Alfoors of Poso in Celebes, seem to be somewhat reluctant to utter the names of their own immediate relations, and of other people's also. Parents are very frequently called the mother of so and so (the child's name being mentioned), or the father of so and so, cf.Ka kmi ka Weri, U kpa u Philip. The actual names of the parents, after falling into desuetude, are often entirely forgotten. The origin of the practice may be that the Khasis, like the Alfoors, were reluctant to mention their parents by name for fear of attracting the notice of evil spirits. The practice of teknonomy, however, is not confined to the Khasis or the Alfoors of Celebes (see footnote to page 412 of the "Golden Bough"). The custom is also believed to have been prevalent to some extent not long ago in some parts of Ireland.
The advent of the Welsh Missionaries and the partial dissemination of English education has in some cases produced rather peculiar names. I quote some instances:—
U Water Kingdom, Ka Mediterranean Sea, Ka Red Sea; U Shakewell Bones,U Overland, Ka Brindisi, Ka Medina, Ka Mary Jones, U Mission, andKa India.
Khasi Method of Calculating Time.
The Khasis adopt the lunar month,u bynai, twelve of which go to the yearka snem. They have no system of reckoning cycles, as is the custom with some of the Shan tribes. The following are the names of the months:—
U kylla-lyngkot, corresponding to January. This month in the Khasi Hills is the coldest in the year. The Khasis turn (kylla) the fire brand (lyngkot) in order to keep themselves warm in this month, hence its namekylla-lyngkot.
U Rymphang, the windy month, corresponding with February.
U Lyber, March. In this month the hills are again clothed with verdure, and the grass sprouts up (lyber), hence the name of the month,u Lyber.
U Iaiong, April. This name may possibly be a corruption of ubynai-iong, i.e. the black moon, the changeable weather month.
U Jymmang, May. This is the month when the plant called by the Khasisut'ieu jymmang, or snake-plant, blooms, hence the name.
U Jyllieu. The deep water month, the wordjyllieumeaning deep. This corresponds to June.
U náitung. The evil-smelling month; when the vegetation rots owing to excessive moisture. This corresponds with July.
U'náilar. The month when the weather is supposed to become clear,synlar, and when the plant calledja'nailarblooms. This is August.
U'nái-lur. September. The month for weeding the ground.
U Ri-sáw. The month when the Autumn tints first appear, literally, when the country,ri, becomes red,saw. This is October.
U'nái wieng. The month when cultivators fry the produce of their fields inwiengor earthen pots, corresponding with November.
U Noh-práh. The month when thepráhor baskets for carrying the crops are put away (buh noh). Another interpretation given by Bivar is "the month of the fall of the leaf." December.
The Khasi week has the peculiarity that it almost universally consists of eight days. The reason of the eight-day week is because the markets are usually held every eighth day. The names of the days of the week are not those of planets, but of places where the principal markets are held, or used to be held, in the Khasi and Jaintia Hills. The following are the names of the days of the week and of the principal markets in the district:—
Khasi Hills. Jaintia Hills.
1. Lynkah (Barpani or Khawang) Kylino. (Suhtnga). 2. Nongkrem Pynaing. 3. Um-Iong (Maolong the hat at Maolong. (Nartiang). Luban) 4. Ranghop (Ieu-bah at Cherra) Maosiang. (Jowai). (Mawtawar in Mylliem) (Unsaw in Nongkhlaw) 5. Shillong (Laitlyngkot) Maoshai. (Shangpung). 6. Pomtih or Pomtiah (Mawkhar, Pynkat. (Mynao). small market) 7. Umnih Thym-blein. 8. Yeo-duh (Mawkhar, large market) Ka-hat. (Jaintiapur).
In the Wár country, markets are usually held every fourth day, e.g. at Nongjri, Mawbang, Tyllap, and Shella. At Theria the market is held every Friday, and at Hat-majai, or Rholagunj, every Tuesday.
The Lynngams.
Although mention has been made incidentally in various parts of this monograph of Lynngam customs, it has been thought necessary to give the Lynngams a separate chapter, as these people differ so very greatly from the Khasis in their manner of life, and in their customs.Lynngamis the Khasi name; the Garo name for the Lynngams isMegam. There are severalMegamvillages in the north-eastern corner of the Garo Hills district, and there is regular communication kept up between these villages and the Lynngam inhabitants of the Khasi Hills district. The Lynngams must not be confused with theHánáorNámdaniyaGaros who inhabit the low hills to the north of the Khasi Hills district, and are called by the KhasisDko. All Lynngams claim to be Khasis, they dislike being called Garos; but although it is true they speak what may be called a dialect of Khasi, and observe some of the Khasi customs, the Lynngams are more Garo than Khasi. Before proceeding further, it should be stated that the Assamese of Boko call the LynngamsNúniyáGaros, all hill people being Garos to the Assamese of that region, without distinction or difference. It is owing to these three different names being used for the same people that there has been so much confusion about Lynngams previously; e.g. at one census they were namedLynngam, at another they received the appellation of Garo, and at a third enumeration they were called Khasis. In Section I. the habitat of the Lynngams has been roughly defined. It is impossible to define the Lynngam country exactly, because these people are continually shifting their village sites owing to the exigencies ofjhumcultivation, which has been described in Section II. Some of the Lynngams preserve a tradition that they originally came from the Kamrup plains. It is interesting that a people, like the Garos in so many respects, should have the same idea as the Garos as to the hills on the south bank of the Brahmaputra not always having been their abode. The Garo legend is that they dwelt for some years in the Goalpara and Kamrup plains after they descended from Thibet, and before they moved to the Garo Hills; and there is unmistakable evidence of their occupation of both districts in the shape of certain Garo villages on both banks of the Brahmaputra for some little distance up the river. If, as I suspect, the Lynngams are an offshoot of the Garos, it is, perhaps, possible that they entered the Khasi Hills much in the same way as the Garos entered the hill district to which they have given their name. The Lynngams are much darker than the Khasis, and possess the Thibeto-Burman type of feature often to a marked degree. It is not extraordinary that they should have adopted some of the Khasi customs; for the Khasis, being the stronger people, would in course of time be bound to influence them in this respect. That the Lynngams observe the matriarchate and erect (some clans) memorial stones is not peculiar, because the Garos, like the Khasis, are also a matriarchal people (to a limited degree), and the custom of erecting memorial stones is not confined to the Khasis, for other hill tribes in Assam observe the practice, e.g. certain Naga tribes and the Mikirs; and the Garos themselves put up carved posts, calledkima, in honour of the departed. Although there is not much intermarriage between the Khasis and the Lynngams nowadays, perhaps in days gone by there was a mixture of blood, the result being the hybrid race we are now