[112]Var.viii. 23.
[112]Var.viii. 23.
[113]Var.vi. 4.
[113]Var.vi. 4.
[114]Var.vi. 8.
[114]Var.vi. 8.
[115]I think the usual account of the matter is that which I have given elsewhere (Italy and her Invaders, i. 227), that the Comes had military command in the Diocese and the Dux in the Province. But on closer examination I cannot find that the Notitia altogether bears out this view. It gives us for the Western Empire eight Comites and twelve Duces. The former pretty nearly correspond to the Dioceses, but the latter are far too few for the Provinces, which number forty-two, excluding all the Provinces of Italy. Besides, in some cases the jurisdiction appears to be the same. Thus we have both a Dux and a Comes Britanniarum, and the Dux Mauritaniae Caesariensis must, one would think, have held command in a region as large or larger than the Comes Tingitaniae. Again, we have a Comes Argentoratensis and a Dux Moguntiacensis, two officers whose power, one would think, was pretty nearly equal. The same may perhaps be said of the Comes Litoris Saxonici in Britain and the Dux Tractus Armoricani et Nervicani in Gaul. While recognising ageneralinferiority of the Dux to the Comes, I do not think we can, with the Notitia before us, assert that the Provincial Duces were regularly subordinated to the Diocesan Comes, as the Provincial Consulares were to the Diocesan Vicarius. And the fact that both Comes and Dux were addressed as Spectabilis rather confirms this view.
[115]I think the usual account of the matter is that which I have given elsewhere (Italy and her Invaders, i. 227), that the Comes had military command in the Diocese and the Dux in the Province. But on closer examination I cannot find that the Notitia altogether bears out this view. It gives us for the Western Empire eight Comites and twelve Duces. The former pretty nearly correspond to the Dioceses, but the latter are far too few for the Provinces, which number forty-two, excluding all the Provinces of Italy. Besides, in some cases the jurisdiction appears to be the same. Thus we have both a Dux and a Comes Britanniarum, and the Dux Mauritaniae Caesariensis must, one would think, have held command in a region as large or larger than the Comes Tingitaniae. Again, we have a Comes Argentoratensis and a Dux Moguntiacensis, two officers whose power, one would think, was pretty nearly equal. The same may perhaps be said of the Comes Litoris Saxonici in Britain and the Dux Tractus Armoricani et Nervicani in Gaul. While recognising ageneralinferiority of the Dux to the Comes, I do not think we can, with the Notitia before us, assert that the Provincial Duces were regularly subordinated to the Diocesan Comes, as the Provincial Consulares were to the Diocesan Vicarius. And the fact that both Comes and Dux were addressed as Spectabilis rather confirms this view.
[116]Probably, from the order in which they are mentioned by the Notitia.
[116]Probably, from the order in which they are mentioned by the Notitia.
[117]Sublimis occurs in the superscription of the following letters:i. 2;iv. 17;v. 25,30, and36;ix. 11and14;xii. 5.
[117]Sublimis occurs in the superscription of the following letters:i. 2;iv. 17;v. 25,30, and36;ix. 11and14;xii. 5.
[118]See Emil Kühn's Verfassung des Römischen Reichs i. 182, and the passages quoted there.
[118]See Emil Kühn's Verfassung des Römischen Reichs i. 182, and the passages quoted there.
[119]p. 31.
[119]p. 31.
[120]To illustrate theEleventh Bookof the Variae, Letters18to35.
[120]To illustrate theEleventh Bookof the Variae, Letters18to35.
[121]SeeTable, p. 94.
[121]SeeTable, p. 94.
[122]To use a modern illustration, we might perhaps say that the Notitia Dignitatum = Whitaker's Almanac + the Army List.
[122]To use a modern illustration, we might perhaps say that the Notitia Dignitatum = Whitaker's Almanac + the Army List.
[123]See also Var.vii. 24and28.
[123]See also Var.vii. 24and28.
[124]De Mag. iii. 3, 4.
[124]De Mag. iii. 3, 4.
