Avdeiev, Alexander, formerly a locksmith. Was commissar to the imperial house at Ekaterinburg from May till June, 1918.Aksiuta, Captain, in command of the First Rifles Regiment in Tsarskoe-Selo, was commanding the detachment of the guards of the imperial family in Tobolsk.Apraksin, Count. At the outbreak of the revolution was attached to the empress, being in charge of her affairs.Benckendorf, Count. Cavalry general. Was grand marshal of the imperial court.Botkin, Eugene Sergeievich, physician. Stayed permanently with the imperial family from the moment of their arrest till the time they were murdered. Was shot with the imperial family.Buxhoevden, Sophie, Baroness. Personal maid of honour to the empress. Accompanied her to Tobolsk.Beloborodov, Alexander. Chairman of the Ural provincial soviet of the workmen’s and soldiers’ deputies. Following his orders the imperial family were assassinated.Chemodurov, Terenty Ivanovich; servant to the emperor; arrived with the imperial family at Tobolsk; stayed with the emperor up till the time the imperial family was moved to Ekaterinburg. He died shortly after.Chkeidze, Member of the duma; one of the leaders of the Petrograd soviet of workmen’s deputies during the first months of the revolution.Dmitriev, High Commissar, commissioned to Tobolsk by the Omsk soviet of workmen’s deputies.Demidova, Anna, favourite maid of the empress. Stayed permanently with her in Tsarskoe-Selo, Tobolsk and Ekaterinburg. Was shot with the imperial family.Dehn, Julia, Mme. Wife of first officer on Emperor’s yachtStandart. An intimate friend of the Empress.Derevenko, Vladimir Nikolaievich, physician. Stayed with the imperial family in Tobolsk.Dolgoruky, Alexander Vasilievich, prince, marshal of the imperial court. Stayed with the imperial family in Tobolsk.Domodzianz, Ensign, Armenian origin. Was elected by the Tsarskoe-Selo soviet of workmen’s deputies to assist Colonel Kobylinsky.Dutzman, Commissar to the imperial family. Commissioned from Omsk by the Siberian soviet of workmen’s deputies.Erzberg, Elizabeth. The grand duchesses’ maid. Parted from the imperial family on the way to Ekaterinburg.Gibbes, Sidney. An English teacher to the grand duchesses and tsarevich. Joined the imperial family in Tobolsk and stayed with them until their arrival in Ekaterinburg.Gilliard, French teacher to the grand duchesses and the tsarevich. Stayed with the imperial family in Tobolsk and accompanied the tsarevich to Ekaterinburg, where he was dismissed from the imperial family’s service.Haritonov, Ivan. The chef to the imperial family. Was shot with the imperial family.Hendrykova, Anastasia Vasilievna, Countess. Personal maid of honour to the empress. Came with her to Tobolsk.Hitrovo, Margaret. Maid of honour to the grand duchesses. Arrived at Tobolsk and was arrested.Hlynoff, Priest in Tobolsk who replaced the priest Vasiliev.Hohriakov, a graduate of an ecclesiastical seminary; chairman of the Tobolsk soviet of workmen’s and soldiers’ deputies; became commissar to the imperial family after the resignation of Yakovlev.Kerensky, Alexander Feodorovich, minister of justice, formerly prime minister of the provisional government.Kobylinsky, Eugene Stefanovich, Colonel; was appointed commander of the garrison in Tsarskoe-Selo. Later was commandant of the palace. Brought the imperial family to Tobolsk, and was in command of the guards until the time the imperial family moved to Ekaterinburg.Kornilov, Lavr Georgievich, famous Russian general and patriot. A prominent name in the history of the Russian revolution. During the first days of the revolution was made commanding officer of the forces of the Petrograd military district. Was the executor of the order of the provisional government for the arrest of the imperial family.Korovichenko, Paul, Colonel, military jurist; was made commandant of the Tsarskoe-Selo palace after Kotsebue.Kotsebue, Captain of Uhlans, commandant of the Tsarskoe-Selo palace. Was dismissed and succeeded by Korovichenko.Kuzmin, Ensign; was in command of the military forces of the Petrograd district after Kornilov and Polovtzov.Lvov, George Evgenevich, prime minister of the provisional government during the first three months of the revolution. Was imprisoned in Ekaterinburg at the time the imperial family was kept in Ipatiev’s house.Makarov, Engineer; was attached to the imperial family during their journey to Tobolsk.Medvedev, Pavel; aged thirty-one; senior guard of the imperial family in Ekaterinburg. Took part in the murder of the imperial family.Moshkin, Alexander; formerly locksmith; was assistant to Commissar Avdeiev in Ekaterinburg. Was discharged for drunkenness and theft of the emperor’s belongings.Mrachkovsky, Serge; Military Commissar in the Red army. Collected the men for the guard of the imperial family in Ekaterinburg.Nagorny, Clement Gregorievich; a servant of the tsarevich; stayed with them permanently. After the time the imperial family moved to Ekaterinburg, was dismissed, put in prison and shot.Naryshkina, Lady of honour to the empress.Nikiforov, Alexis; senior guard of the imperial family in Tobolsk.Nikolsky, Alexander; Ensign, member of the Social Revolutionary party. Was assistant to Commissar Pankratov in Tobolsk.Nikulin, Assistant to Commissar Yurovsky in Ekaterinburg.Pankratov, Basil Semenovich; was appointed in September, 1917, as commissar to the imperial family and was dismissed by the soldiers after the Bolshevik revolution.Pereverzeff, Paul Nikolaievich; lawyer, replaced Kerensky in the post of minister of justice and resigned on account of trouble he had with thePetrograd Bolsheviki. Made the search of the emperor’s papers at Tsarskoe-Selo.Pignatti, District Commissar in Tobolsk; occupied this position from the first days of the revolution till the time of the downfall of Admiral Kolchak’s government.Polovtzov, General; took General Kornilov’s position as commander of the military forces of the Petrograd