considering. Some of the leading characteristics of the Lynngams will now be detailed. The Lynngams are by complexion swarthy, with features of Mongolian type. The men are of middle height and the women remarkably short, both sexes being not nearly so robust as the Khasis, a result due probably to climatic influences, for the Lynngams live in fever- haunted jungles. The men have very little hair about the face, although a scanty moustache is sometimes seen, the hairs in the centre being carefully plucked out, the result being two tufts on either side. Beards are never seen. The women are ill-favoured, and wear very little clothing. The men wear the sleeveless coat of the Khasi and Mikir pattern, calledphongmarong, which is made of cotton dyed red, blue, and white. This custom may have been borrowed from the Khasi. They do not grow their own cotton, but obtain it from the plains. They make their own dyes,changlong(red) andhur sai-iong(black). A cotton cloth, barely enough for purposes of decency, is tied between the legs, the ends being allowed to hang down in front and behind. Sometimes an apron is worn in front. At the present day the men wear knitted woollen caps, generally black or red, of the Nongstoin pattern (a sort of fisherman's cap), but the elderly men and head-men wear turbans. The females wear a cotton cloth about eighteen inches broad round the loins, sometimes striped red and blue, but more often only dark blue. A blue or red cloth is thrown loosely across the shoulders by unmarried girls, but married women only wear the waist-cloth, like the Garos. A cloth is tied round the head by married women, sometimes, Garo fashion. The women wear quantities of blue beads as necklaces, like their Garo sisters. They obtain the beads from the Garo markets at the foot of the hills. Brass ear-rings are worn by both sexes; the women, like the Garos, load their ears to such an extent with brass rings as to distend the lobes greatly. Silver armlets are worn by the head-men only, or by those who possess the means to give a great feast to the villagers. This is the custom of the Garonokmas, or head-men. Both sexes wear bracelets. The men also wear necklaces of beads. The rich wear necklaces of cornelian and another stone which is thought by the Lynngams to be valuable. A necklace of such stones is calledu'pieng blei(god's necklace). This stone is apparently some rough gem which may be picked up by the Lynngams in the river beds. A rich man amongst them, however, is one who possesses a number of metal gongs, which they callwiang. For these they pay very high prices, Rs. 100 being quite a moderate sum for one of them. Being curious to see one of these gongs, I asked asirdar, or head-man, to show me one. He replied that he would do so, but it would take time, as he always buried his gongs in the jungle for fear of thieves. Next morning he brought me a gong of bell metal, with carvings of animals engraved thereon. The gong when struck gave out a rich deep note like that of Burmese or Thibetan gongs. These gongs have a regular currency in this part of the hills, and represent to the Lynngams "Bank of England" notes. It would be interesting to try to ascertain what is their history, for no one in the Lynngam country makes them in these days. Is it possible that the Garos brought them with them when they migrated from Thibet? The gongs are well known in the Garo Hills, and I hear that when anokma, or head-man, there dies his corpse is laid out upon them. They thus possess also an element of sanctity, besides being valuable for what they will fetch to the Garos or Lynngams. We may hope to hear more about them in Captain Playfair's account of the Garos.
The Lynngams do not tattoo. Their weapons are the large-headed Garo spear, the dao, and the shield. They do not usually carry bows and arrows, although there are some who possess them. They are by occupation cultivators. They sow two kinds of hill rice, red and white, on the hill-sides. They have no wet paddy cultivation, and they do not cultivate in terraces like the Nagas. They burn the jungle about February, after cutting down some of the trees and clearing away some of the debris, and then sow the paddy broadcast, without cultivating the ground in any way. They also cultivate millet and Jobs-tears in the same way. With the paddy chillies are sown the first year. The egg plant, arum, ginger, turmeric, and sweet potatoes of several varieties are grown by them in a similar manner. Those that rear the lac insect plantlandootress (Hindiarhal dal) in the forest clearings, and rear the insect thereon. Some of these people, however, are prohibited by a custom of their own from cultivating thelandoo, in which case they plant certain other trees favourable to the growth of the lac insect. The villages are situated near their patches of cultivation in the forest. The villages are constantly shifting, owing to the necessity of burning fresh tracts of forest every two years. The houses are entirely built of bamboo, and, for such temporary structures, are very well built. In front, the houses are raised some 3 or 4 ft. from the ground on platforms, being generally built on the side of a fairly steep hill, one end of the house resting on the ground, and the other on bamboo posts. The back end of the house is sometimes some 8 or 9 ft. from the ground. At the end of the house farthest away from the village path is a platform used for sitting out in the evening, and for spreading chillies and other articles to dry. Some Lynngam houses have only one room in which men, women, and children an all huddled together, the hearth being in the centre, and, underneath the platform, the pigs. Well-to-do people, however, possess a retiring room, where husband and wife sleep. A house I measured at Nongsohbar village was of the following dimensions:—Length, 42 ft; breadth, 16 ft.; height of house from the ground to the eaves, front, 9 ft.; back 18 ft. Houses are built with a portion of the thatch hanging over the eaves in front. No explanation could be given me for this. It is probably a Garo custom. In some Lynngam villages there are houses in the centre of the village where the young unmarried men sleep, where male guests are accommodated, and where the village festivities go on. These are similar to thedekachangor bachelors' club-houses of the Mikirs, Garos, and Lalungs, and to themorangof the Nagas. This is a custom of the Thibeto-Burman tribes in Assam, and is not a Khasi institution. There are also high platforms, some 12 ft. or 15 ft. in height, in Lynngam villages, where the elders sit of an evening in the hot weather and take the air. Lynngam houses and villages are usually much cleaner than the ordinary Khasi villages, and although the Lynngams keep pigs, they do not seems to be so muchen évidenceas in the Khasi village. There is little or no furniture in a Lynngam house. The Lynngam sleeps on a mat on the floor, and in odd weather covers himself with a quilt, made out of the bark of a tree, which is beaten out and then carefully woven, several layers of flattened bark being used before the right thickness is attained. This quilt is called by the Lynngam "Ka syllar" (Garosimpak). Food is cooked in earthen pots, but no plates are used, the broad leaves of themariangtree taking their place. The leaves are thrown away after use, a fresh supply being required for each meal.
