(ii) Ehwald (KB71) followed Gronovius' second explanation, retaining the manuscripts'norit, and glossing 'tellus, quae subullo caelo posita est et te, meae salutis seruatorem, meque, libra et aere tuum, minus norit'.
(iii) Némethy followed Gronovius' first explanation, adding as an illustrationAAI 643-44 'ludite, si sapitis, solas impune puellas: / hacminus[Burman: magiscodd] est una fraude tuenda [Naugerius ex codd suis: pudendacodd] fides'. The citation does not strengthen the case forminus.
(iv) André wrote 'Minusme paraît avoir le sens decitra"sans aller jusqu'à", i.e. "sans même avoir recours à la mancipation": "tu es mon maître de ma propre volonté, et non, comme tu l'es de tes autres propriétés, par achat."' But the meaning seems to weaken the force of the poem.
I have with reluctance adoptedlibra ... et aere magis, taking it in the sensemagis quam libra et aere('I am yours even more than I would be if I had been acquired throughmancipatio'). The closest parallel I have found for this compressed use of the ablative is the idiom at v 7 'luce minus decima', 'before the tenth day'.
Of the other readings,F1'stuum ... datumcannot itself be correct, although it may offer a clue to the truth. Heinsius'tuum ... tuumis grammatical enough, but (as Professor R. J. Tarrant points out to me) makes Ovid say that he is Pompeius' literally throughmancipatio. As well, the repetition seems odd. Rappold'stuae ... manuscannot be right, sincemanusdid not have the sense ofmancipium, except for the limited meaning of a husband's authority over his wife. Still,Rappold's conjecture may be a step in the right direction, particularly in view of v 39-40 'pro quibus ut meritis referatur gratia, iurat / se foremancipiitempus in omnetui'.
The anonymous detractor to whom Ovid apparently addresses this poem is probably fictional; at 47 he substitutesLiuor, dropping the pretence of speaking to a single enemy.
Ovid begins the poem by asking his detractor why he criticizes Ovid's verse. A poet's fame increases after his death; Ovid's fame was great even while he was still alive (1-4). There were many poets contemporary with Ovid (5-38). There were also younger poets, not yet published, whom he will not name, with the necessary exception of Cotta Maximus (39-44). Even among such poets, he had a reputation. Envy should therefore cease to torment him; he has lost everything but life, which is left only so that he can continue to experience pain (45-50).
The poem is of particular interest because of the catalogue of the poets of the earlier part of the reign of Tiberius. It is a reminder of how much Latin verse has been lost, for of the poets listed only Grattius survives.
Similar catalogues of poets are found at Prop II xxxiv 61-92 andAmI xv 9-30, the poets listed being however not contemporaries but illustrious predecessors.TrIV x 41-54 is complementary to the present poem, being a list of the leading Roman poets at the beginning of Ovid's career. All of these poems come last in their book, and it seems clear enough that the present poem was meant toclose a published collection. Other links exist with the earlier poems: mention is similarly made in them of the poet's fame after his death (Prop II xxxiv 94,AmI xi 41-42,TrIV x 129-30), andAmI xv (which Professor R. J. Tarrant suggests may have ended the original edition in five books of theAmores) is, like the present poem, addressed toLiuor.
1. INVIDE, QVID LACERAS NASONIS CARMINA RAPTI.Compare the question that opensAmI xv 'Quid mihi, Liuor edax, ignauos obicis annos, / ingeniique uocas carmen inertis opus'. Forinuide ... lacerascompare CicBrutus156 'inuidia, quae soletlacerareplerosque'.
1. LACERAS.Lacerare'attack verbally' is a prose usage, found in Cicero, the historians, and the elder Seneca (OLD lacero5;TLLVII.2 827 50).
The primary meaning oflacerarebehind this usage ismordere;lacerareis found in this literal sense at CicDe orII 240 'laceratlacertum LargimordaxMemmius', Phaedrus I xii 11 'laceraricoepitmorsibussaeuis canum', and SenClemI 25 1.
Formorderein the same transferred sense, see at xiv 46mordenda(p 424).
1. NASONIS ... RAPTI.'Of Ovid, who is now dead'. Forrapti, see at xi 5rapti(p 362).
2. NON SOLET INGENIIS SVMMA NOCERE DIES.The same thought atAmI xv 39-40 'pascitur in uiuis Liuor; post fata quiescit, / cum suusex merito quemque tuetur honos' andEPIII iv 73-74 'scripta placent a morte fere, quia laedere uiuos / Liuor et iniusto carpere dente solet'.
3. CINERES=mortem. Bömer atMetVIII 539post cinerem(wherecinerem, as Bömer saw, means 'cremation'), cites among other passages Prop III i 35-36 'meque inter seros laudabit Roma nepotes: / illumpost cineresauguror esse diem', Martial I i 2-6 'Martialis ... cui, lector studiose, quod dedisti / uiuenti decus atque sentienti, / raripost cinereshabent poetae' and Martial VIII xxxviii 16 'hoc etpost cinereserit tributum'.