[125]Lydus here gives the Formula for the admission of assistants, 'et colloca eum in legione primâ adjutrice nostrâ,' which he proceeds to translate into Greek for the benefit of his readers (και ταξειας αυτον εν τω πρωτω ταγματι τω βοηθουντι 'ημιν).
[125]Lydus here gives the Formula for the admission of assistants, 'et colloca eum in legione primâ adjutrice nostrâ,' which he proceeds to translate into Greek for the benefit of his readers (και ταξειας αυτον εν τω πρωτω ταγματι τω βοηθουντι 'ημιν).
[126]I have slightly expanded a sentence here, but this is evidently the author's meaning.
[126]I have slightly expanded a sentence here, but this is evidently the author's meaning.
[127]Condensed from Lydus, De Mag. iii. 4-7.
[127]Condensed from Lydus, De Mag. iii. 4-7.
[128]Ib. iii. 22-24.
[128]Ib. iii. 22-24.
[129]This seems to be the meaning of Lydus, but it is not clearly expressed.
[129]This seems to be the meaning of Lydus, but it is not clearly expressed.
[130]There is something wanting in the text here.
[130]There is something wanting in the text here.
[131]See Cod. Theod. vi. 29. 8, which looks rather like the law alluded to by Lydus, notwithstanding his remark about its omission.
[131]See Cod. Theod. vi. 29. 8, which looks rather like the law alluded to by Lydus, notwithstanding his remark about its omission.
[132]τω κρειττονι.
[132]τω κρειττονι.
[133]εκ του βαθμου.
[133]εκ του βαθμου.
[134]De Mag. iii. 25.
[134]De Mag. iii. 25.
[135]απο των λεγομενων κομπλευσιμων, apparently the same source of revenue as the promotion-money (την εκ του βαθμου προνομιαν).
[135]απο των λεγομενων κομπλευσιμων, apparently the same source of revenue as the promotion-money (την εκ του βαθμου προνομιαν).
[136]De Mag. iii. 4.
[136]De Mag. iii. 4.
[137]μετα δε τον κορνικουλαριον πριμισκρινιοι δυο, ους 'Ηλληνες πρωτους της ταξεως καλουσι.
[137]μετα δε τον κορνικουλαριον πριμισκρινιοι δυο, ους 'Ηλληνες πρωτους της ταξεως καλουσι.
[138]De Mag. iii. 11.
[138]De Mag. iii. 11.
[139]παρηει προς τους πριμισκρινιους ταξαντας εκβιβαστην τοις αποπεφασμενοις. Probably we should readταξονταςforταξαντας.
[139]παρηει προς τους πριμισκρινιους ταξαντας εκβιβαστην τοις αποπεφασμενοις. Probably we should readταξονταςforταξαντας.
[140]επληρουν δια των βοηθειν αυτοις τεταγμενων(? Adjutores).
[140]επληρουν δια των βοηθειν αυτοις τεταγμενων(? Adjutores).
[141]επι του νωτου της εντυχιας γραμμασιν αιδους αυτοθεν απασης και εξουσιας ογκω σεσοβημενοις.
[141]επι του νωτου της εντυχιας γραμμασιν αιδους αυτοθεν απασης και εξουσιας ογκω σεσοβημενοις.
[142]κομμενταρισιοι δυο ('ουτω δε τους επι των 'υπομνηματων γραφη ταττομενους 'ο νομος καλει) (iii. 4). I accept the necessary emendation of the text proposed in the Bonn edition.
[142]κομμενταρισιοι δυο ('ουτω δε τους επι των 'υπομνηματων γραφη ταττομενους 'ο νομος καλει) (iii. 4). I accept the necessary emendation of the text proposed in the Bonn edition.
[143]To avoid confusion I will use the term 'Commentariensis' throughout.
[143]To avoid confusion I will use the term 'Commentariensis' throughout.
[144]So Bethmann Hollweg (p. 179), 'Diess ist der Gehülfe des Magistrats bei Verwaltung der Criminaljustiz.' I compare him in the following translation of Cassiodorus to a 'magistrate's clerk.'
[144]So Bethmann Hollweg (p. 179), 'Diess ist der Gehülfe des Magistrats bei Verwaltung der Criminaljustiz.' I compare him in the following translation of Cassiodorus to a 'magistrate's clerk.'