The Lynngams brew rice beer, they do no distil spirit; the beer is brewed according to the Khasi method. Games they have none, and there are no jovial archery meetings like those of the Khasis. The Lynngam methods of hunting are setting spring guns and digging pitfalls for game. The people say that now the Government and the Siem of Nongstoin have prohibited both of these methods of destroying game, they no longer employ them. But I came across a pitfall for deer not long ago in the neighbourhood of a village in the Lynngam country. The people declared it to be a very old one; but this I very much doubt, and I fear that these objectionable methods of hunting are still used. The Lynngams fish to a small extent with nets, but their idea of fishing,par excellence, is poisoning the streams, an account of which has already been given in this monograph. The Lynngams are omnivorous feeders, they may be said to eat everything except dogs, snakes, thehulukmonkey, and lizards. They like rice, when they can get it; for sometimes the out-turn of their fields does not last them more than a few months. They then have to fall back on Jobstears and millet. They eat arums largely, and for vegetables they cook wild plantains and the young shoots of bamboos and cane plants. The Lynngams are divided up into exogamous clans in the same manner as the Khasis. The clans are overgrown families. The Lynngams have some stories regarding the founders of these clans, of which the following is a specimen:—"A woman was asleep under asohbartree in the jungle, a flower from which fell on her, and she conceived and bore a female child who was the ancestress of the Nongsohbar clan." Some of the stories of the origins of other clans do not bear repeating. There do not appear to be any hypergamous groups. As with the Khasis, it is a deadly sin to marry any one belonging to your ownkur, or clan. Unlike the Khasis, however, a Lynngam can marry two sisters at a time. The Lynngam marriages are arranged byksiangs, or go-betweens much in the same way as Khasi marriages; but the ritual observed is less elaborate, and shows a mixture of Khasi and Garo customs (see section III.). The Lynngams intermarry with the Garos. It appears that sometimes the parents of girls exact bride-money, and marriages by capture have been heard of. Both of these customs are more characteristic of the Bodo tribes of the plains than of the Khasis. There are no special birth customs, as with the Khasis, except that when the umbilical cord falls a fowl is sacrificed, and the child is brought outside the house. Children are named without any special ceremony. The death customs of the Lynngams have been described in Section III. A peculiar characteristic is the keeping of the dead body in the house for days, sometimes even for several months, before it is burnt. The putrefying corpse inside the house seems to cause these people no inconvenience, for whilst it remains there, they eat, carry on their ordinary avocations, and sleep there, regardless of what would be considered by others an intolerable nuisance. The religion of these people consists of a mixture of ancestor-worship and the propitiation of the spirits of fell and fall, which are, most of them, believed to be of evil influence, as is the case with other savage races. As with the people of Nongstoin, the primaeval ancestress, "ka Iaw bei," is worshipped for the welfare of the clan, a sow being sacrificed to her, with a gourd of rice-beer, and leaves of the oak, ordieng-sningtree. The leaves of the oak are afterwards hung up inside the house, together with the jaw bone of the pig. Sacrifices are offered to a forest demon,U Bang-jang(a god who brings illness), by the roadside; also toKa Miang Bylli U Majymma, the god of cultivation, at seed time, on the path to the forest clearing where the seed is sown. Models of paddy stone-houses, baskets and agricultural implements are made, sand being used to indicate the grain. These are placed by the roadside, the skulls of the sacrificial animals and the feathers of fowls being hung up on bamboo about the place where the has been performed. There are no priests orlyngdohs, the fathers of the hamlet performing the various ceremonies. The Lynngams possess no head-hunting customs, as far as it has been possible to ascertain. These people are still wild and uncivilized. Although they do not, as a rule, give trouble, from an administrative point of view, a very serious dacoity, accompanied by murder, was committed by certain Lynngams at an Assamese village on the outskirts of the Lynngam country a few years ago. The victims were two Merwari merchants and their servant, as well as another man. These people were brutally murdered by the Lynngams, and robbed of their property. The offenders were, however, successfully traced and arrested by Inspector Raj Mohan Das, and several of them suffered capital punishment, the remainder being transported for life.
Language
Before commencing to describe the more salient features of the Khasi language, its grammar, and syntax, it seems to be of importance to show how intimately connected Khasi is with some of the languages of Further India. In the middle of the last century Logan pointed out affinity between Khasi and these languages, but it has been left to Professor Kuhn to prove this connection to demonstration. The examples of comparative vocabularies which follow are taken from Kuhn's "Beiträge zur Sprachenkunde Hinterindiens," Sir George Scott's "Upper Burma Gazetteer," and Sir George Campbell's lists. It will be seen from the collections of words that follow how Khasi possesses many words in common with Mon or Talaing, Khmêr, Suk, Stieng, Bahnar, Annam, Khamen-Boram, Xong, Samre, Khmu, Lemet, Palaung, and Wa. There is some correspondence, although perhaps to a lesser degree, between Khasi and the Ho-Munda languages and those of Malacca and the Nancowry language of the Nicobar Islands.
Let us now examine the table of numerals. The Khasi word for 1 iswei, but in the Amwi dialect of Khasi it ismi. In Khmu the word ismui, also in Suk; in Monmwoiand in Xongmoi. The word for 2 is identical in Khasi and Lemet, viz.,ar. The word for 3, viz.lai, is identical in Khasi and Wa: also compare Lemetlohe. Khasisawand Lakadongthawfor 4 are, however, deviating forms. In the case of 5, if we cut out the prefixmin the Mon wordm'san, we have fairly close agreement with the Khasisan. In the numeral 6, if we cut out the prefixhinof the Khasi (hin)riw, and the initialtof Mon and Sukt'rou, trou, we have close agreement. In the Khasi words for 7 and 8 the syllablehinis but a prefix. This is also probably the case in the Khasi word (khyn)daifor 9, and theshiin the Khasi wordshiphew, 10, merely means one.
Numerals.
Sue. Mon or Suk. Stieng. Bahnar. Annam. Khmen Xong. Samre.Talaing. Boran.
1 mue mwoi mui muôi moin, môt mnay moi moeming2 bar ba bar bar bar hai bar pra pra3 pei pi pe pêi peng ba peh pe pe4 puon pan puon puôn puôn bôn pon pôn pon5 sung m'sun sung pram (po)dam nam pram pram pram6 thpat t'rou trou prou (to)trou sau krong dam kadon7 thpol t'pah pho poh (to)po bay grul kanul kanul8 thkol dc'am tam pham (to)ngam tam kati kati katai9 thke d'ceit kin ên (to)xin chin kansar kasa katea10 muchit cah chit jemat min muoi uai rai raijet jit chuk
Khan. Lomei. Palaung. Wa. Dialects of Khasi.Khasi. Lakadong. Amwi. Synteng. Mymar orJirang.