3. ATis my correction for the manuscripts' ET. The point that Ovid was famousevenwhile alive is made bytum quoquelater in the verse; the only meaning that could therefore be given toet mihi nomenis 'even I had a name, even when I was alive', which is inappropriate, since in this poem Ovid is not belittling his poetic talent.
Atseems to be the obvious solution, giving the sense 'poets usually become famous after they die; I,however, was famous even while alive'. CompareTrIV x 121-22 (to his Muse) 'tu mihi, quod rarum est, uiuo sublime dedisti / nomen, ab exequiis quod dare fama solet' and Martial I i 2-6 (cited in the previous note). The more usual situation of obscurity during the poet's lifetime followed by posthumous fame is described at Prop III i 21-24.
Professor C. P. Jones points out to me thatetcan have an adversative sense (OLD et14a). But the two instances there cited from Augustan verse are examples ofnec ... et(FastV 530;TrV xii 63 'nec possumetcupio non nullos ducere uersus'). Whereetalone carries the adversative sense, it is generally used to join two opposing verbs or verbal phrases: compare CicTuscI 6 'fieri ... potest ut recte quis sentiatetid quod sentit polite eloqui non possit' and SenNQII 18 'quare aliquando non fulguratettonat?'.
4. CVM VIVIS ADNVMERARER.For Ovid's considering himself already dead, compareEPI ix 56 'et nos extinctis adnumerare potest' andEPI vii 9-10 'nos satis est inter glaciem Scythicasque sagittas / uiuere, si uita est mortis habenda genus'.
Ovid is the first poet to useadnumerarein this sense ('reckon in with'), and only in his poems of exile; it is afterwards found atHerXVI 330 and Manilius V 438.
5-36.It is possible to discern a rough order in the catalogue of names; first come the writers of epic and Pindaric verse (5-28), then the dramatists (29-31), and finally the writers of lighter verse (32-36).
5. CVM FORET ETFHTCVMQVE FORETBCMIL. Clearly eitheretor-quewas lost, and one or both inserted to restore the metre.Cumquewould be a continuation ofat mihi nomen ..., which seems an inelegant construction.Cum foret et, introducing a sentence of forty-two linesending in 'dicere si fas est, claro mea nomine Musa / atque inter tantos quae legeretur erat' seems preferable; this very long sentence serves not as a continuation of the statement in 3-4, but as evidence for it.
5. MARSVS.Domitius Marsus[29]is often mentioned by Martial as a writer of epigram, sometimes being coupled with Catullus and Albinovanus Pedo (I praef, II lxxi 3 & lxxvii 5, V v 6, VII xcix 7). A friend of Maecenas, he wrote an epic poem on the Amazons (Martial IV xxix 8), and at least nine books offabellae(Charisius I 72 Keil). Quintilian quotes from his treatise onurbanitas(VI iii 102 ff.); and he is cited as an authority by the elder Pliny (NHI 34).
The scholiasts and grammarians preserve seven fragments (Morel 110-11), the most interesting being the four lines on the death of Tibullus: 'Te quoque Vergilio comitem non aequa, Tibulle, / Mors iuuenem campos misit ad Elysios, / ne foret aut elegis molles qui fleret amores / aut caneret forti regia bella pede'.
5. MAGNIQVE RABIRIVS ORIS.Similar phrasing at VirgilGIII 294 'magno nunc ore sonandum', Prop II x 12 'magni nunc erit oris opus', andAAI 206 (to Gaius) 'et magno nobis ore sonandus eris'. In the last two passages, as here, there is a specific reference to epic verse.
5. RABIRIVS.Velleius Paterculus (II 36 3) mentions Rabirius (Schanz-Hosius 267-68 [§ 316]; Bardon 73-74) alongside Virgil: 'paene stulta est inhaerentium oculis ingeniorum enumeratio, inter quae maxima nostri aeui eminent princeps carminum Vergilius Rabiriusque'. Quintilian speaks of him with rather less admiration: 'Rabirius ac Pedo non indigni cognitione, si uacet' (X i 90). Seneca (BenVI 3 1) quotes a passage of his with Mark Antony speaking; presumably one of his poems dealt with the civil war.
Five short fragments of Rabirius survive (Morel 120-21).
6. ILIACVSQVE MACER.Pompeius Macer[30]was one of Ovid's closest friends; he is the addressee ofAmII xviii andEPII x. The son of Theophanes of Mytilene, Pompey's confidant, he was intimate with Tiberius (Strabo XIII 2 3); under Augustus he had served as procurator of Asia and had been placed in charge of the libraries at Rome (SuetIul56 7). Two poems in the Greek Anthology are generally attributed to him (VII ccxix; IX xxviii).
Iliacusis explained byAmII xviii 1-3 'Carmen ad iratum dum tu perducis Achillem ['while you are writing a poem about the Trojan war up to the starting-point of theIliad'] / primaque iuratis induis arma uiris, / nos, Macer, ignaua Veneris cessamus in umbra' andEPII x13-14 'tu canis aeterno quicquid restabat Homero, / ne careant summa Troica bella manu'; Macer had written poems narrating those parts of the Trojan war not covered by theIliad.