district.Proskuriakov, Philip; aged seventeen, workman; was amongst the guards of the imperial family in Ekaterinburg.Razputin, Gregory; half monk and half adventurer; was killed a month before the revolution.Rodionov, Commander of the Letts detachment in Tobolsk; escorted the tsarevich and the grand duchesses from Tobolsk to Ekaterinburg.Sednev, Ivan; servant of the grand duchesses.Schneider, Katherine, court lecturer; was separated from the imperial family in Ekaterinburg.Sverdlov, a prominent Bolshevik, chairman of the central executive committee of the All-Russian congress of soviets of workmen’s, soldiers’ and peasants’ deputies.Tatishcheff, Ilia Leonidovich, Count, general A. D. C. to the emperor; stayed with the imperial family in Tobolsk; discharged on their arrival at Ekaterinburg; shot.Tegleva, Alexandra, nurse of the tsarevich and grand duchesses; stayed with the imperialfamily up to the time of their arrival in Ekaterinburg.Trupp, Alexis; servant of the imperial family; stayed with them and was shot with the imperial family.Tutelberg, Mary, maid to the empress; was separated from the imperial family on the way to Ekaterinburg.Vasiliev, Clergyman of the Blagoveschensky church in Tobolsk; officiated at divine service in the imperial family’s house.Vershinin, Member of the duma, accompanied the imperial family to Tobolsk as commissar of the provisional government.Volkov, Alexis; servant to the empress, discharged and arrested on the arrival of the imperial family at Ekaterinburg.Vyrubova, personal maid of honour and a friend of the empress.Yakimov, Anataly; workman who was a senior guard of the imperial family in Ekaterinburg.Yakovlev, Bolshevik commissar to the imperial family. Replaced Pankratov on April 9, 1918. Came from Moscow to Tobolsk and went back on account of trouble he had with the Ekaterinburg Bolsheviki, who seized the imperial family.Yurovsky, Commandant, jailer and executioner of the imperial family.
Avdeiev, Alexander, formerly a locksmith. Was commissar to the imperial house at Ekaterinburg from May till June, 1918.
Aksiuta, Captain, in command of the First Rifles Regiment in Tsarskoe-Selo, was commanding the detachment of the guards of the imperial family in Tobolsk.
Apraksin, Count. At the outbreak of the revolution was attached to the empress, being in charge of her affairs.
Benckendorf, Count. Cavalry general. Was grand marshal of the imperial court.
Botkin, Eugene Sergeievich, physician. Stayed permanently with the imperial family from the moment of their arrest till the time they were murdered. Was shot with the imperial family.
Buxhoevden, Sophie, Baroness. Personal maid of honour to the empress. Accompanied her to Tobolsk.
Beloborodov, Alexander. Chairman of the Ural provincial soviet of the workmen’s and soldiers’ deputies. Following his orders the imperial family were assassinated.
Chemodurov, Terenty Ivanovich; servant to the emperor; arrived with the imperial family at Tobolsk; stayed with the emperor up till the time the imperial family was moved to Ekaterinburg. He died shortly after.
Chkeidze, Member of the duma; one of the leaders of the Petrograd soviet of workmen’s deputies during the first months of the revolution.
Dmitriev, High Commissar, commissioned to Tobolsk by the Omsk soviet of workmen’s deputies.
Demidova, Anna, favourite maid of the empress. Stayed permanently with her in Tsarskoe-Selo, Tobolsk and Ekaterinburg. Was shot with the imperial family.
Dehn, Julia, Mme. Wife of first officer on Emperor’s yachtStandart. An intimate friend of the Empress.
Derevenko, Vladimir Nikolaievich, physician. Stayed with the imperial family in Tobolsk.
Dolgoruky, Alexander Vasilievich, prince, marshal of the imperial court. Stayed with the imperial family in Tobolsk.
Domodzianz, Ensign, Armenian origin. Was elected by the Tsarskoe-Selo soviet of workmen’s deputies to assist Colonel Kobylinsky.
Dutzman, Commissar to the imperial family. Commissioned from Omsk by the Siberian soviet of workmen’s deputies.
Erzberg, Elizabeth. The grand duchesses’ maid. Parted from the imperial family on the way to Ekaterinburg.
Gibbes, Sidney. An English teacher to the grand duchesses and tsarevich. Joined the imperial family in Tobolsk and stayed with them until their arrival in Ekaterinburg.
Gilliard, French teacher to the grand duchesses and the tsarevich. Stayed with the imperial family in Tobolsk and accompanied the tsarevich to Ekaterinburg, where he was dismissed from the imperial family’s service.
Haritonov, Ivan. The chef to the imperial family. Was shot with the imperial family.
Hendrykova, Anastasia Vasilievna, Countess. Personal maid of honour to the empress. Came with her to Tobolsk.
Hitrovo, Margaret. Maid of honour to the grand duchesses. Arrived at Tobolsk and was arrested.
Hlynoff, Priest in Tobolsk who replaced the priest Vasiliev.
Hohriakov, a graduate of an ecclesiastical seminary; chairman of the Tobolsk soviet of workmen’s and soldiers’ deputies; became commissar to the imperial family after the resignation of Yakovlev.
Kerensky, Alexander Feodorovich, minister of justice, formerly prime minister of the provisional government.
Kobylinsky, Eugene Stefanovich, Colonel; was appointed commander of the garrison in Tsarskoe-Selo. Later was commandant of the palace. Brought the imperial family to Tobolsk, and was in command of the guards until the time the imperial family moved to Ekaterinburg.
Kornilov, Lavr Georgievich, famous Russian general and patriot. A prominent name in the history of the Russian revolution. During the first days of the revolution was made commanding officer of the forces of the Petrograd military district. Was the executor of the order of the provisional government for the arrest of the imperial family.
Korovichenko, Paul, Colonel, military jurist; was made commandant of the Tsarskoe-Selo palace after Kotsebue.
Kotsebue, Captain of Uhlans, commandant of the Tsarskoe-Selo palace. Was dismissed and succeeded by Korovichenko.