1 mui mus(mos) lé te wei bi mi wi mi2 bar ar è(a) ra(a) ar a o ar ir3 pe lohe oé lai lai loi la la lei4 puon pun(pon) phun pon saw thaw siá so so5 pfuong pan phan hpawn(fan) san than san san san6 tol tal to laiya(lia) (hin)riw thro thrau ynro threi7 kul pul phu a-laiya (hin)iew (hum)thloi ynthla ynniaw ynthlei(alia)8 ti ta ta s'te(su'te) phra humpya humphyo phra humpyir9 kash tim tim s'ti(su'ti) (khyn)dai hunsulai hunshia khyndo khyndai10 kan kel ken(ko) kao (shi)phew shiphai shipho (shi)phaw shiphi
It will be seen that there is considerable similarity in the numerals of the different languages up to six, the correspondence being most strongly marked in the numerals 1, 2, 5, and 6. If we remember that primitive people seldom can count higher than the number of digits of one hand, the dissimilarity in the numerals, as the end of the decade is approached, is probably explained. As the different people speaking these languages advanced in civilization they learned to count further; but by this time they had become in some cases like those of the Khasis, the Palaungs, and Mons, widely separated from one another. As they advanced in civilization, and found the necessity of an improved notation, they manufactured numerals which differed from one another, although they retained the first few numerals they had made use of in their days of savagery. Let us now study some extracts from Kuhn's interesting comparative vocabulary. [42] We find many instances of agreement. I give some examples:—
Heaven.—Palaung,pleng; Khmêr,plieng(rain); Xong,pleng; Khasi,bneng. Mynnar (Jirang)phanliangseems to be very near Khmerphlieng, and Palaung, and Xongpleng.
Day(Sun)—Khmêr,thngay; Mon,tuyai; Annam;ngay; Lemet,ngay pri; Palaung,sengei; Khasi,sngi; Lakadong,sngoi; Kolsingi.
Year.—Mon,snam; Annam,nam; Stieng,so'nam; Bahnar,sandm; Khasi,snem.
Lightning:—Mon,l'li; Khasi,leilih.
Stone, Rock.—Mon,tma,k'maw; Stieng,to'mâu; Bahn,tmo, temo; Khmêr,thma; Xong,tmo; Palaung,mau; Ba,maou; Khasi,maw; Wa,hsi-mo,hsi-mao. Also compare Mynnar (Jirang)smaw.
Water.—Palaung,em; Khasi,um; Lakadong,am; Amwi,am; Mynnar (Jirang),um; Rumai,om. Probably the Stiengum, to bathe, can be connected with the Khasi word for water.
Sea, pond, ortank—Khmêr,ping; Khasi,pung.
Rice.—Mon,sro, paddy, seems to be in connection with Khmer,srur(spokensrauorsrou). Xongrukois in Palaungrekao, sakao, ortakao. These words remind us of the Khasikhaw, which seems to be borrowed from the Shankhaw(hkao hsau).
Dog.—The common word for this animal will be found to be nearly the same in sound in many of these languages, e.g. Suk.cho; Stieng,sou; Bahnar,ko, cho; Annam,cho; Xong,tcho; Mi,khmu; Lemet,so; Palaung,tsao, hsao; Khasi;ksew. The Monkhluiwis the same as the Khasiksew, iflis changed intos. The Lakadong and Synteng dialects of Khasi haveksaw, and Mynnar (Jirang)ksow.
Rat, mouse.—Mon,kni, gni; Stieng,ko'nei; Bahnar,kone; Khasi,khnai.
Swine.—Bahnarniungis evidently Khasi'niang, the abbreviated form ofsniang.
Tiger.—Mon,kla; Stieng,klah; Bahnar,kla; Khmêr,khlaand Khasi,khlaare evidently the same. With this compare the Kolkula, kula, kula.
Bird.—Sue,kiem; Mon,g'cem,ka-teim; Hüei,chiem; Stieng,chum; Bahnar, Annam,chim; Xong,chiem; Palaung and Wa,hsim, and Khasisimare clearly the same. Also compare Mynnar (Jiraug),ksemwhich is very near to Mon,g'cem.
Fowl.—Hüei,kat, yar; Suk,yer; Bahnar,ir;. Stiengiêr; Khmu,yer; Lemet,er; Palaung,her, and Khasi,siar, abbreviated into'iar, are probably the same.
Fish.—The wordkaorkharuns through the following languages:—Mon, Stieng, Bahnar, Annam, Khmu, Lemet, Palaung, Wa; and if we cut off the first syllable of the Khasi word for fish,dohkha, we find'kha, which is the same word as in the languages above mentioned, with an aspirate added. The Khasidohmerely means flesh, and the worddokkhais very frequently abbreviated, cf.'kha saw, 'kha iong.
Crab.—Mon,kh'tam; Khmêr,ktam; Khasi,tham. If we add the gender sign to the Khasi word, it becomeska tham, and we have exact correspondence.
Woman.—Mon,brouorbrao. Is this the same as the Khasi (ka)briw?
Child.—So,kón; Suk,kon; Mon,kon; Hüei,kuon; Annan,kon; Khmêr,kun; Khasi,khun. Compare Nancowry,kon.
Eye.—The wordmat, mat, mat, run through several of these languages, e.g. Mon,mat; Huei,mat; Stieng;mat; Bahnarmat; Annam,mat; Khasi,khmat(dialecticmat). In Nancowry compareolmat, eye, andokmat, eyebrow, and (e)mat(hen)mat(drug),mat, of the Nicobar dialects, also Semangmat, met, med. Kuhn remarks that the wordmatis common for "sight," and "eye" all over the Malay Archipelago. It should be remarked that in the Amwi and Lakadong dialects of Khasi the word ismat.
Nose.—If we cut off the aspiratekhfrom the Khasikhmut, which thus becomesmut, we find some correspondence between Mon,muh(mu); Stieng (tro),muh; Bahnar,muh. Here also compare Homua, muta; Mundari,mun; Uraon,moy. In the Anwi and Lakadong dialects of Khasi the word ismur-kong.
Hand.—Xong,ti; Mon,toi; Annam,tay, Khmer,te(fromsang te, finger); Palaung,tae, tai, and Khasi,kti(with prefixk) closely correspond. The formstaandtoiof Amwi, and Lakadong, respectively, still more closely correspond with the Mon-Khmer languages than with Khasi. Here compare Nancowryteiandti, ortiof the Kol languages.