The Macer mentioned at Tr IV x 43-44 must be a different person, for he is described as already beinggrandior aeuoin Ovid's youth.
6. SIDEREVSQVE PEDO.On Albinovanus Pedo, see at x 4Albinouane(p 327).
Forsidereus('divine' or 'resplendent'), Bardon aptly cited Columella X 434 (written in hexameters) 'sidereiuatis ... praecepta Maronis'.
7. ET, QVI IVNONEM LAESISSET IN HERCVLE, CARVS.This is the Carus to whom xiii is addressed: compare xiii 11-12 'prodent auctorem uires, quas Hercule dignas / nouimus atque illi quem canis ipse pares'.
As Jupiter's son by Alcmene, Hercules suffered from Juno's enmity until his deification.
8. IVNONIS SI IAM NON GENER ILLE FORET.Perhaps Carus' poem included Hercules' marriage to Hebe.
9. SEVERVS.On Severus, the addressee of poem ii, see the introduction to that poem; forquique dedit Latio carmen regale, see at ii 1uates magnorum maxime regum(p 162).
10. SVBTILI ... NVMA.Numa is otherwise unknown.Subtilismeans 'clean and elegant in style'; compare CicDe orI 180 'oratione maximelimatus atquesubtilis' andBrutus35 'tum fuit Lysias ... egregiesubtilisscriptor atque elegans, quem iam prope audeas oratorem perfectum dicere'.
10. PRISCVS VTERQVE.Only one poet of this name is known, Clutorius (TacAnnIII 49-51) or C. Lutorius (Dio LVII 20 3) Priscus. All that is known of him is the manner of his death: in AD 21 he was put to death for composing and reciting a premature poem on the death of Drusus.
11. IMPARIBVS NVMERIS ... VEL AEQVIS.Like Ovid, Montanus wrote both elegiac and hexameter verse.
Forimparused of elegiac verse, compare HorAP75 (the earliest instance) 'uersibusimpariteriunctis',AmII xvii 21,AmIII i 37,AAI 264,TrII 220,EPII v 1 (disparibus),EPIII iv 86 (disparibus),EPIV v 3 (nec ... aequis), and line 36 of the present poem.
11. MONTANE.Iulius Montanus is mentioned in passing at SenContVII 1 27, where he is calledegregius poeta; in Donatus' life of Virgil (29) his admiration of Virgil's manner of reciting is mentioned, on the authority of the elder Seneca. The younger Seneca, calling him 'tolerabilis poeta et amicitia Tiberi notus et frigore', tells some amusing anecdotes about the length of his recitations and his fondness for describing sunrises and sunsets (EpCXXII 11-13). He quotes from him twice (Morel 120).
13-14. ET QVI PENELOPAE RESCRIBERE IVSSIT VLIXEM / ERRANTEM SAEVO PER DVO LUSTRA MARI.All that is known of Sabinus is what Ovid says here and in his list of Sabinus' poems atAmII xviii 27-34 'quam cito de toto rediit meus orbe Sabinus / scriptaque diuersis rettulit ille locis! / candida Penelope signum cognouit Vlixis; / legit ab Hippolyto scripta nouerca suo. / iam pius Aeneas miserae rescripsit Elissae, / quodque legat Phyllis, si modo uiuit, adest. / tristis ad Hypsipylen ab Iasone littera uenit; / det uotam Phoebo Lesbis amata lyram' (this line, like the letter of Sappho, has been considered suspect; see R. J. Tarrant, "The Authenticity of the Letter of Sappho to Phaon (Heroides XV)",HSPh85 [1981] 133-53).
Since the letter of Ulysses is the first one mentioned in the list atAmII xviii 29, it was presumably the first poem in Sabinus' collection of epistles; hence Ovid's use of it here to indicate the entire collection.
Line 14 may be an echo of one of Sabinus' poems.
15. TRISOMENCTRISOMEMB1. For the many other variants, see the apparatus. The word is clearly corrupt; correction is difficult in the absence of further information on Sabinus. TROEZENA (a conjecture reported by Micyllus) seems unattractive. Heinsius had difficulty with the passage: 'anTymelen? opinor certe nomen puellae a Sabino decantatae hic latere'. TROESMIN, suggested by Ehwald (JAWCIX [1901] 187), is unlikely—why would Sabinus have wished to recount Vestalis' capture of the city?—but not, as claimed by Vollmer (PW I A,21598 34), unmetrical: lengthening is common enough before the main caesura (although I have found no example of lengthened-in). Bardon (61) wished to read TROEZEN (which is in fact the reading ofT), apparently not realizing that an accusative form is required.
15-16. DIERVM ... OPVS.Sabinus apparently started work on a calendar-poem, which may have resembled theFasti; compareFastI 101 'uates operosedierum'.
16. CELERI= 'premature'.
17. INGENIIQVE SVI DICTVS COGNOMINE LARGVS.For the play on the name compare xiii 2 'qui quod es, id uere, Care, uocaris, aue'. Nothing is known of Largus beyond what Ovid here tells us.
18. GALLICA QVI PHRYGIVM DVXIT IN ARVA SENEM.Largus described Antenor's migration to Venetia and founding of Patavium, for which seeAenI 242-49 and Livy I 1.