Kuzmin, Ensign; was in command of the military forces of the Petrograd district after Kornilov and Polovtzov.
Lvov, George Evgenevich, prime minister of the provisional government during the first three months of the revolution. Was imprisoned in Ekaterinburg at the time the imperial family was kept in Ipatiev’s house.
Makarov, Engineer; was attached to the imperial family during their journey to Tobolsk.
Medvedev, Pavel; aged thirty-one; senior guard of the imperial family in Ekaterinburg. Took part in the murder of the imperial family.
Moshkin, Alexander; formerly locksmith; was assistant to Commissar Avdeiev in Ekaterinburg. Was discharged for drunkenness and theft of the emperor’s belongings.
Mrachkovsky, Serge; Military Commissar in the Red army. Collected the men for the guard of the imperial family in Ekaterinburg.
Nagorny, Clement Gregorievich; a servant of the tsarevich; stayed with them permanently. After the time the imperial family moved to Ekaterinburg, was dismissed, put in prison and shot.
Naryshkina, Lady of honour to the empress.
Nikiforov, Alexis; senior guard of the imperial family in Tobolsk.
Nikolsky, Alexander; Ensign, member of the Social Revolutionary party. Was assistant to Commissar Pankratov in Tobolsk.
Nikulin, Assistant to Commissar Yurovsky in Ekaterinburg.
Pankratov, Basil Semenovich; was appointed in September, 1917, as commissar to the imperial family and was dismissed by the soldiers after the Bolshevik revolution.
Pereverzeff, Paul Nikolaievich; lawyer, replaced Kerensky in the post of minister of justice and resigned on account of trouble he had with thePetrograd Bolsheviki. Made the search of the emperor’s papers at Tsarskoe-Selo.
Pignatti, District Commissar in Tobolsk; occupied this position from the first days of the revolution till the time of the downfall of Admiral Kolchak’s government.
Polovtzov, General; took General Kornilov’s position as commander of the military forces of the Petrograd district.
Proskuriakov, Philip; aged seventeen, workman; was amongst the guards of the imperial family in Ekaterinburg.
Razputin, Gregory; half monk and half adventurer; was killed a month before the revolution.
Rodionov, Commander of the Letts detachment in Tobolsk; escorted the tsarevich and the grand duchesses from Tobolsk to Ekaterinburg.
Sednev, Ivan; servant of the grand duchesses.
Schneider, Katherine, court lecturer; was separated from the imperial family in Ekaterinburg.
Sverdlov, a prominent Bolshevik, chairman of the central executive committee of the All-Russian congress of soviets of workmen’s, soldiers’ and peasants’ deputies.
Tatishcheff, Ilia Leonidovich, Count, general A. D. C. to the emperor; stayed with the imperial family in Tobolsk; discharged on their arrival at Ekaterinburg; shot.
Tegleva, Alexandra, nurse of the tsarevich and grand duchesses; stayed with the imperialfamily up to the time of their arrival in Ekaterinburg.
Trupp, Alexis; servant of the imperial family; stayed with them and was shot with the imperial family.
Tutelberg, Mary, maid to the empress; was separated from the imperial family on the way to Ekaterinburg.
Vasiliev, Clergyman of the Blagoveschensky church in Tobolsk; officiated at divine service in the imperial family’s house.
Vershinin, Member of the duma, accompanied the imperial family to Tobolsk as commissar of the provisional government.
Volkov, Alexis; servant to the empress, discharged and arrested on the arrival of the imperial family at Ekaterinburg.
Vyrubova, personal maid of honour and a friend of the empress.
Yakimov, Anataly; workman who was a senior guard of the imperial family in Ekaterinburg.
Yakovlev, Bolshevik commissar to the imperial family. Replaced Pankratov on April 9, 1918. Came from Moscow to Tobolsk and went back on account of trouble he had with the Ekaterinburg Bolsheviki, who seized the imperial family.
Yurovsky, Commandant, jailer and executioner of the imperial family.
FOOTNOTES:[1]This is what Trotzky called the sailors of the Baltic Fleet after they had murdered their officers.—Translator’s Note.[2]Cf. Ludendorff’s “War Memories”, Vol. II., page 658. “We could have deposed the Soviet Government, which was thoroughly hostile to us, and given help to other authorities in Russia which were not working against us, but indeed anxious to coöoperate with us. This would have been a success of great importance to the general conduct of the war. If some other Government were established in Russia, it would almost certainly have been possible to come to some compromise with it over the Peace of Brest.”[3]Ludendorff. “War Memories,” Vol. II, page 509:“From October, 1917, onwards, Bolshevism in Russia obtained an even firmer hold.“I could not doubt that the disintegration of the Russian Army and nation involved an extraordinary risk for Germany and Austria-Hungary. All the greater was my anxiety when I thought of the weakness of our Government and theirs.“By sending Lenin to Russia our Government had, moreover, assumed a great responsibility. From a military point of view his journey was justified, for Russia had to be laid low. But our Government should have seen to it that we also were not involved in her fall.”Vol. II., page 654:“In Russia events had developed along lines of their own, illustrative of the lying propensities of the Soviet Government. With the consent of the Government the Entente had formed Czecho-Slovak units out of Austro-Hungarian prisoners. These were intended to be used against us, and were therefore to be conveyed to France by the Siberian railway. All this was sanctioned by a Government with whom we were at peace, and we actually took it lying down! At the beginning of June I wrote to the Imperial Chancellor specially on the subject, and pointed out the dangers which threatened us from the Soviet Government.”Vol. II., page 656:“I had got into touch with him (General Krasnov) in order to prevent his joining the Entente. The situation was complicated by the fact that I could not put difficulties in the way of the home Government’s pro-Bolshevik policy, of which, of course, I was informed, and Krasnov regarded the Soviet Government, and not the Entente, as his enemy.”[4]Haemophilia, the disease from which the Tsarevich suffered, is as a general rule transmitted through the females to the males. The females do not suffer from it themselves.[5]Ludendorff. “War Memories,” Vol. II., page 413:“...The Tsar was overthrown by the Revolution, which was favoured by the Entente. The Entente’s reasons for backing the Revolution are not clear. At all events, it is certain that the Entente expected the Revolution to bring them some advantage in the war. They wished at least to save anything that could be saved and, consequently, did not hesitate to act. The Tsar, who had begun the war in order to please the Entente, had to be removed.”