[145]See iii. 9 (p. 203, ed. Bonn), and combine with iii. 16. TheAugustalesreferred to in the latter passage were a higher class of Exceptores.
[145]See iii. 9 (p. 203, ed. Bonn), and combine with iii. 16. TheAugustalesreferred to in the latter passage were a higher class of Exceptores.
[146]Applicitarii, Clavicularii, Lictores.
[146]Applicitarii, Clavicularii, Lictores.
[147]σιδηρεοις δεσμοις και ποιναιων οργανων και πληκτρων ποικιλια σαλευοντων τω φοβω το δικαστηριον(iii. 16).
[147]σιδηρεοις δεσμοις και ποιναιων οργανων και πληκτρων ποικιλια σαλευοντων τω φοβω το δικαστηριον(iii. 16).
[148]και κοινωνησαντος αυτω της βασιλειας.
[148]και κοινωνησαντος αυτω της βασιλειας.
[149]'οτε Κωαδης 'ο Περσης εφλεγμαινε. The whole passage is mysterious, but we seem to have here an allusion to the outbreak of the Persian War (a.d.502).
[149]'οτε Κωαδης 'ο Περσης εφλεγμαινε. The whole passage is mysterious, but we seem to have here an allusion to the outbreak of the Persian War (a.d.502).
[150]iii. 17 (p. 210).
[150]iii. 17 (p. 210).
[151]Var.xi. 22.
[151]Var.xi. 22.
[152]This seems to be Bethmann Hollweg's view (p. 181).
[152]This seems to be Bethmann Hollweg's view (p. 181).
[153]This we learn from iii. 20. They are not mentioned in iii. 4, where we should have expected to find them.
[153]This we learn from iii. 20. They are not mentioned in iii. 4, where we should have expected to find them.
[154]'εξ ανδρες εραστοι και νουνεχεστατοι και σφριγωντες ετι(Lydus iii. 20).
[154]'εξ ανδρες εραστοι και νουνεχεστατοι και σφριγωντες ετι(Lydus iii. 20).
[155]'ρεγεστων η κοττιδιανων (αντι του εφημερων).
[155]'ρεγεστων η κοττιδιανων (αντι του εφημερων).
[156]Ιταλιστι. Of course the emphasis laid on this point proceeds from the Greek nationality of our present authority.
[156]Ιταλιστι. Of course the emphasis laid on this point proceeds from the Greek nationality of our present authority.
[157]σαβανον= a towel.
[157]σαβανον= a towel.
[158]Except, as before stated, those in the office of the Praetorian Praefect for Illyricum. These were four in number, and one of them had charge of 'gold,' another of '[public] works.' Further information is requisite to enable us to explain these entries.
[158]Except, as before stated, those in the office of the Praetorian Praefect for Illyricum. These were four in number, and one of them had charge of 'gold,' another of '[public] works.' Further information is requisite to enable us to explain these entries.
[159]They are alluded to in Var.xii. 13. The Canonicarii (Tax-collectors) had plundered the Churches of Bruttii and Lucania in the name of 'sedis nostrae Numerarii;' but the Numerarii with holy horror declared that they had received no part of the spoils.
[159]They are alluded to in Var.xii. 13. The Canonicarii (Tax-collectors) had plundered the Churches of Bruttii and Lucania in the name of 'sedis nostrae Numerarii;' but the Numerarii with holy horror declared that they had received no part of the spoils.
[160]See Bethmann Hollweg, 184.
[160]See Bethmann Hollweg, 184.
[161]Illustres and Spectabiles.
[161]Illustres and Spectabiles.
[162]xi. 24.
[162]xi. 24.