18. GALLICA ... ARVA.Patavium was in Cisalpine Gaul.
18. PHRYGIVM ... SENEM.AtIlIII 149-50 Antenor is listed among the 'δημογέροντες ... γήραϊ δὴ πολέμοιο πεπαυμένοι' sitting on the Trojan wall who see Helen approach.
19. DOMITO ... AB HECTORE TROIAM.'The story of Troy after the death of Hector'.Gothanus II 121has the interpolation DOMITAM ... AB HECTORE, which Korn printed.
19. CAMERINVS.Nothing is known of this poet.
20. SVA PHYLLIDE.Presumably Tuscus' equivalent of Gallus' Lycoris. However, as Professor A. Dalzell points out, the reference to love poetry is odd in a sequence of epic and didactic writers.
20. TVSCVSis not otherwise certainly known. Kiessling (Coniectanea Propertiana, Greifswald, 1875) proposed that he was the "Demophoon" addressed in Prop II xxii; this suggestion has won support from Birt [RhMXXXII [1877] 414), Bardon (61; I owe these references to him), and André, but does not seem extremely convincing, especially since Propertius had been writing some three decades earlier. Merkel, in his edition of theTristia(p. 373), identifies him with the grammarian Clodius Tuscus, without offering a reason.
21. VELIVOLIQVE MARIS VATES.It is not known who this was, or what the precise subject of the poem might have been; perhaps it resembled theHalieutica. André mentions that Varro Atacinus has been proposed, but does not name the author of the suggestion, which seems rather fanciful; as he points out, Varro had died some fifty years previously. Luck in his edition has proposed Abronius Silo, of whom two hexameters survive (SenSuasII 19 = Morel 120), but, as André remarks, the fact that he, like Ovid, was a follower of the rhetor Porcius Latro is hardly sufficient evidence for the identification.
Forueliuoliquesee at v 42ueliuolas(p 224).
22. CAERVLEOS ... DEOS= 'the gods of the sea'. CompareMetII 8 'caeruleoshabet unda deos'.
23. ACIES LIBYCAS ROMANAQVE PROELIA.The poem may have concerned the Jugurthine war, or Caesar's African campaign; compareFastIV 379-80 'illa dies Libycis qua Caesar in oris / perfida magnanimi contudit arma Iubae'.
For the juxtaposition of opposing proper adjectives (Libycas Romana), see Tarrant on SenAg613-13aDardana tecto / Dorici ... ignes.
24. ET MARIVS SCRIPTI DEXTER IN OMNE GENVS.For the phrasing compareTrII 381-82 'omne genus scriptigrauitate tragoedia uincit: / haec quoque materiam semper amoris habet' andTrII 517-18 'angenus hoc scriptifaciunt sua pulpita ['stage'] tutum, / quodque licet, mimis scaena licere dedit?'.C's MARIVS SCRIPTOR andB's SCRIPTOR MARIVS were no doubt induced by the hyperbaton ofscripti ... genus.
Marius is not otherwise known.
25. TRINACRIVSQVE ... AVCTOR.In view of the followingauctor ... Lupus,Trinacriusshould be taken as a proper name, and not as an adjective. The adjectival form of the name is, however, suspicious, and may be a corruption far removed from what Ovid wrote.
25. SVAEseems strange, and is probably corrupt. Wheeler translated 'Trinacrius who wrote of thePerseidhe knew so well', while André ignoredsuaealtogether: 'l'auteur trinacrien de la "Perséide"'.
25-26. AVCTOR / TANTALIDAE REDVCIS TYNDARIDOSQVE LVPVS.Lupus (otherwise unknown) apparently wrote of the return of Menelaus and Helen to Sparta.
Tantalidesis used only here of Menelaus. Elsewhere in Latin verse it is used of Agamemnon, Atreus, and Pelops: seeOLD Tantalides. Ovid is here using the diction of high poetry.
27. ET QVI MAEONIAM PHAEACIDA VERTIT.Tuticanus; his translation of the Phaeacian episode of the Odyssey is mentioned at xii 27-28. As that poem explains, his name could not be used in elegiac verse: hence the periphrasis in this passage.
27. ET VNEHLB2ET VNEM2cET VNAITET VNIB1CIN ANGVEMF.Vnewas liable to corruption because of the hyperbaton withRufein the next line, and because of the rarity of the vocative ofunus. Forunusin the sense 'unique, outstanding', compare Catullus XXXVII 17 'tu praeter omnesunede capillatis' ('you outstanding member of the long-haired set'—Quinn) and Prop II iii 29 'gloria Romanisunaes tu nata puellis'.
27-28. VNE / PINDARICAE FIDICEN TV QVOQVE, RVFE, LYRAE.An imitation of HorCarmIV iii 21-23 'totum muneris hoc tui est / quod monstror digito praetereuntium /Romanae fidicen lyrae'.