[6]Here is the text of the suppressed document:“My dearly loved troops, I address you for the last time. After my abdication, for me and for my son, from the Russian Throne, the power is transferred to the Provisional Government which rose on the initiation of the Duma. God help them to lead Russia on the way of glory and prosperity. God help you also, valiant troops, to hold our native land firmly against the evil enemy.“During two and a half years you endured, daily, the hardships of active service. Much blood has been shed, many efforts have been made, and the hour is already near when Russia, bound to her valiant Allies, by one general impulse to victory, will break the last efforts of the adversary.“This unprecedented war must be brought to a full victory. He who thinks now of peace, who wishes it—that man is a betrayer of his Fatherland, a traitor. I know that every honest soldier thinks thus. Then fulfill your duty, defend our native land valiantly, submit yourselves to the Provisional Government, obey your commanders, remember that every weakening of discipline in the service is only an advantage to the enemy.“I firmly believe that the infinite love of our great native land has not died out of your hearts. May God bless you and Saint George the great Vanquisher and Martyr guide you.“NICHOLAS.”The Order was counter-signed by General Alexeiev, Chief of Staff.[7]They are the wives of the Grand Dukes Nicholas and his brother Peter and sisters of the Queen of Italy. At one time they were very friendly with the Empress and through them Razputin came to the notice of the Court. Afterwards they became enemies of Razputin.[8]It must be borne in mind that the virtual ruler in Moscow was Count Mirbach (see chapter 2), the Bolshevist leaders being appointees and vassals of Germany, though, perhaps even then, secretly conspiring against their masters. Further, it is known that many influential Russians were intriguing with Mirbach (May, 1918) to restore the Monarchy. This movement collapsed because the two “orientations”—German and Entente—could not agree. The “Germans” wanted Alexis; the “Ententes” favoured Michael.“We could have deposed the Soviet Government, which was thoroughly hostile to us, and given help to other authorities in Russia, which were not working against us, but indeed anxious to cooperate with us. This would have been a success of great importance to the general conduct of the war. If some other Government were established in Russia, it would almost certainly have been possible to come to some compromise with it over the Peace of Brest.”[9]Up to date (August, 1920), the only information that has reached the world respecting the Imperial family’s private papers, removed to Moscow after their death, is contained in three short telegrams published inThe London Timesof August 16, August 28, and September 28, 1918.The first gives an extract of the Tsar’s diary for March 2/15, the day of his abdication at Pskov:—“General Ruzsky came this morning and read to me a long conversation which he had had on the telephone with Rodzianko, according to which the situation at Petrograd is such that a Cabinet of members of the Duma will be unable to do anything because against it are fighting the Socialist Parties in the shape of workmen’s committees. My abdication is necessary. Ruzsky has transmitted this conversation to General Headquarters, and Alexeiev passed it on to all the Commanders-in-Chiefs. At 12.30 came answers from all, the sense of which is that, to save Russia and keep the Army at the front quiet, I must make up my mind to this step. I have consented. From G.H.Q. they have sent a draft of a manifesto. In the evening arrived from Petrograd Guchkov and Shulgin, with whom I had a long talk, and handed them the signed manifesto as agreed (i.e., renouncing the Tsarevich’s rights as well—the Tsar’s own decision). At one o’clock in the morning left Pskov with a heavy feeling, due to all I have lived through. Am surrounded by treachery, cowardice, and deceit.”The second reproduces a letter dated January 14, 1916, from the Empress Maria to “Niki,” complaining of Witte’s delay in summoning the Duma, bids the Tsar be strong, congratulating him on his “new spirit.” On April 5 (at Tsarskoe) the Tsar in his diary speaks of preparations to go to England, and says that news of this proposal was communicated to him by Prince Lvov and Kerensky.The third merely enumerates the other documents seized by the Soviet:—“The diaries of the Empress and her daughters, notes by the Tsarevich, over 5,000 letters of the correspondence of the Tsar with his wife, with the Kaiser and other Sovereigns, with Razputin with divers official personages, also with his father Alexander III, between 1877 and 1894.”Lastly, theManchester Guardian(of July 1, 1920) published from its Moscow correspondent a summary of Alexandra’s letters to Nicholas II., copies of which (the originals having disappeared) had been secretly lent to him by a member of the Soviet Government. The extracts quoted by him do not shed any new light on her life and character.[10]This document has been widely quoted by Jewish organizations to prove that the murder of the Tsar was not carried out by the Bolshevists, and to dispel the nation of a “racial vendetta.”A proposof this document theLondon Daily Telegraphstated (August 18, 1920):—“In the interest of truth it must be here said that the Moscow Central Soviet Government has always disclaimed all participation (sic) in the murder, explaining that its intention was to judge Nicholas II. publicly, but not to do away with him secretly in a cellar.”[11]Thechrezvychaikaof Petrograd, presided over by the Jew Peters, proclaimed that “the criminal hand of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party, directed by the Anglo-French, has dared to fire at the leader of the working classes.... This crime will be answered by mass terror ... representatives of capital will be sent to forced labour ... counter-revolutionaries will be exterminated....” Petrovsky, Komisar for Interior, telegraphed all local Soviets, reproving them for “the extraordinarily insignificant number of serious repressions (the hate-laden Jew could not abide the innate kindliness of the Russians) and mass shootings of White Guards andbourgeoisie.” Petrovsky denounced these “grandmotherly” methods (——). He ordained “all Right Socialist-Revolutionaries must be immediately arrested. Considerable numbers of hostages must be taken frombourgeoisieand former officers. At the slightest attempt at resistance, or the slightest movement in White Guard circles, mass shootings of hostages must be immediately employed. Indecisive and irresolute action in this matter on the part of local Soviets will be severely dealt with.” Early in September (1918), Zinoviev (Apfelbaum), one of the “cultured” leaders of Sovietdom, publicly declared: “We must win over to our side 90 millions out of the 100 millions of population of Soviet Russia. As for the rest, we have nothing to say to them, they must be annihilated.” Bolshevism, White Book, p. 80.