[163]This is Bethmann Hollweg's interpretation of the words of Lydus,'οι τας μεν επι τοις δημοσιοις φοιτωσας ψηφους γραφουσι μονον, το λοιπον καταφρονουμενοι(iii. 21). In another passage (iii. 4, 5) Lydus appears to assign a reason for the fact that the Praefectus Urbis Constantinopolitanae, the Magister Militum, and the Magister Officiorum had noCura Epistolarumon their staff; but the paragraph is to me hopelessly obscure. Curiously enough, too, while he avers that every department of the State (perhaps every diocese) had, as a rule, its own Curae Epistolarum, he limits the two in the Praetorian Praefect's office to the diocese of Pontica (κουρα επιστολαρουμ Ποντικης δυο).
[163]This is Bethmann Hollweg's interpretation of the words of Lydus,'οι τας μεν επι τοις δημοσιοις φοιτωσας ψηφους γραφουσι μονον, το λοιπον καταφρονουμενοι(iii. 21). In another passage (iii. 4, 5) Lydus appears to assign a reason for the fact that the Praefectus Urbis Constantinopolitanae, the Magister Militum, and the Magister Officiorum had noCura Epistolarumon their staff; but the paragraph is to me hopelessly obscure. Curiously enough, too, while he avers that every department of the State (perhaps every diocese) had, as a rule, its own Curae Epistolarum, he limits the two in the Praetorian Praefect's office to the diocese of Pontica (κουρα επιστολαρουμ Ποντικης δυο).
[164]The first form of the name is found in the Notitia, the second in Lydus and Cassiodorus.
[164]The first form of the name is found in the Notitia, the second in Lydus and Cassiodorus.
[165]It is not easy to make out exactly what Lydus wishes us to understand about the Cursus Publicus; but I think his statements amount to this, that it was taken by Arcadius from the Praetorian Praefect and given to the Magister Officiorum, was afterwards restored to the Praefect, and finally was in effect destroyed by the corrupt administration of John of Cappadocia. (See ii. 10; iii. 21, 61.)
[165]It is not easy to make out exactly what Lydus wishes us to understand about the Cursus Publicus; but I think his statements amount to this, that it was taken by Arcadius from the Praetorian Praefect and given to the Magister Officiorum, was afterwards restored to the Praefect, and finally was in effect destroyed by the corrupt administration of John of Cappadocia. (See ii. 10; iii. 21, 61.)
[166]Theταχυγραφοιof Lydus.
[166]Theταχυγραφοιof Lydus.
[167]In making this statement I consider the Adjutores to be virtually another class of Exceptores, and I purposely omit the Singularii as not belonging to theMilitia Litterata, which alone I am now considering.
[167]In making this statement I consider the Adjutores to be virtually another class of Exceptores, and I purposely omit the Singularii as not belonging to theMilitia Litterata, which alone I am now considering.
[168]iii. 6, 9.
[168]iii. 6, 9.
[169]I think this is a fair summary of Lydus iii. 9 and 10, but these paragraphs are very difficult and obscure.
[169]I think this is a fair summary of Lydus iii. 9 and 10, but these paragraphs are very difficult and obscure.
[170]We should certainly have expected that the Augustales would be those writers who were specially appropriated to the Emperor's service, but the other conclusion necessarily follows from the language of Lydus (iii. 10):'ωστε και πεντεκαιδεκα εξ αυτων των πεπανωτερων πειρα τε και τω χρονω κρειττονων προς 'υπογραφην τοις βασιλευσιν αφορισθηναι, ους ετι και νυν δηπουτατους καλουσιν, 'οι του ταγματος των Αυγουσταλιων πρωτευουσιν.
[170]We should certainly have expected that the Augustales would be those writers who were specially appropriated to the Emperor's service, but the other conclusion necessarily follows from the language of Lydus (iii. 10):'ωστε και πεντεκαιδεκα εξ αυτων των πεπανωτερων πειρα τε και τω χρονω κρειττονων προς 'υπογραφην τοις βασιλευσιν αφορισθηναι, ους ετι και νυν δηπουτατους καλουσιν, 'οι του ταγματος των Αυγουσταλιων πρωτευουσιν.
[171]The form of the word must I think prevent us from applying the PrincepsAugustorumofxi. 35to the same class of officers.
[171]The form of the word must I think prevent us from applying the PrincepsAugustorumofxi. 35to the same class of officers.