28. RVFE.Otherwise unknown. André correctly points out that he is unlikely to be the Rufus addressed inEPII xi, 'dont Ovid n'aurait pasmanqué alors de vanter le talent poétique'. Bardon (59) mentions that A. Reifferscheid ("Coniect. noua",Ind. lect. Bresl., 1880/81, p. 7) identified this Rufus with the Pindaric poet Titius of HorEpI iii 9-10, thereby creating 'le très synthétique Titius Rufus'. But there is nothing very compelling about the identification.
29. MVSAVE TVRRANI.The poet is not otherwise certainly known. Bardon (48) reports the conjectures of Hirschfeld ("Annona",Philologus, 1870, p. 27) identifying him with C. Turranius,praefectus annonaeat the time of Augustus' death (TacAnnI 7) and of Munzer (Beitr. zur Quellenkritik387-89), identifying him with the geographical writer Turranius Gracilis mentioned by the elder Pliny (NHIII 3, IX 11).
29. INNIXA COTVRNIS.Thecoturnuswas distinguished by its high sole; henceinnixa('supported by'). CompareAmIII i 31 (of Tragedy) 'pictisinnixa coturnis' and HorAP279-80 'Aeschylus ... docuit magnumque loquinitique coturno'.
29. COTVRNIS.As Brink at HorAP80 points out,coturnus(notcothurnus) is the spelling favoured by the best manuscripts of Virgil and Horace.
30. ET TVA CVM SOCCO MVSA, MELISSE, LEVIS.Hoffers LEVI, also conjectured by Heinsius, which may be right: the epithet withsoccowould provide a pleasing balance with the precedingtragicis... coturnis. On the other hand, Professor R. J. Tarrant in support ofleuiscitesRA375-76 'grande sonant tragici, tragicos decet ira coturnos: / usibus e mediissoccushabendus erit' and HorAP80 'socci... grandesque coturni'; in both passagessoccushas no adjective.
Propertius usesMusa leuisof his verse (II xii 22); compare as wellTrII 354 'Musa iocosa' (Ovid's amatory verse),EPI v 69 'infelix Musa', Lucretius IV 589 &EclI 2 'siluestrem ... Musam', and Quintilian X i 55 'Musa ... rustica et pastoralis' (the poetry of Theocritus).
Leuisis used of comedy atFastV 347-48 'scaenaleuisdecet hanc [scFloram]: non est, mihi credite, non est / illa coturnatas inter habenda deas' and HorAP231 'effutireleuesindigna Tragoedia uersus'.
30. MELISSE.Thanks principally to SuetoniusGram21, we are comparatively well informed about Melissus (Schanz-Hosius 176-77 [§ 277]; Bardon 49-52). Brought up a slave (his father had disowned him at birth), he was given a good education by the man who accepted him, and was given to Maecenas, who manumitted him. He wrote one hundred and fifty books ofIneptiae. 'Fecit et nouum genus togatarum inscripsitque trabeatas'; it is no doubt these plays that Ovid is here referring to.
31. VARIVS.Possibly the famous author of theThyestesand editor of theAeneid(Schanz-Hosius 162-64 [§ 267]; Bardon 28-34; fragments at Morel 100-1 and Ribbeck 265). Riese objected to the identificationon chronological grounds (theThyesteswas produced in 29 BC), but the date of his death is unknown, and he may have survived to the time of Ovid's exile.
31. GRACCHVSQVE.The manuscripts omit the aspirate, and Ehwald citesCILVI 1 1505 for a mention ofTi. Sempronius Graccus, but in his discussion of the aspirate Quintilian makes it clear thatGraccuswas an obsolete spelling (I v 20).
Gracchus (Bardon 48-49) is mentioned by Priscian, Nonius, and the author of theDe dubiis nominibus, who among them preserve four fragments and three titles (Ribbeck 266). One of the titles is aThyestes; Professor R. J. Tarrant plausibly suggests that Ovid may here be alluding to the plays by Varius and Gracchus on the theme with his wordscum ... darent fera uerba tyrannis, Atreus being the archetype of the tyrant in tragedy.
Nipperdey proposed that Ovid's Gracchus was the Sempronius Gracchus implicated in the disgrace of Julia (Vel Pat II 100 5); see SymeHO196 and Furneaux on TacAnnI 53 4. The identification is however far from certain.
32. CALLIMACHI PROCVLVS MOLLE TENERET ITER.Proculus is otherwise unknown. Ehwald suggested (JAW43 [1885] 141) that he was a dramatic poet like Varius and Gracchus, citing a mention of the 'σατυρικὰ δράματα, τραγῳδίαι, κωμῳδίαι' of Callimachus in theSouda. But Callimachus'primary reputation was hardly that of a tragedian; andmolle ... itermust be a reference toAetia25-28: 'καὶ τόδ' ἄνωγα, τὰ μὴ πατέουσιν ἅμαξαι / τὰ στειβειν, ἑτέρων δ' ἴχνια μὴ καθ' ὁμά / [Hunt:δίφρον ἐλ]ᾷν μηδ' οἷμον ἀνὰ πλατύν, ἀλλὰ κελεύθους / [Pfeiffer:ἀτρίπτο]υς, εἰ καὶ στεινοτέρην ἐλάσεις'.