[12]Admiral Kolchak was surrendered by the Czechs to the Reds at Irkutsk while he was travelling eastward in February, 1920, under the protection of the Allied flags. The order to surrender him was countersigned by the Czech “commander-in-chief”, General Janin. Admiral Kolchak was shot soon afterward in a peculiarly cruel manner.[13]Even this high body (the Red Cabinet of Ministers) was, like all Soviet institutions, ruled by an Inner Ring (Presidium or Executive Committee) which was (and is) invariably composed of Jews, with one or two Russians as lay figures.[14]Here is the way “Democratism” was applied. I cite Bolshevist writers: The “instruction” issued by the All-Russian Extraordinary Commission to all Provincial Extraordinary Commissions (Chrezvychaiki) says:—“The All-Russian Extraordinary Commission is perfectly independent in its work, carrying out house searches, arrests, executions, which it afterwards reports to the Council of the People’s Commissaries (Sovnarkom) and to the Central Executive Council (Tsik). The Provincial and District Extraordinary Commissions are independent in their activities, and when called upon by the local Executive Council (Ispolkom) present a report of their work.” In so far as house searches and arrests are concerned, a report made afterwards may result in putting right irregularities committed owing to lack of restraint. The same cannot be said of executions.... It can also be seen from the “instruction” that personal safety is to a certain extent guaranteed only to members of the Government, of the Central Executive Council (Tsik) and of the local Executive Committees (Ispolkom). With the exception of these few persons all members of the local committees of the (Bolshevik) party, of the Control Committees and of the Executive Committee of the party may be shot at any time by the decision of any Extraordinary Commission of a small district town if they happen to be on its territory, and a report of that made afterwards. (From an article by M. Alminsky, “Pravda,” October 8, 1918.)“Comrade” Bokiv gave details of the work of the Petrograd District Commission since the evacuation of the All-Russian Extraordinary Commission to Moscow. The total number of arrested persons was 6,220. 800 were shot. (During about six months.) (From a report of a meeting of the Conference of the Extraordinary Commission, “Izvestia”, October 19, 1918, No. 228.)[15]See footnote, Chapter VII.
FOOTNOTES:
[1]This is what Trotzky called the sailors of the Baltic Fleet after they had murdered their officers.—Translator’s Note.
[1]This is what Trotzky called the sailors of the Baltic Fleet after they had murdered their officers.—Translator’s Note.
[2]Cf. Ludendorff’s “War Memories”, Vol. II., page 658. “We could have deposed the Soviet Government, which was thoroughly hostile to us, and given help to other authorities in Russia which were not working against us, but indeed anxious to coöoperate with us. This would have been a success of great importance to the general conduct of the war. If some other Government were established in Russia, it would almost certainly have been possible to come to some compromise with it over the Peace of Brest.”
[2]Cf. Ludendorff’s “War Memories”, Vol. II., page 658. “We could have deposed the Soviet Government, which was thoroughly hostile to us, and given help to other authorities in Russia which were not working against us, but indeed anxious to coöoperate with us. This would have been a success of great importance to the general conduct of the war. If some other Government were established in Russia, it would almost certainly have been possible to come to some compromise with it over the Peace of Brest.”
[3]Ludendorff. “War Memories,” Vol. II, page 509:“From October, 1917, onwards, Bolshevism in Russia obtained an even firmer hold.“I could not doubt that the disintegration of the Russian Army and nation involved an extraordinary risk for Germany and Austria-Hungary. All the greater was my anxiety when I thought of the weakness of our Government and theirs.“By sending Lenin to Russia our Government had, moreover, assumed a great responsibility. From a military point of view his journey was justified, for Russia had to be laid low. But our Government should have seen to it that we also were not involved in her fall.”Vol. II., page 654:“In Russia events had developed along lines of their own, illustrative of the lying propensities of the Soviet Government. With the consent of the Government the Entente had formed Czecho-Slovak units out of Austro-Hungarian prisoners. These were intended to be used against us, and were therefore to be conveyed to France by the Siberian railway. All this was sanctioned by a Government with whom we were at peace, and we actually took it lying down! At the beginning of June I wrote to the Imperial Chancellor specially on the subject, and pointed out the dangers which threatened us from the Soviet Government.”Vol. II., page 656:“I had got into touch with him (General Krasnov) in order to prevent his joining the Entente. The situation was complicated by the fact that I could not put difficulties in the way of the home Government’s pro-Bolshevik policy, of which, of course, I was informed, and Krasnov regarded the Soviet Government, and not the Entente, as his enemy.”
[3]Ludendorff. “War Memories,” Vol. II, page 509:
“From October, 1917, onwards, Bolshevism in Russia obtained an even firmer hold.
“I could not doubt that the disintegration of the Russian Army and nation involved an extraordinary risk for Germany and Austria-Hungary. All the greater was my anxiety when I thought of the weakness of our Government and theirs.
“By sending Lenin to Russia our Government had, moreover, assumed a great responsibility. From a military point of view his journey was justified, for Russia had to be laid low. But our Government should have seen to it that we also were not involved in her fall.”
Vol. II., page 654:
“In Russia events had developed along lines of their own, illustrative of the lying propensities of the Soviet Government. With the consent of the Government the Entente had formed Czecho-Slovak units out of Austro-Hungarian prisoners. These were intended to be used against us, and were therefore to be conveyed to France by the Siberian railway. All this was sanctioned by a Government with whom we were at peace, and we actually took it lying down! At the beginning of June I wrote to the Imperial Chancellor specially on the subject, and pointed out the dangers which threatened us from the Soviet Government.”