Blood.—Palaunghnam, and Wanamclosely correspond with Khasisnám; here compare Khmêriham.
Horn:—Mon,grang, the horn of an animal, may be compared with the Khasireng.
Far.—Distant. Bahnar,hangai; Annam,ngai; Khmêr,chhngay; Lemet,sngay; Suechngaimay be compared with the Khasijing-ngai. Amwishnjngoiseems to be a closer form to the above than Khasijing-ngai. But compare Mynnar (Jirang),chngi, which is clearly very close to Suechngai, and Khmerchhngay.
To weep, to cry.—Mon,yam; Khmer,yam; Khmu Lemet and Palaung,yam, are clearly the same as Khasiiam, with which also may be compared Hoyam.
It is interesting to note that the Amwi and Lakadong dialects of Khasi, which are spoken by the people who dwell on the southern slopes of the Jaintia Hills, seem more closely to correspond with the Mon-Khmer forms than even with Khasi. The Mynnar or Jirang dialect of Khasi, spoken on the extreme north of the hills, also appears to possess some words which are very similar indeed to some of the Mon-Khmer forms given by Professor Kuhn. Unfortunately, I had time to collect but a few words of this interesting dialect, as I arrived in the portion of the country inhabited by these people only a short time before submitting this monograph to Government. The Mynnar dialect appears to be akin to the Synteng, Lakadong, and Amwi forms of speech. The Mynnars observe also the Synteng ceremony of "Beh-ding-khlam," or driving away the demon of cholera, so that although now inhabiting a part of the country a considerable distance away from that of the Synteng, it is not unlikely that they were originally connected with the latter more closely.
Professor Kuhn comes to the conclusion that there is a distinct connection between Khasi, Mon or Talaing, Khmêr, and the other languages of Indo-China that have been mentioned, which is to be seen not only from similarities in some of the numerals, but from the convincing conformities of many other words of these languages. He goes on to add that more important than these contacts of the mono-syllabic languages of Indo-China with mono-syllabic Khasi is their affinity with the Kol, and Nancowry poly-syllabic languages and with that of the aboriginal inhabitants of Malacca, i.e. the languages of the so-called Orang-Outang, or men of tile woods, Sakei, Semung, Orang-Benua, and others; and that although it is not, perhaps, permissible to derive at once from this connection the relation of the Khasi Mon-Khmêr mono-syllabic group with these poly-syllabic languages, it seems to be certain that a common substratum lies below a great portion of the Indo-Chinese languages as well as those of the Kol and Ho-Munda group. More important than connections between words is, as Dr. Grierson points out in his introduction to the Mon-Khmêr family, the order of the words in the sentence. In both Khasi and Mon that order is subject, verb, object. Taking this fact in conjunction with the similarities of the Khasi and Mon vocabularies, we may conclude that it is proof positive of the connection between Khasi and Mon, or Talaing. In Munda, however, this order is subject, object, verb. Tiffs is a very important difference, for, as Dr. Grierson points out, "the order of words in a sentence follows the order of thought of the speaker; it follows therefore that the Mundas think in an order of ideas different from those of the Khasis and the Mons." Dr. Grierson comes to the stone conclusion with respect to these languages as Professor Kuhn, which is as follows:—"Owing to the existence of these differences we should not be justified in assuming a common origin for the Mon-Khmêr languages on the one hand, and for the Munda, Nancowry, and Malacca languages on the other. We may, however, safely assume that there is at the bottom of all these tongues a common substratum, over which there have settled layers of the speeches of other peoples, differing in different localities. Nevertheless, this substratum was so firmly, established as to prevent its being entirely hidden by them, and frequent undeniable traces of it are still discernible in languages spoken in widely distant tracts of Nearer and Further India. Of what language this original substratum consisted we are not yet in a position to say. Whatever it was, it covered a wide area, larger than the area covered by many families of languages in India at the present day. Languages With this common substratum are now spoken, not only in the modern Province of Assam, in Burma, Siam, Cambodia, and Anam, but also over the whole of Central India, as far west as the Berars." Grierson, having agreed regarding the existence of this common substratum, does not finally determine whether the ancient substratum was the parent of the present Munda language, or of the Mon-Khmêr language. He says, "It cannot have been the parent of both, but it is possible that it was the parent of neither." We are thus still in a state of uncertainty as to what was the origin of these languages.
The brief description which follows of some of the more prominent characteristics of the Khasi language is based chiefly on Sir Charles Lyall's skeleton Grammar contained in Vol. II. of Dr. Grierson's "Linguistic Survey of India." It does not pretend to be an exhaustive treatise on the language; for this students are referred to the excellent grammar compiled by the Rev. H. Roberts.
The Article.—There are four articles in Khasi; three in the singular,u, (masculine),ka(feminine), andi(diminutive of both genders); and one in the plural for both genders,ki.
All Khasi nouns take a pronominal prefix to denote the gender, i.e. the third personal pronoun,u(masculine),ka(feminine),i(diminutive). The great majority of inanimate nouns are feminine, and all abstract nouns. The sun (day),ka sngi, is feminine, the moon (month),u b'nai, is masculine. Sometimes the word varies in meaning according to the gender, e,g.u ngap, a bee;ka ngap, honey.
Genders.—Names of mountains, stones, plants, fruits, stem, and the moon, are masculine, e.g.:—
U kyllang, the Kyllang rock.U mawlein, quartz.U phan, potato.U soh niamtra, orange.U'lur duti, the morning star.U'tiw kulap, rose.U b'nai, the moon.
Names of rivers, lakes, books, places, the sun, and' all abstract nouns are feminine, e.g.:—
Ka wah, river.Ka nan, lake.Ka kitap, book.Ka Shillong, Shillong.Ka sngi, sunKa jingsneng, advice.
The articleiis used either as a diminutive, asi khunlung, a baby, or for denoting endearment, asi mei, mother.
Number.—U, ka, andistand for the singular number, e.g.u khla(a tiger),ka khoh(a Khasi basket),i khun(a child).Kiis the sign of the plural, asKi maw, the stones.Kiin some few instances is used honorifically, aski Siem, the king,ki kthaw, the father-in-law.