[172]τους επι ταις λογικαις τεταγμενους λειτουργιαις(Lydus iii. 7).Περας μεν 'οδε των λογικων της ταξεως συστηματων(iii. 21). The 'Learned Service' may be taken as corresponding to 'a post fit for a gentleman,' in modern phraseology. In our present Official Directories the members of theλογικη ταξιςappear to be all dignified with the title 'Esq.;' the others have only 'Mr.'
[172]τους επι ταις λογικαις τεταγμενους λειτουργιαις(Lydus iii. 7).Περας μεν 'οδε των λογικων της ταξεως συστηματων(iii. 21). The 'Learned Service' may be taken as corresponding to 'a post fit for a gentleman,' in modern phraseology. In our present Official Directories the members of theλογικη ταξιςappear to be all dignified with the title 'Esq.;' the others have only 'Mr.'
[173]Occidentis ix. 15.
[173]Occidentis ix. 15.
[174]In Var.xi. 6, which see.
[174]In Var.xi. 6, which see.
[175]iii. 36, 37.
[175]iii. 36, 37.
[176]About twelve shillings.
[176]About twelve shillings.
[177]This derivation from casses is, of course, absurd.
[177]This derivation from casses is, of course, absurd.
[178]Can this be the meaning ofεις πληθος?
[178]Can this be the meaning ofεις πληθος?
[179]Κομποφακελλορρημοσυνη= Pomp-bundle-wordiness, an Aristophanic word.
[179]Κομποφακελλορρημοσυνη= Pomp-bundle-wordiness, an Aristophanic word.
[180]De Dignitatibus iii. 7.
[180]De Dignitatibus iii. 7.
[181]Var.xi. 31.
[181]Var.xi. 31.
[182]This seems a probable explanation of a rather obscure passage.
[182]This seems a probable explanation of a rather obscure passage.
[183]See the following sections of the Notitia: Magister Militum Praesentatis (Oriens v. 74, vi. 77; Occidens v. 281, vi. 93); M.M. per Orientem (Or. vii. 67); M.M. per Thracias (Or. viii. 61); M.M. per Illyricum (Or. ix. 56); Magister Equitum per Gallias (Occ. vii. 117). The only civil officer who has Apparitores is the Proconsul Achaiae (Oriens xxi. 14).
[183]See the following sections of the Notitia: Magister Militum Praesentatis (Oriens v. 74, vi. 77; Occidens v. 281, vi. 93); M.M. per Orientem (Or. vii. 67); M.M. per Thracias (Or. viii. 61); M.M. per Illyricum (Or. ix. 56); Magister Equitum per Gallias (Occ. vii. 117). The only civil officer who has Apparitores is the Proconsul Achaiae (Oriens xxi. 14).
[184]This edition is described by Dibdin (Bibliotheca Spenceriana iii. 244-5).
[184]This edition is described by Dibdin (Bibliotheca Spenceriana iii. 244-5).
[185]p. 492.
[185]p. 492.
[186]See Usener, p. 32.
[186]See Usener, p. 32.
[187]Compare Marquardt (Römische Staatsverwaltung ii. 237). He remarks that the Indiction seems to have been first adopted in Egypt, and did not come into universal use all over the Empire till the end of the Fourth Century.
[187]Compare Marquardt (Römische Staatsverwaltung ii. 237). He remarks that the Indiction seems to have been first adopted in Egypt, and did not come into universal use all over the Empire till the end of the Fourth Century.
[188]The Twelfth Century, according to Marquardt.
[188]The Twelfth Century, according to Marquardt.
[189]Vol. ii. pp. 214-216. See his remarks, p. 210: 'The Indictions in Marcellinus and in the Tables of Du Fresnoy are compared with the Consulship and the Julian year in which they end. In the following Table they are compared with the year in which they begin, because the years of the Christian era are here made the measure of the rest, and contain the beginnings of all the other epochs.'
[189]Vol. ii. pp. 214-216. See his remarks, p. 210: 'The Indictions in Marcellinus and in the Tables of Du Fresnoy are compared with the Consulship and the Julian year in which they end. In the following Table they are compared with the year in which they begin, because the years of the Christian era are here made the measure of the rest, and contain the beginnings of all the other epochs.'