Vol. II., page 656:
“I had got into touch with him (General Krasnov) in order to prevent his joining the Entente. The situation was complicated by the fact that I could not put difficulties in the way of the home Government’s pro-Bolshevik policy, of which, of course, I was informed, and Krasnov regarded the Soviet Government, and not the Entente, as his enemy.”
[4]Haemophilia, the disease from which the Tsarevich suffered, is as a general rule transmitted through the females to the males. The females do not suffer from it themselves.
[4]Haemophilia, the disease from which the Tsarevich suffered, is as a general rule transmitted through the females to the males. The females do not suffer from it themselves.
[5]Ludendorff. “War Memories,” Vol. II., page 413:“...The Tsar was overthrown by the Revolution, which was favoured by the Entente. The Entente’s reasons for backing the Revolution are not clear. At all events, it is certain that the Entente expected the Revolution to bring them some advantage in the war. They wished at least to save anything that could be saved and, consequently, did not hesitate to act. The Tsar, who had begun the war in order to please the Entente, had to be removed.”
[5]Ludendorff. “War Memories,” Vol. II., page 413:
“...The Tsar was overthrown by the Revolution, which was favoured by the Entente. The Entente’s reasons for backing the Revolution are not clear. At all events, it is certain that the Entente expected the Revolution to bring them some advantage in the war. They wished at least to save anything that could be saved and, consequently, did not hesitate to act. The Tsar, who had begun the war in order to please the Entente, had to be removed.”
[6]Here is the text of the suppressed document:“My dearly loved troops, I address you for the last time. After my abdication, for me and for my son, from the Russian Throne, the power is transferred to the Provisional Government which rose on the initiation of the Duma. God help them to lead Russia on the way of glory and prosperity. God help you also, valiant troops, to hold our native land firmly against the evil enemy.“During two and a half years you endured, daily, the hardships of active service. Much blood has been shed, many efforts have been made, and the hour is already near when Russia, bound to her valiant Allies, by one general impulse to victory, will break the last efforts of the adversary.“This unprecedented war must be brought to a full victory. He who thinks now of peace, who wishes it—that man is a betrayer of his Fatherland, a traitor. I know that every honest soldier thinks thus. Then fulfill your duty, defend our native land valiantly, submit yourselves to the Provisional Government, obey your commanders, remember that every weakening of discipline in the service is only an advantage to the enemy.“I firmly believe that the infinite love of our great native land has not died out of your hearts. May God bless you and Saint George the great Vanquisher and Martyr guide you.“NICHOLAS.”The Order was counter-signed by General Alexeiev, Chief of Staff.
[6]Here is the text of the suppressed document:
“My dearly loved troops, I address you for the last time. After my abdication, for me and for my son, from the Russian Throne, the power is transferred to the Provisional Government which rose on the initiation of the Duma. God help them to lead Russia on the way of glory and prosperity. God help you also, valiant troops, to hold our native land firmly against the evil enemy.
“During two and a half years you endured, daily, the hardships of active service. Much blood has been shed, many efforts have been made, and the hour is already near when Russia, bound to her valiant Allies, by one general impulse to victory, will break the last efforts of the adversary.
“This unprecedented war must be brought to a full victory. He who thinks now of peace, who wishes it—that man is a betrayer of his Fatherland, a traitor. I know that every honest soldier thinks thus. Then fulfill your duty, defend our native land valiantly, submit yourselves to the Provisional Government, obey your commanders, remember that every weakening of discipline in the service is only an advantage to the enemy.
“I firmly believe that the infinite love of our great native land has not died out of your hearts. May God bless you and Saint George the great Vanquisher and Martyr guide you.
“NICHOLAS.”
The Order was counter-signed by General Alexeiev, Chief of Staff.
[7]They are the wives of the Grand Dukes Nicholas and his brother Peter and sisters of the Queen of Italy. At one time they were very friendly with the Empress and through them Razputin came to the notice of the Court. Afterwards they became enemies of Razputin.
[7]They are the wives of the Grand Dukes Nicholas and his brother Peter and sisters of the Queen of Italy. At one time they were very friendly with the Empress and through them Razputin came to the notice of the Court. Afterwards they became enemies of Razputin.
[8]It must be borne in mind that the virtual ruler in Moscow was Count Mirbach (see chapter 2), the Bolshevist leaders being appointees and vassals of Germany, though, perhaps even then, secretly conspiring against their masters. Further, it is known that many influential Russians were intriguing with Mirbach (May, 1918) to restore the Monarchy. This movement collapsed because the two “orientations”—German and Entente—could not agree. The “Germans” wanted Alexis; the “Ententes” favoured Michael.“We could have deposed the Soviet Government, which was thoroughly hostile to us, and given help to other authorities in Russia, which were not working against us, but indeed anxious to cooperate with us. This would have been a success of great importance to the general conduct of the war. If some other Government were established in Russia, it would almost certainly have been possible to come to some compromise with it over the Peace of Brest.”
[8]It must be borne in mind that the virtual ruler in Moscow was Count Mirbach (see chapter 2), the Bolshevist leaders being appointees and vassals of Germany, though, perhaps even then, secretly conspiring against their masters. Further, it is known that many influential Russians were intriguing with Mirbach (May, 1918) to restore the Monarchy. This movement collapsed because the two “orientations”—German and Entente—could not agree. The “Germans” wanted Alexis; the “Ententes” favoured Michael.
“We could have deposed the Soviet Government, which was thoroughly hostile to us, and given help to other authorities in Russia, which were not working against us, but indeed anxious to cooperate with us. This would have been a success of great importance to the general conduct of the war. If some other Government were established in Russia, it would almost certainly have been possible to come to some compromise with it over the Peace of Brest.”