Casesare eight in number, and are denoted by prefixes. The declension of the nounlum(hill) is given below by way of example:—
Singular. PluralNominativeu lumki lumAccusativeia u lumia ki lumInstrumentalda u lumda ki lumDativeia, ha, oria, ha, orsha u lumsha ki lumAblativena u lumna ki lumGenitivejong u lumjong ki lumLocativeha u lumha ki lumVocativeko lumko phi ki lum
The sign of the genitive case,jong, is sometimes omitted for the sake of brevity, e.g.u ksew nga(my dog) foru ksew jong nga. The prepositionlagives also the force of the possessive case, e.g.la ka jong ka jong(their own). There are some nouns which change their form, or rather are abbreviated when used in the vocative case, e.g.ko mei, notko kmei= Oh mother;ko pa, notko kpa= Oh father. These, however, are all of them nouns showing relationships.
Pronouns.—Personal pronouns arenga(I),ngi(we),me(thou, masculine)pha(thou, feminine),phi, (you, masculine or feminine),u(he, it),ka(she, it),i(diminutive form ofuorka), andki(they).
The emphatic form of the personal pronoun is formed by prefixingma, e.g.ma-nga,ma-u, after a verb, but not after a preposition, e.g.dei-ma-nga= it is I. Butai, ia ma ngais an incorrect form.
The Reflexive Pronounis formed by the wordlade(self) being suffixed to the personal pronoun, asu leh sniu ia lade= he does himself harm, or by the addition of the wordhi(self) to the personal pronoun, asphi hi pbi ong(you yourself).
The Relative Pronounis formed by the suffixba, added to any of the personal pronouns, askaba,uba, kiba(who, which).
The Demonstrative Pronounis formed by the addition of the particles denoting the position of things with reference to the speaker, e.g. (1) near = this,ne(u-ne,kane,i-ne, ki-ne); (2) in sight, but further off = that,to(uto, &c.); (3) further away, but still visible = thattai(u-tai, &c.); (4) out of sight or only contemplated in the mind = that,ta(u-ta, &c.); (5) above = that,tei(u-tei, &c.); (6) below = this,thi(ka-thi, &c.);katai-tai, katei-tei, kathie-thiepoint to an object at a great distance but within sight.
The Interrogative Pronounis the article followed bynoorei(e.g.u-no, kano, who),u-ei, ka-ei(who, which).Eiis often used without the "article," andno(which is restricted to persons) when declined, regularly drops the "article," e.g.jong-nowhose?ia-no, whom?sha-no, to whom? What? neuter, isaiuh, and alsokaei.
Adjectivesare formed by prefixingbato the root, thusbhagoodness;ba-bha, good;sniu, badness;ba-sniu, bad. Whenbais dropped, the word in no longer an adjective but a verb, and in some cases a noun, e.g.uba khraw(adj.) = big, great;u khraw= he becomes great. An adjective may be formed without any of the prefixesba, uba, &c., e.g.ka miau-tuh= a thieving cat.
An adjective follows the noun it qualifies, and agrees with the noun it qualifies in gender and number.
Comparison.—The comparative is formed by addingkhambefore an adjective, followed byban ia(than), or simplyia, and the superlative by adding such adverbs of intensity astam, eh, eh than, tam eh, shikaddei, which are followed generelly byiaorban ia.
Numerals.—In Khasi the cardinal number always precedes the noun (e.g.lai sin, three times,) The following are the first ten numerals.
1.Wei.2.Ar.3.Lai4.Sau.5.San.6.Hinriu.7.Hinnieu.8.Phra.9.Khyndai.10.Shipheu.
The wordkhadis prefixed for forming the numerals from 11 to 19, e.g.khad-wei, khad-ar, eleven, twelve, &c.
The verbal root (which never varies) may be simple or compound. The compound roots are (1)Causals, formed by prefixingpynto the simple root; asiap, die;pyniap, kill. (2)Frequentatives, formed by prefixingiai; asiam, weep;iai iam, weep continually. (3)Inceptives, by prefixingman; asstad, be wise;manstad, grow wise. (4)Reciprocals, by prefixingia; asieit, love;ia-ieit, love one another. (5)Intensives, by prefixing tim particlekyn, lyn, syn, tyn. Any noun or adjective may be treated as a verbal root by means of a prefix of these five classes. Thuskajia, a quarrel (Hindustani loan word,qazía;)ia kajio, to quarrel with one another;bynta, share;pyn-ia-bynta(reciprocal catmal), to divide between several persons. It should be mentioned with reference to the second class or frequentative verbs, that they sometimes take the prefixes, or particles as Roberts prefers to call them,dem, dup, nang, shait, ksawin place ofiai, e.g.dem-wan, to come after;dup-teh, to practise;nang-wad, to go on searching;shait pang, to be always ill;ksaw-bam, to be in the habit of devouring. There are two verbs for "to be,"long, implying existence absolutely, anddon, implying limited existence, and also meaning "to have." There is only one form of conjugation for all verbs. Tense and mood are indicated by prefixes, number and person by the subject. When the subject is a noun the pronoun is inserted before the verb. The following is the conjugation of the verb "to be" in the present, past, and future tenses:—
Present. Past. Future.Singular. Plural. Singular. Plural. Singular. Plural.
1 2 3 4 5 6Nga longNgi longNga la longNgi la longNgan longNgin longI am We are I was We were I shall be We shall be
Me(mas.) orPhi longMeor _phaPhi la longMenor _phanPhin longpha(fem.) la long_ long_longThou art Ye are Thou wast Ye were Thou shalt be You shall be
U(mas.) orKi long_U _or _kaKi la longU'nor _ka'nKin longka(fem.) la long_ long_longHe or she is They are He or she was They were He or she will They will be be
The above simple tenses are made definite or emphatic by various means.La, sign of the past, when added tolah, sign of the potential, has the sense of the pluperfect, e.g.nga la lah long, I had been.Ynabbreviated into'nemphasizes the future, the particlesaalso indicates the future;dais the usual sign of the subjunctive mood,lada, la, lymda, tad, ynda, ban, daare other signs of this mood. The sign of the infinitive isba'n. The imperative is either (1) the simple root, or (2) the root compounded with some word such asto.
Participles.—The present participle is formed by prefixingbato the root, e.g.ba long, being. The imperfect participle is formed by prefixing such words asba u, ka da, da kaba, &c. The perfect participle is formed by putting such particles asba la, haba la, da kaba labefore the verb. Verbal nouns of agency are formed by prefixingnongto the root, e.g.u nong knia(the sacrificer). ThePassive Voiceis formed by using the verb impersonally, and putting the subject into the Accusative case withia.
Potentialityis indicated by the verblah, necessity by the verbdei; danganddashow the indefinite present.