[190]Var.xi. 6.
[190]Var.xi. 6.
[191]Var.xii. 22.
[191]Var.xii. 22.
[192]Translated in full.
[192]Translated in full.
[193]'Alii furiosa contentionum seditione circumdant.' This is probably meant to describe turbulent Goths.
[193]'Alii furiosa contentionum seditione circumdant.' This is probably meant to describe turbulent Goths.
[194]ου χρη παννυχιον ευδειν βουληφορον ανδρα(Il. ii. 24).
[194]ου χρη παννυχιον ευδειν βουληφορον ανδρα(Il. ii. 24).
[195]'Quia non sufficit agenda militibus imperare, nisi haec Judicis assiduitas videatur exigere.'
[195]'Quia non sufficit agenda militibus imperare, nisi haec Judicis assiduitas videatur exigere.'
[196]'Addimus etiam quod frequenter Quaesturae vicibus ingravato otii tempus adimit crebra cogitatio, et velut mediocribus fascibus insudanti, illa tibi de aliis honoribus principes videntur imponere, quae proprii Judices nequeunt explicare.' This is probably the clearest account that is anywhere given of the peculiar and somewhat undefined position held by Cassiodorus during the greater part of the reign of Theodoric.
[196]'Addimus etiam quod frequenter Quaesturae vicibus ingravato otii tempus adimit crebra cogitatio, et velut mediocribus fascibus insudanti, illa tibi de aliis honoribus principes videntur imponere, quae proprii Judices nequeunt explicare.' This is probably the clearest account that is anywhere given of the peculiar and somewhat undefined position held by Cassiodorus during the greater part of the reign of Theodoric.
[197]'Regum quinetiam gloriosa colloquia pro magnâ diei parte in bonum publicum te occupare noverunt.' It is difficult to translate the expressive term, 'gloriosa colloquia.'
[197]'Regum quinetiam gloriosa colloquia pro magnâ diei parte in bonum publicum te occupare noverunt.' It is difficult to translate the expressive term, 'gloriosa colloquia.'
[198]'Ut fastidium sit otiosis exspectare quae tu continuo labore cognosceris sustinere.' I cannot translate this literally.
[198]'Ut fastidium sit otiosis exspectare quae tu continuo labore cognosceris sustinere.' I cannot translate this literally.
[199]'Rudes viros et ad Rempublicam consciâ facundiâ praeparatos.' Surely some negative has dropped out of the latter clause.
[199]'Rudes viros et ad Rempublicam consciâ facundiâ praeparatos.' Surely some negative has dropped out of the latter clause.
[200]'Tu enim illos assumpsisti verâ laude describere, et quodammodo historico colore depingere.'
[200]'Tu enim illos assumpsisti verâ laude describere, et quodammodo historico colore depingere.'
[201]'Contingit enim dissimilem filium plerumque generari, oratio dispar moribus vix potest inveniri.'
[201]'Contingit enim dissimilem filium plerumque generari, oratio dispar moribus vix potest inveniri.'
[202]'Duodecim libris Gothorum historiamdefloratis prosperitatibuscondidisti.' By an extraordinary error this sentence has been interpreted to mean that Cassiodorus wrote his history of the Goths after their prosperity had faded; and some writers have accordingly laboured, quite hopelessly, to bring down the composition of the Gothic History to a late period in the reign of Athalaric. It is perfectly clear from many passages that Cassiodorus uses 'deflorare' in the sense of 'picking flowers,' 'culling a nosegay.' See Historia Tripartita, Preface (twice); De Instit. Divin. Litterarum, cap. xxx; and De Orthographiâ, cap. ii (title). I doubt not that careful search would discover many more instances. It is only strange to me that Cassiodorus should, by the words 'defloratisprosperitatibus,' so naïvely confess the one-sided character of his history.