[9]Up to date (August, 1920), the only information that has reached the world respecting the Imperial family’s private papers, removed to Moscow after their death, is contained in three short telegrams published inThe London Timesof August 16, August 28, and September 28, 1918.The first gives an extract of the Tsar’s diary for March 2/15, the day of his abdication at Pskov:—“General Ruzsky came this morning and read to me a long conversation which he had had on the telephone with Rodzianko, according to which the situation at Petrograd is such that a Cabinet of members of the Duma will be unable to do anything because against it are fighting the Socialist Parties in the shape of workmen’s committees. My abdication is necessary. Ruzsky has transmitted this conversation to General Headquarters, and Alexeiev passed it on to all the Commanders-in-Chiefs. At 12.30 came answers from all, the sense of which is that, to save Russia and keep the Army at the front quiet, I must make up my mind to this step. I have consented. From G.H.Q. they have sent a draft of a manifesto. In the evening arrived from Petrograd Guchkov and Shulgin, with whom I had a long talk, and handed them the signed manifesto as agreed (i.e., renouncing the Tsarevich’s rights as well—the Tsar’s own decision). At one o’clock in the morning left Pskov with a heavy feeling, due to all I have lived through. Am surrounded by treachery, cowardice, and deceit.”The second reproduces a letter dated January 14, 1916, from the Empress Maria to “Niki,” complaining of Witte’s delay in summoning the Duma, bids the Tsar be strong, congratulating him on his “new spirit.” On April 5 (at Tsarskoe) the Tsar in his diary speaks of preparations to go to England, and says that news of this proposal was communicated to him by Prince Lvov and Kerensky.The third merely enumerates the other documents seized by the Soviet:—“The diaries of the Empress and her daughters, notes by the Tsarevich, over 5,000 letters of the correspondence of the Tsar with his wife, with the Kaiser and other Sovereigns, with Razputin with divers official personages, also with his father Alexander III, between 1877 and 1894.”Lastly, theManchester Guardian(of July 1, 1920) published from its Moscow correspondent a summary of Alexandra’s letters to Nicholas II., copies of which (the originals having disappeared) had been secretly lent to him by a member of the Soviet Government. The extracts quoted by him do not shed any new light on her life and character.
[9]Up to date (August, 1920), the only information that has reached the world respecting the Imperial family’s private papers, removed to Moscow after their death, is contained in three short telegrams published inThe London Timesof August 16, August 28, and September 28, 1918.
The first gives an extract of the Tsar’s diary for March 2/15, the day of his abdication at Pskov:—“General Ruzsky came this morning and read to me a long conversation which he had had on the telephone with Rodzianko, according to which the situation at Petrograd is such that a Cabinet of members of the Duma will be unable to do anything because against it are fighting the Socialist Parties in the shape of workmen’s committees. My abdication is necessary. Ruzsky has transmitted this conversation to General Headquarters, and Alexeiev passed it on to all the Commanders-in-Chiefs. At 12.30 came answers from all, the sense of which is that, to save Russia and keep the Army at the front quiet, I must make up my mind to this step. I have consented. From G.H.Q. they have sent a draft of a manifesto. In the evening arrived from Petrograd Guchkov and Shulgin, with whom I had a long talk, and handed them the signed manifesto as agreed (i.e., renouncing the Tsarevich’s rights as well—the Tsar’s own decision). At one o’clock in the morning left Pskov with a heavy feeling, due to all I have lived through. Am surrounded by treachery, cowardice, and deceit.”
The second reproduces a letter dated January 14, 1916, from the Empress Maria to “Niki,” complaining of Witte’s delay in summoning the Duma, bids the Tsar be strong, congratulating him on his “new spirit.” On April 5 (at Tsarskoe) the Tsar in his diary speaks of preparations to go to England, and says that news of this proposal was communicated to him by Prince Lvov and Kerensky.
The third merely enumerates the other documents seized by the Soviet:—“The diaries of the Empress and her daughters, notes by the Tsarevich, over 5,000 letters of the correspondence of the Tsar with his wife, with the Kaiser and other Sovereigns, with Razputin with divers official personages, also with his father Alexander III, between 1877 and 1894.”
Lastly, theManchester Guardian(of July 1, 1920) published from its Moscow correspondent a summary of Alexandra’s letters to Nicholas II., copies of which (the originals having disappeared) had been secretly lent to him by a member of the Soviet Government. The extracts quoted by him do not shed any new light on her life and character.
[10]This document has been widely quoted by Jewish organizations to prove that the murder of the Tsar was not carried out by the Bolshevists, and to dispel the nation of a “racial vendetta.”A proposof this document theLondon Daily Telegraphstated (August 18, 1920):—“In the interest of truth it must be here said that the Moscow Central Soviet Government has always disclaimed all participation (sic) in the murder, explaining that its intention was to judge Nicholas II. publicly, but not to do away with him secretly in a cellar.”
[10]This document has been widely quoted by Jewish organizations to prove that the murder of the Tsar was not carried out by the Bolshevists, and to dispel the nation of a “racial vendetta.”A proposof this document theLondon Daily Telegraphstated (August 18, 1920):—“In the interest of truth it must be here said that the Moscow Central Soviet Government has always disclaimed all participation (sic) in the murder, explaining that its intention was to judge Nicholas II. publicly, but not to do away with him secretly in a cellar.”
[11]Thechrezvychaikaof Petrograd, presided over by the Jew Peters, proclaimed that “the criminal hand of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party, directed by the Anglo-French, has dared to fire at the leader of the working classes.... This crime will be answered by mass terror ... representatives of capital will be sent to forced labour ... counter-revolutionaries will be exterminated....” Petrovsky, Komisar for Interior, telegraphed all local Soviets, reproving them for “the extraordinarily insignificant number of serious repressions (the hate-laden Jew could not abide the innate kindliness of the Russians) and mass shootings of White Guards andbourgeoisie.” Petrovsky denounced these “grandmotherly” methods (——). He ordained “all Right Socialist-Revolutionaries must be immediately arrested. Considerable numbers of hostages must be taken frombourgeoisieand former officers. At the slightest attempt at resistance, or the slightest movement in White Guard circles, mass shootings of hostages must be immediately employed. Indecisive and irresolute action in this matter on the part of local Soviets will be severely dealt with.” Early in September (1918), Zinoviev (Apfelbaum), one of the “cultured” leaders of Sovietdom, publicly declared: “We must win over to our side 90 millions out of the 100 millions of population of Soviet Russia. As for the rest, we have nothing to say to them, they must be annihilated.” Bolshevism, White Book, p. 80.