Formollisused specifically of elegy (theAetiawere in elegiac verse), seeEPIII iv 85 and Prop I vii 19 (cited by André); for the word in an overtly Callimachean context, see Prop III i 19 'mollia, Pegasides, date uestro serta poetae'.
Tenerehere has the sense 'keep to', as atMetII 79 'ut ... uiamteneas' and Q Cic (?)Pet55 'pergetenereistam uiam quam institisti [Gruterus: instituisticodd]'; Professor R. J. Tarrant rightly sees a suggestion of conscious artistic preference, and a faint allusion to the places where Augustan poets renounce the attractions of higher poetry.
33. TITYRON ANTIQVAS PASSERQVE REDIRET AD HERBASB1C. For the many variants and emendations proposed, see the apparatus.
Housman has offered a defence ofBandC's version of this line (937-39). He accepted Riese's printing ofPasseras a proper name ('M. Petronius Passer' is mentioned at VarroRRIII 2 2), and took the passage to mean 'He wrote bucolics, or, as Ovid puts it, he went back to Tityrus and the pastures of old': the construction is 'cum Passer rediret ad Tityron antiquasque herbas'. In writing the line, Ovid resorted to three devices, 'each of them legitimate, but not perhaps elsewhere assembled in a single verse'. The first is the delay of the prepositionadafterTityron, which it governs; the second isthe delay of-que, which properly belongs withantiquas; and the third is the placing of the verb between its two objects. For each of these devices Housman furnishes convincing parallels.
Housman's argument is ingenious and informative, but I do not believe that he is right in defending the line: the accumulation of difficulties is suspicious, and the divergence of the manuscripts is greater here than at any other point in the book. Heinsius wrote of the line, 'haec nec Latina sunt, nec satis intelligo quid sibi uelint'. Like Heinsius, I believe the line to be deeply corrupted and, in the absence of further evidence, impossible to correct.
34. APTAQVE VENANTI GRATTIVS ARMA DARET.Compare Grattius 23 'carmine et arma dabo et uenandi [cod: uenanti etVlitius] persequar artis'.
34. GRATTIVS.The manuscripts have GRATIVS (CFLT) or GRACIVS (BMHI); andGratiusis what editors both of Ovid and Grattius printed until Buecheler pointed out (RhM35 [1880] 407) thatGrattiusis the only form found in inscriptions, and is what is given in the oldest manuscript of Grattius,Vindobonensis 277(saec viii/ix), which predates the manuscripts ofEPIV by at least four hundred years.
35. NAIADASC. P. JonesNAIADAS AHLI2NAYADES AMTNAIDAS ABCFI2. Ovid elsewhere invariably uses the dative of agent withamatus(AmI v 12, II viii 12, III ix 55-56,AAII 80,TrI vi 2, II 400, III i 42, IV x 40).
As Professor Jones notes, following the interpolation ofa, the shorter formNaidaswas introduced inBCFI1to restore metre.
35-36. FONTANVS ... CAPELLA.Neither poet is otherwise known.
36. IMPARIBVS ... MODIS.See at 11imparibus numeris ... uel aequis(p 453).
37-38. QVORVM MIHI CVNCTA REFERRE / NOMINA LONGA MORA EST.Similar phrasing atMetXIII 205-6 'longa referre mora estquae consilioque manuque / utiliter feci spatiosi tempore belli' andFastV 311-12 (Flora speaking) 'longa referre mora estcorrecta obliuia damnis; / me quoque Romani praeteriere patres'.
39-40. ESSENT ET IVVENES QVORVM, QVOD INEDITA CVRA EST, / APPELLANDORVM NIL MIHI IVRIS ADEST.All editors, misled no doubt by 37, mispunctuate this passage, placing a comma beforequoruminstead of after: this destroys the gerundivequorum ... appellandorum, leaving the pentameter without a construction.
Williams proposed excising this distich, the reasons being (1) the sudden change fromforenttoessent, (2) the use ofinedita, which is not found elsewhere, (3) the use ofcurain a sense, 'written work', that is found only in late Latin, and (4) the prose turn ofquorum ... appellandorum. To which it can be replied that (1)forentandessentare equivalent, and metrical convenience alone could justify the change, (2) the use of negatived perfect participles such asinedita,indeclinatus(x 83), andinoblita(xv 37) is a hallmarkof Ovid's style, (3)curais used in this sense by Tacitus (Dial3 3 & 6 5;AnnIII 24 4 & IV 11 5); its earlier use in verse is not surprising, and (4) gerundives were allowed in Latin verse; here, as at ix 12 'salutandimunere functatui', the hyperbaton compensates for any awkwardness.
39. CVRAunus Thuaneus HeinsiiCAVSABCMFHILT. The same error in some manuscripts atHerI 20 'Tlepolemi letocuranouata mea est', andFastI 55 'uindicat Ausonias IunoniscuraKalendas'; the inverse corruption atAmII xii 17 andFastIV 368.
In 1894 Owen printedcausa. The word can certainly have the meaning he attributed to it ('ὑπόθεσις', 'theme'), as at Prop II i 12 'inueniocausasmille poeta nouas', but this does not seem appropriate to the context here. In his later edition Owen returned to the usual reading.