[202]'Duodecim libris Gothorum historiamdefloratis prosperitatibuscondidisti.' By an extraordinary error this sentence has been interpreted to mean that Cassiodorus wrote his history of the Goths after their prosperity had faded; and some writers have accordingly laboured, quite hopelessly, to bring down the composition of the Gothic History to a late period in the reign of Athalaric. It is perfectly clear from many passages that Cassiodorus uses 'deflorare' in the sense of 'picking flowers,' 'culling a nosegay.' See Historia Tripartita, Preface (twice); De Instit. Divin. Litterarum, cap. xxx; and De Orthographiâ, cap. ii (title). I doubt not that careful search would discover many more instances. It is only strange to me that Cassiodorus should, by the words 'defloratisprosperitatibus,' so naïvely confess the one-sided character of his history.
[203]The editors waver between 'quod est in edicto' and 'quod est in edito (constitutum).'
[203]The editors waver between 'quod est in edicto' and 'quod est in edito (constitutum).'
[204]'Vos totius orbis salutare praesidium, quod caeteri dominantes jure suspiciunt quia in vobis singulare aliquid inesse cognoscunt.' 'Suspiciunt' seems to give a better sense than the other reading, 'suscipiunt.'
[204]'Vos totius orbis salutare praesidium, quod caeteri dominantes jure suspiciunt quia in vobis singulare aliquid inesse cognoscunt.' 'Suspiciunt' seems to give a better sense than the other reading, 'suscipiunt.'
[205]'Quia in vobis singulare aliquid inesse cognoscunt.'
[205]'Quia in vobis singulare aliquid inesse cognoscunt.'
[206]'Illum atque illum.' I shall always render this phrase (which shows that Cassiodorus had not preserved the names of the ambassadors) as above.
[206]'Illum atque illum.' I shall always render this phrase (which shows that Cassiodorus had not preserved the names of the ambassadors) as above.
[207]'Quia pati vos non credimus, inter utrasque Respublicas, quarum semper unum corpus sub antiquis principibus fuisse declaratur, aliquid discordiae permanere.'
[207]'Quia pati vos non credimus, inter utrasque Respublicas, quarum semper unum corpus sub antiquis principibus fuisse declaratur, aliquid discordiae permanere.'
[208]'Pomâ meute deposcimus ne suspendatis a nobis mansuetudinis vestrae gloriosissimam caritatem.'
[208]'Pomâ meute deposcimus ne suspendatis a nobis mansuetudinis vestrae gloriosissimam caritatem.'
[209]For some remarks on the date of this letter, see Introduction,p. 23. The mention of interrupted peace, which evidently requires not mere estrangement but an actual state of war, points to the year 505, when Sabinian, the general of Anastasius, was defeated by the Ostrogoths and their allies at Horrea Margi; or to 508, when the Imperial fleet made a raid on the coast of Apulia, as probable dates for the composition of the letter. Its place at the beginning of the Variae does not at all imply priority in date to the letters which follow it. It was evidently Cassiodorus' method to put in the forefront of every book in his collection a letter to an Emperor or King, or other great personage.As for the tone of the letter, and the exact character of the relation between the Courts of Ravenna and Constantinople which is indicated by it, there is room for a wide divergence of opinion. To me it does not seem to bear out Justinian's contention (recorded by Procopius, De Bello Gotthico ii. 6) that Theodoric ruled Italy as the Emperor's lieutenant. Under all the apparent deference and affectation of humility the language seems to me to be substantially that of one equal addressing another, older and with a somewhat more assured position, but still an equal.
[209]For some remarks on the date of this letter, see Introduction,p. 23. The mention of interrupted peace, which evidently requires not mere estrangement but an actual state of war, points to the year 505, when Sabinian, the general of Anastasius, was defeated by the Ostrogoths and their allies at Horrea Margi; or to 508, when the Imperial fleet made a raid on the coast of Apulia, as probable dates for the composition of the letter. Its place at the beginning of the Variae does not at all imply priority in date to the letters which follow it. It was evidently Cassiodorus' method to put in the forefront of every book in his collection a letter to an Emperor or King, or other great personage.
As for the tone of the letter, and the exact character of the relation between the Courts of Ravenna and Constantinople which is indicated by it, there is room for a wide divergence of opinion. To me it does not seem to bear out Justinian's contention (recorded by Procopius, De Bello Gotthico ii. 6) that Theodoric ruled Italy as the Emperor's lieutenant. Under all the apparent deference and affectation of humility the language seems to me to be substantially that of one equal addressing another, older and with a somewhat more assured position, but still an equal.