[11]Thechrezvychaikaof Petrograd, presided over by the Jew Peters, proclaimed that “the criminal hand of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party, directed by the Anglo-French, has dared to fire at the leader of the working classes.... This crime will be answered by mass terror ... representatives of capital will be sent to forced labour ... counter-revolutionaries will be exterminated....” Petrovsky, Komisar for Interior, telegraphed all local Soviets, reproving them for “the extraordinarily insignificant number of serious repressions (the hate-laden Jew could not abide the innate kindliness of the Russians) and mass shootings of White Guards andbourgeoisie.” Petrovsky denounced these “grandmotherly” methods (——). He ordained “all Right Socialist-Revolutionaries must be immediately arrested. Considerable numbers of hostages must be taken frombourgeoisieand former officers. At the slightest attempt at resistance, or the slightest movement in White Guard circles, mass shootings of hostages must be immediately employed. Indecisive and irresolute action in this matter on the part of local Soviets will be severely dealt with.” Early in September (1918), Zinoviev (Apfelbaum), one of the “cultured” leaders of Sovietdom, publicly declared: “We must win over to our side 90 millions out of the 100 millions of population of Soviet Russia. As for the rest, we have nothing to say to them, they must be annihilated.” Bolshevism, White Book, p. 80.
[12]Admiral Kolchak was surrendered by the Czechs to the Reds at Irkutsk while he was travelling eastward in February, 1920, under the protection of the Allied flags. The order to surrender him was countersigned by the Czech “commander-in-chief”, General Janin. Admiral Kolchak was shot soon afterward in a peculiarly cruel manner.
[12]Admiral Kolchak was surrendered by the Czechs to the Reds at Irkutsk while he was travelling eastward in February, 1920, under the protection of the Allied flags. The order to surrender him was countersigned by the Czech “commander-in-chief”, General Janin. Admiral Kolchak was shot soon afterward in a peculiarly cruel manner.
[13]Even this high body (the Red Cabinet of Ministers) was, like all Soviet institutions, ruled by an Inner Ring (Presidium or Executive Committee) which was (and is) invariably composed of Jews, with one or two Russians as lay figures.
[13]Even this high body (the Red Cabinet of Ministers) was, like all Soviet institutions, ruled by an Inner Ring (Presidium or Executive Committee) which was (and is) invariably composed of Jews, with one or two Russians as lay figures.
[14]Here is the way “Democratism” was applied. I cite Bolshevist writers: The “instruction” issued by the All-Russian Extraordinary Commission to all Provincial Extraordinary Commissions (Chrezvychaiki) says:—“The All-Russian Extraordinary Commission is perfectly independent in its work, carrying out house searches, arrests, executions, which it afterwards reports to the Council of the People’s Commissaries (Sovnarkom) and to the Central Executive Council (Tsik). The Provincial and District Extraordinary Commissions are independent in their activities, and when called upon by the local Executive Council (Ispolkom) present a report of their work.” In so far as house searches and arrests are concerned, a report made afterwards may result in putting right irregularities committed owing to lack of restraint. The same cannot be said of executions.... It can also be seen from the “instruction” that personal safety is to a certain extent guaranteed only to members of the Government, of the Central Executive Council (Tsik) and of the local Executive Committees (Ispolkom). With the exception of these few persons all members of the local committees of the (Bolshevik) party, of the Control Committees and of the Executive Committee of the party may be shot at any time by the decision of any Extraordinary Commission of a small district town if they happen to be on its territory, and a report of that made afterwards. (From an article by M. Alminsky, “Pravda,” October 8, 1918.)“Comrade” Bokiv gave details of the work of the Petrograd District Commission since the evacuation of the All-Russian Extraordinary Commission to Moscow. The total number of arrested persons was 6,220. 800 were shot. (During about six months.) (From a report of a meeting of the Conference of the Extraordinary Commission, “Izvestia”, October 19, 1918, No. 228.)
[14]Here is the way “Democratism” was applied. I cite Bolshevist writers: The “instruction” issued by the All-Russian Extraordinary Commission to all Provincial Extraordinary Commissions (Chrezvychaiki) says:—“The All-Russian Extraordinary Commission is perfectly independent in its work, carrying out house searches, arrests, executions, which it afterwards reports to the Council of the People’s Commissaries (Sovnarkom) and to the Central Executive Council (Tsik). The Provincial and District Extraordinary Commissions are independent in their activities, and when called upon by the local Executive Council (Ispolkom) present a report of their work.” In so far as house searches and arrests are concerned, a report made afterwards may result in putting right irregularities committed owing to lack of restraint. The same cannot be said of executions.... It can also be seen from the “instruction” that personal safety is to a certain extent guaranteed only to members of the Government, of the Central Executive Council (Tsik) and of the local Executive Committees (Ispolkom). With the exception of these few persons all members of the local committees of the (Bolshevik) party, of the Control Committees and of the Executive Committee of the party may be shot at any time by the decision of any Extraordinary Commission of a small district town if they happen to be on its territory, and a report of that made afterwards. (From an article by M. Alminsky, “Pravda,” October 8, 1918.)
“Comrade” Bokiv gave details of the work of the Petrograd District Commission since the evacuation of the All-Russian Extraordinary Commission to Moscow. The total number of arrested persons was 6,220. 800 were shot. (During about six months.) (From a report of a meeting of the Conference of the Extraordinary Commission, “Izvestia”, October 19, 1918, No. 228.)
[15]See footnote, Chapter VII.
[15]See footnote, Chapter VII.