41. APPELLANDORVM.Appellareused with the same sense (OLD appello211) at III vi 6 'appellentne te carmina nostra rogas';nōmĭnārewas not available for Ovid's use.
41-44. COTTA ... MAXIME.M. Aurelius Cotta Maximus Messalinus[31](Forschungen in EphesosIII 112 no. 22; cited by SymeHO117) was the younger son of Messalla, the patron of Tibullus; he was the recipient of six of theEpistulae ex Ponto(I v, I ix, II iii, II viii,III ii & III v). He is undoubtedly the M. Aurelius or Aurelius Cotta recorded by Tacitus as consul for 20 (AnnIII 2 3 & 17 4). He was born much later than his brother Messalinus (the addressee ofEPI vii and II ii), who was consul in 3 BC; the chronology is confirmed by a mention of him as praetor in 17 (Inscriptiones ItaliaeXIII i p. 298; see SymeTen Studies52), and by Ovid's testimony that Cotta was born after Ovid had become acquainted with his family (EPII iii 69-80). Cotta was clearly a very close friend of Ovid; this can be seen particularly fromEPII iii, in which Ovid recounts how Cotta sent the first letter of comfort after his catastrophe (67-68) and tells how he confessed hiserrorto Cotta. ] Tacitus gives some information on Cotta's public career. In AD 16, in the aftermath of the discovery of Libo's plot against Tiberius, Cotta proposed that Libo's image not be in his descendants' funeral processions (AnnII 32 1). In 20, as consul, he similarly proposed penalties against Piso's family (AnnIII 17), and in 27 he is mentioned as attacking Agrippina so as to please Tiberius (AnnV 3). The most interesting mention of him is atAnnVI 5 (AD 32), where Tacitus tells of how Tiberius himself intervened in favour of Cotta after he had been charged withmaiestas; the eventual result was that charges were laid against Cotta's chief accuser.
42. PIERIDVM LVMEN.AtEPIII v 29-36 Ovid asked Cotta to send him some of his poetry.
For the sense oflumenhere ('ornament'),OLD lumen11 cites among other passages CicSul5 'haec ornamenta acluminarei publicae' andPhil II54 (of Pompey) 'imperi populi Romani decus aclumenfuit'.
42. PRAESIDIVMQVE FORI= 'defender of the law'. Compare vi 33-34 'cum tibi suscepta estlegis uindicta seuerae, / uerba uelut taetrum singula uirus habent'.
43. MATERNOS COTTAS.This passage should be taken in conjunction withEPIII ii 103-8 (to Cotta) 'adde quod est animus semper tibi mitis, et altae / indicium mores nobilitatis habent, / quos Volesus patrii cognoscat nominis auctor, / quos Numa maternus non neget esse suos, / adiectique probent genetiua ad nomina Cottae, / si tu non esses, interitura domus'. The simplest explanation of these two passages is that Cotta had been adopted by a maternal uncle, the last surviving Aurelius Cotta.
The question of Cotta's maternal ancestry is a vexed one; for a full discussion see SymeHO119-21.
The present passage was written with Prop IV xi 31-32 in mind: 'alteramaternosexaequat turbaLibones, / et domus est titulis utraque fulta suis'.
44. NOBILITAS INGEMINATA.In a famous study (Kleine SchriftenI 1 ff.; trans.The Roman Nobility[1969]), Matthias Gelzer demonstrated that the usual meaning ofnobiliswas 'descended from a consul'. Cotta was descended from a consul on both sides.
AtMetXIII 144-47 Ovid usesnobilitasto mean 'descent from a god': (Ulysses speaking) 'mihi Laertes pater est, Arcesius illi, / Iuppiter huic ... est quoqueper matremCylleniusadditanobis /altera nobilitas: deus est in utroque parente!'.
44. INGEMINATA.A verbal echo ofEPI ii 1-2 (to Fabius Maximus) 'Maxime, qui tanti mensuram nominis imples, / etgeminasaniminobilitategenus'.
46. ATQVE INTER TANTOS QVAE LEGERETVR ERAT.This is the end of the sentence that began at 5.
46. INTER TANTOS.CompareEPIII i 55-56 (Ovid has just compared himself to Capaneus, Amphiaraus, Ulysses, and Philoctetes) 'si locus est aliquistanta inter nominaparuis, / nos quoque conspicuos nostra ruina facit'.
47. SVMMOTVMcoddSVBMOTVMedd. The assimilatedsumm-is standard in the manuscripts of Virgil and Lucretius, and should not be altered.
47. PROSCINDERE= 'revile, defame'. This seems to be the first instance of the word in this sense; the other examples cited byOLDproscindo3 are Val Max V iii 3, Val Max VIII 5 2 'C. Flauium eadem lege accusatum testisproscidit', PlinyNHXXXIII 6, and SuetCal30 2 'equestrem ordinem ut scaenae harenaeque deuotum assidueproscidit'. The word connects withlacerasin the first line of the poem, and withneu cineres sparge, cruente, meosin 48.
49. OMNIA PERDIDIMVS.The same phrase atMetXIII 527-28 (Hecuba speaking) 'omnia perdidimus: superest cur uiuere tempus / in breue sustineam proles gratissima matri'.