[210]Otranto.
[210]Otranto.
[211]Vernans.
[211]Vernans.
[212]Blatta.
[212]Blatta.
[213]I presume the same as Hydruntum (Otranto).
[213]I presume the same as Hydruntum (Otranto).
[214]Father of the Author.
[214]Father of the Author.
[215]'In ipso quippe imperii nostri devotus exordio, cum adhuc fluctuantibus rebus provinciarum corda vagarentur, et negligi rudem dominum novitas ipsa pateretur.'
[215]'In ipso quippe imperii nostri devotus exordio, cum adhuc fluctuantibus rebus provinciarum corda vagarentur, et negligi rudem dominum novitas ipsa pateretur.'
[216]Father of Cassiodorus Senator.
[216]Father of Cassiodorus Senator.
[217]Grandfather of Cassiodorus Senator.
[217]Grandfather of Cassiodorus Senator.
[218]Great-grandfather of Cassiodorus Senator.
[218]Great-grandfather of Cassiodorus Senator.
[219]'Nec aliqua probatur appellatione suspensa.'
[219]'Nec aliqua probatur appellatione suspensa.'
[220]'Et venis colludentibus illigata naturalem faciem laudabiliter mentiantur.'
[220]'Et venis colludentibus illigata naturalem faciem laudabiliter mentiantur.'
[221]'Neotherium fratrem suum, affectum germanitatis oblitum,bona parvuli hostili furore lacerasse.'
[221]'Neotherium fratrem suum, affectum germanitatis oblitum,bona parvuli hostili furore lacerasse.'
[222]'Nihil enim in tali honore temeraria cogitatione praesumendum est, ubi si proposito creditur, etiam tacitus ab excessibus excusatur. Manifesta proinde crimina in talibus vix capiunt fidem. Quidquid autem ex invidia dicitur, veritas non putatur.'
[222]'Nihil enim in tali honore temeraria cogitatione praesumendum est, ubi si proposito creditur, etiam tacitus ab excessibus excusatur. Manifesta proinde crimina in talibus vix capiunt fidem. Quidquid autem ex invidia dicitur, veritas non putatur.'
[223]If the MSS. are correctly represented in the printed editions, the name of the author of the Consolation of Philosophy was spelt Boetius in the Variae. There can be little doubt however that Boethius is the more correct form, and this is the form given us in the Anecdoton Holderi.
[223]If the MSS. are correctly represented in the printed editions, the name of the author of the Consolation of Philosophy was spelt Boetius in the Variae. There can be little doubt however that Boethius is the more correct form, and this is the form given us in the Anecdoton Holderi.
[224]Why are these called 'Domestici patres equitum et peditum?'
[224]Why are these called 'Domestici patres equitum et peditum?'
[225]Perhaps the name really was Eugenes, -etis. See Var.viii. 19, and Ennodii, Epist. iv. 26.
[225]Perhaps the name really was Eugenes, -etis. See Var.viii. 19, and Ennodii, Epist. iv. 26.
[226]'Pio principi sub quodam sacerdotio serviatur.' Cf. Claudian, 'Nunquam libertas gratior exstat quamsub rege pio.'
[226]'Pio principi sub quodam sacerdotio serviatur.' Cf. Claudian, 'Nunquam libertas gratior exstat quamsub rege pio.'
[227]'Ut quantum eos minus vendidisse constiterit, de reliquis primae indictionis habita moderatione detrahatis.'
[227]'Ut quantum eos minus vendidisse constiterit, de reliquis primae indictionis habita moderatione detrahatis.'
[228]'Durissimae mansiones.'
[228]'Durissimae mansiones.'
[229]'Ex quo, Deo propitio, Sonti fluenta transmisimus ubi primum Italiae nos suscepit imperium.'
[229]'Ex quo, Deo propitio, Sonti fluenta transmisimus ubi primum Italiae nos suscepit imperium.'