Thenegativeis indicated by the particlesym, contracted into'm, shym, andpat.Ymis put before the verb, e.g.'ym don briew= there is no one; with a pronoun it is contracted, e.g.u'm wan, he does not come. It follows the sign of the future, e.g.phi'n y'm man, you will not come.Shymandpatare neptive particles, and are used withnegative verbsin the past tense, e.g.u'm shymla man, he did not come.
The use of the word "jing."—One of the most striking features of the language is the use of the wordjing, which is employed to create a verbal noun out of a verb: for instance, take the verbbam, to eat; if we prefixjingwe havejingbam, food.Bat, to hold;jing-bat, a handle. The use of the wordnonghas already been noticed under the heading "verbs." As an example of another common prefix, it may again be mentioned here. Thus,nong-ai-jingbammeans a table servant, literally one who gives food. Again,nong-bat, a holder, literally, one who holds.
Syntax.—The order of words in the sentence is usually (1) subject, (2) verb, and (3) object, in fact, the same as in English, and in this respect it differs entirely from the order in the languages derived from Sanskrit, and that of the languages of the Thibeto-Burman group, as far as I have been able to ascertain. For instance, in the Kachari or Boro language the order in the sentence is (1) subject, (2) object, (3) verb. In Khasi when emphasis is needed, however, the object occasionally precedes the berb, e.g.ia u soh u la die, he has sold the fruit, literally, the fruit he has sold. As stated before, adjectives follow the nouns they qualify, e.g.u lum bajyrong, a high mountain, literally, the hill that is high. Interrogative adverbs may either precede or follow the verb, e.g.naei phi wan, orphi wan naei, where do you come from?
No account of the Khasi language would be complete without some reference to the adverbs which are so very numerous in Khasi. U Nissor Singh, in his admirable little book of "Hints on the Study of the Khasi Language," writes, "Adverbs are so numerous in the Khasi language that I shall not attempt to enumerate them all in this small book. Many of the adverbs, indeed, belong to the untranslatables of the language. We are never in want of a specific term to express the appropriate degree of any quality." To learn how to use the right adverb at the right time is one of the niceties of the language. There is a peculiarity about some of the adverbs of place which should be mentioned: e.g.Hangto, there (within sight);hangne, here;hangta, there (out of sight);hangai, there (at some distance);hangtei, there (upwards);hangthi, there (downwards); also the interrogative adverbshangno, nangno, whence, contain the inherent rootnga, and it seems possible that thisngais the first personal pronoun I. If this is so,hangtowould mean literally "to me there,"hangthi"to me down there," and similarlynangno, nangnewould mean "from where to me there" and "from there to me here."
Adverbs generally follow the words they modify, asu'n leit mynta= he will go now, but there are exceptions to the above rule, such as interrogative adverbs. The following come before those they modify:tang shu, la dang(as soon as, when);kham, shait(used to, ever);patorput(yet) ; andshym(not); butshuh(more) goes last. Adverbs of past time are formed by prefixingmyn, e.g.mynhynne, a short time ago. Adverbs of future time are formed by prefixingla. The particlesman,man la, andhaladenote repetition.
The Khasis are exceedingly fond of using double words [43] which add much to the finish and polish of a sentence. Old people especially have a predilection this way. It is one of the great diffuculties of the language to learn how to use such double words correctly. The following are some examples:—
Nouns.
kajain ka nep cloth. ka kot ka sla paper. ka lynti ka syngking road. ka iing ka sem house. u babu, u phabu babu. u tymen u san elder. ka stih, ka wait arms (lit.: shield and sword). u badon ba em a well to do person. ka spah ka phew wealth u kha-u-man a relation on the father's side.
Verbs.
pynsyk-pynsain to comfort. ia shoh ia dat to scuffle. byrngem-byrait to threaten. shepting-shepsmiej to be afraid. ihthuh-ihthaw to be familiar. kyrpad-kyrpon to beg. ia lum-ia lang to assemble.
Adjectives.
basniw-basmeh bad. basmat-basting active. donbor-donsor powerful. don burom-don surom noble. bakhraw-batri pertaining to a noble family. baduk-basuk poor, needy. babok-basot righteous. bariwbha-riwmiat. wealthy.
Adverbs.
hur-hur delicately. hain-hain brilliantly (red). prum-prum, prem-prem prominently. rymbiaw-rymboin shrikingly. nior-nior, iar-iar weakly. parum-pareh many. sip-sip, sap-sap having no taste.
The Mikirs appear to have borrowed a small portion of their vocabulary from the Khasis. The following are quoted as examples of possible common roots:—
Mikir. Khasi. belly pòk kpoh. strike (v.) chòk shoh. father po kpa. come (v.) vàng wán. rice beer hor hiar. maternal uncle ni-lur kni.
The Lynngam dialect differs so much from the standard Khasi that some remarks regarding the former will not be out of place. Dr. Grierson, on pages 17 to 19 of his Volume II. of the "Linguistic Survey of India," has indicated some of these differences, which may be recapitulated here as follows. Some of the commonest verbs vary considerably from those used in the standard dialect. There are also many minor differences of pronunciation. A man isu breo, notu briew, a son is au khon, notu khun. Standardngis often represented bynj. Thusdoinjfording, fire. A finalhoften appears ask, and an initialbasp. Thus,baroh(Standard), all, becomes in Lynngamprok. Standardeibecomesaw. Thuswei=waw, one;dei = daw, necessary. The articles are frequently omitted. The pronounuis used for the plural as well as the singular, instead of the Standard pluralki. The diminutiveiis used with inanimate nouns. This is also sometimes the case in the Standard form.
Nouns.—The prefix of the Accusative-dative isseorsa, often contracted tos'instead ofia(Standard). The prefix of the Dative ishanam, hnam, ortnam. The Standard Dative-locative prefixhais also used, and may be speltheorhy.Taorteare also found. For the genitive, besides the Standardjong, are foundha, am-ba, am, andam-nam. Am-namandamalso mean "from."
The plural sometimes takes the suffixmet.
Adjectives.—The usual word for male iskorang, and for "female"konthaw, in place of the Standardshynrangandkyntheirespectively. The following are examples of comparisons:—Re-myrriang, good;Mai-myrriang, better;U re-myrriang, best. The Standardtamis also used for the superlative.
Pronouns.—The Personal Pronouns are:—
Singular Plural 1st Person, ne biaw, iaw. 2nd Person, mi, mei phiaw. 3rd Person u, ju, u-ju kiw.