49. TANTVMMODOis a prose word. It occurs elsewhere in Ovid only atFastIII 361 'ortus erat summotantummodomargine Phoebus' and atTrIII vii 29-30 'pone, Perilla, metum;tantummodofemina nulla / neue uir a scriptis discat amare tuis'. Being a colloquial term, it is found in satire (HorSatI ix 54) and comedy (TerPh109).
50. SENSVM MATERIAMQVE MALI.'An occasion for pain, and the ability to feel it'. ForsensumcompareEPI ii 29-30 'felicem Nioben ... quae posuitsensumsaxea factamali[uarmalis]' andEPI ii 37 'uiuimus ut numquamsensucareamus amaro'. FormateriamcompareHerVII 34 'materiam curae praebeat ille meae!',MetX 133-34 'ut leuiter pro materiaque doleret / admonuit' andEPI x 23-24 'dolores, / quorum materiam dat locus ipse mihi'.
51-52. QVID IVVAT EXTINCTOS FERRVM DEMITTERE IN ARTVS? / NON HABET IN NOBIS IAM NOVA PLAGA LOCVM.I believe this distich is an interpolation for the following reasons:
(1) Lines 49-50 form an effective ending, which 51-52 weaken. In 49-50 Ovid says that life is all that is left to him; and in 52 it is stated that he is already wounded in every place possible. These statements are contradictory.
(2) The use of a weapon in 51 is at odds with the rending metaphor oflaceras(1) andproscindere(47).
(3) There seems something peculiar aboutferrum demittere in artus; the examples ofdemitterewith this sense in theMetamorphosesinvolveilia(IV 119, XII 441),armi(XII 491), andiugulum(XIII 436; similar phrasing atHerXIV 5).
The distich's fabrication was assisted byEPII vii 41-42 'sic ego continue Fortunae uulneror ictu, /uixque habet in nobis iam noua plaga locum'.
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The scope of this index is described atpages vii-viiiof the Preface.
ad summam= 'in short',152addressees inEx Ponto IV,6-9advantages offered by digital editions (ebooks),vi-viiAlbinovanus Pedo,7-8,327-328André, J.text and translation of 1977,51-53apotheoses of Hercules, Aeneas, Romulus, Julius Caesar, and Augustus as described by Ovid,401articles arising from this edition,iv-viaut= 'otherwise',184,373Black Sea, freezing of,339accuracy of Ovid's account,341source for Ovid's account of its freezing,340-42Ammianus Marcellinus' explanation,342Aulus Gellius' explanation,342Lucan's description,342Macrobius' explanation,341Valerius Flaccus' explanation,341
Brutus,7,16,226Burman, Peterfolio edition of the works of Ovid (1727),37-38Calypsoaccusative,332candidus= 'kind of heart',421-22Carus,8,20certus eras= 'you had made up your mind',228conative imperfect tense,185conative present tense,148Cornelius Severus,7Cotta Maximus,8-9,465-66
Cottius,244,253coturnusvs.cothurnus,459cretics, impossibility of using in elegiac verse,371-73critical apparatus, conventions used in creating,34-37decipere:Me decipit error= 'I am making a mistake',231deductum= (1) 'composed', (2) 'finely spun, delicate',147Della Corte, F.translation and commentary ofEx Ponto(1977),51deponent verbs, perfect participle of,290differences betweenEx Ponto IVand Ovid's earlier poems from exile,9-11Donnus, ancestor of Vestalis,253editions of theEx Pontobefore Heinsius,37
Ehwald, RudolfKritische Beiträge zu Ovids Epistulae ex Ponto(1896),45-46ensisvs.gladius,309-310eques: Ovid's status as a member of the equestrian order,263Ex PontoIV a work entirely separate fromEPI-III; its structure,4-5Ex Pontovs.De Ponto: correct title of the collection,145excidit= 'I forgot',205excutere= 'examine',263Fabius Maximus,7faciedative singular offacies,343fueramequivalent to imperfect,230Gallio,7,19-20Geteablative singular ofGetes,195-196Giants' rebellion, Ovid's unfinished poem about,272-273
Gracchusvs.Graccus,461Graecinus,6-7,16,286Graiusvs.Graecus,425gratariused by the poets in place of the metrically difficultgratulari,399Harles, Theophilusedition of 1772; his discovery of manuscriptBof theEx Ponto,39Heinsius, Nicolauscentral role in the history of Ovid's text,37-38controversial emendations,41difficulty in determining preferred readings of,42-43Herodotus, Ovid's knowledge of,190,271hexameter endings, monosyllabic,175-176,323hexameter, fourth footuse of spondees,150-151
hiemps, spelling of,339-40history of this edition,iv-viiIazyges Sarmatae (Pontic tribe),246-47indices, rationale for the two,vii-viiiindirect questionsOvid's preference for subjunctive vs. indicative,391-92Propertius' indifference to subjunctive vs. indicative,392-93ingenium loci= 'difficulty of its terrain',251intended audience of this edition,iiisvs.hic,ille, andiste,319Junius Gallio,359-60