The Nominative of the pronoun of the second person singular is given once asba-mi, and once asma-mi. Themaorbais the Standard emphatic prefixma.
Demonstrative Pronouns appear to bebe, teithat, anduni, ornih, this.Beis used as a definite article in the phrasebe jawmai, the earthquake.
The Relative Pronounisu-lah, who.
Interrogative Pronounsarenet, u-iet, who? andmet, what?
Verbs.—The pronoun which is the subject of a verb may either precede or follow it. Thusne rip, I strike;rip biaw, we strike. The words meaning to be arere, im, andmeitin addition to the Standardlong. Like the Standarddon, im, corresponding to Syntengem, also means to have. As in the Standard, the Present Tense is formed by using the bare root.
The Past Tense is formed in one of five ways, viz.:—
1. By suffixinglet, as inong-let, said. 2. By suffixinglah-let, as indih-lah-let, went. 3. By prefixinglah, and suffixinglet, as inlah-ong-let, said. 4. By prefixinglah, as inlah-kyllei, asked. 5. By prefixingyn(yng, ym), as inyn-nai, gave;yng-kheit, shook;um-pait, broke;yn-jai, fell.
The Future is formed in a very peculiar way. The Standardynis inserted into the middle of the root, immediately after the first consenant. Thusrip, strike;rynip, will strike. If the root is a compound, it is inserted between the two members, as inpan-yn-sop, will fill. Here observe that the Standard causative prefixpynbecomespanin Lynngam. The Infinitive the same form as the Future.
Dr. Grierson points out the following most noteworthy fact with reference to the formation of the Lynngam Future and Infinitive, i.e., that similar infixes occur in Malay in the Nancowry dialect of Nicobar, and the Malacca aboriginal languages.
The prefix of the Imperative isnei, as innei-ai, give;nei-lam, bring. The usual negative particle isji, which is suffixed, e.g.um-jiis not.
Numerals.
Lynngam Standard (Khasi).1. Waw, shi Wei, shi.2. Ar-re or a-re Ar.3. Lai-re Lai.4. Saw-re Saw.5. San-de San.6 Hyrrew-re Hinriw.7. Hynnju-re Hinniew.8. Phra-re Phra.9. Khondai-re Khyndai.10. Shi-phu Shi-phew.
The peculiarity about the Lynngam numerals is the suffixre, and the numeral "five"de. None of the other dialects of Khasi posess this peculiarity. Dr. Grierson's Volume may be referred to for a Lynngam Vocabulary. I make the following additions:—
English Lynngam Khasi (Standard).Hearth paw ka dypeiEarthen pot kheow u khiwFlesh mim ka dohSpoon jamplai ka siangSleeping-room syrkut ka'rumpeiDrinking-gourd longtang u skaw,, ,, longjak u klong dih-umBroom shipuat u synsar
Clothing
Turban khabong jain brung ka jain spongEar-ring kurneng ka shohshkorApron shiliang ka jymphongHaversack jolonjwa [44] ka plaCap pokhia ka tupiaGirdle pun-poh u saipanUnder Garment jain tongpan ka jympin(female)
Domestic Terms.
Pestle synraw u synreiDoor phyrdaw ka jingkhangFowl house kjor syar ka sem siarPortion of housein front of thehearth nengiaw ka nongpeiDo. behind thehearth shangla ka rumpeiStore-house siang ka ieng buh kybaMillet jrai u kraiIndian corn soh rikhawu riw hademArum chew ka shiriew
Agricultural Implements.
Spade wakhew u mokhiewBill-hook wait-bah ka wait LynngamDo. wait-koh ka wait khmutAxe dapam u sdiBasket used inreaping andsowing khyrnai ka koh rit.
Exogamous Clans in the Cherra State
1. Basa-iew-moit Intermarriage with Majaw and Hynniewta clans prohibited. 2. Diengdoh Intermarriage with Lalu, Diengdohbah and Diengdohkylla clans prohibited. 3. 'Dkhar 4. Dohling 5. Dulai 6. Dunai 7. Hura 8. Hynniewta 9. Jala 10. Jyrwa 11. Khar Jarain 12. ,, Khlem 13. ,, Khrang 14. ,, Kongor 15. ,, Kyni 16. ,, Lukhi 17. ,, Maw 18. ,, Mawphlang 19. ,, Mu 20. ,, Muid 21. ,, Muti 22. ,, Mylliem 23. ,, Naior 24. ,, Shi-ieng 25. ,, Synteng 26. — — 27. Khong-bri 28. ,, hat 29. ,, ji 30. ,, joh 31. ,, kwang 32. ,, kynshen 33. ,, kyntiaj 34. ,, kyshah 35. ,, lam 36. ,, liar 37. ,, longioi 38. ,, lynnong 39. ,, mawpat 40. ,, mukon 41. ,, ngain 42. ,, riat 43. ,, rymmai 44. ,, sdir 45. ,, shir 46. ,, sit 47. ,, sngi 48. ,, sya 49. ,, war 50. ,, wet 51. ,, wir 52. Lyngdoh-Nonglwai 53. Lynden 54. Lynrah 55. Majaw 56. Marbaniang This is one of the myntri clans of Mawsynram State. 57. Malngiang Originally from Maskut in the Jowai Sub-division. 58. Marpna 59. Mawlong 60. Marboh Formerly one of the Khadar Kur clans. Has now become extinct. 61. Mawdkhap 62. Mohkhiew 63. Mynrieng 64. Myrthong 65. Nongbri 66. Nongkynrih One of the myntri clans of the Khyrim State. 67. Nonglait 68. Nongtran 69. Nonglathiang 70. Nongrum One of the myntri clans of the Khyrim State. 71. Nontariang These two clans cannot intermarry. Nongtariang is now one of the Khadar Kur clans in place of the Marboh clan which has become extinct. 72. Padoh 73. Parariang 74. Pohnong 75. Prawai 76. Puria 77. Pompyrthat 78. Rani 79. Rapthap 80. Rynjah One of the myntri clans of the Khyrim State. 81. Samai 82. Shabong 83. Shanpru 84. ShriehShriehmeans a monkey. Possibly totemistic. 85. Siem Lyngng 86. Sohkhlet 87. Shyngpliang 88. Sumer 89. Swer 90. Syiem 91. Syngai 92. Synrem 93. Thabah 94. Tham _Tham_means a crab. Possibly totemistic. 95. Tohtih 96. Umdor 97. Walang 98. Warkon 99 Khyrwang 100. Ksing